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Oxford University Press Warbiiousb 

AMEN Corner, E.C. 










W. M. RAMSAY, D.C.L., LL.D. 

« & . • 

Hon, Member Arch, Soc. Athens ; formerly Fellow of Exeter atid of Lincoln 
College, Oxford; Professor of Humanity, Aberdeen ; formerly i 

Professor of Classical Archaeology, Oxford 


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The acknowledgement of indebtedness to many scholars and friends 
in the Preface to Part I applies equally to Part II. I have to add 
a special expression of gratitude (i) to Mr. Head and the other officials 
of the Numismatic Department in the British Museum, together with 
M. Imhoof-Blumer, whose help has often guided me to truth or 
saved me from error: (a) to M. S. Beinach's Chroniquea dOri&nt 
which I have used far more than the quotations would suggest (for he 
has very oflen guided me to obscure sources of knowledge): (3) to 
M. Radet, whose study En Phrygie^ acute and ingenious like all his 
work, was published after Part I was out of my hands. I have 
learned more from M. Badet's essay than from any other book on 
Phrygia with the single exception of Hamilton's Travels ; but Hamil- 
ton is the prince of travellers in Asia Minor. While M. Badet seems 
to me in several cases to reason on incorrect principles ^ in topography 
(in which department he appears to me less successful than in history), 
and while the subject often assumes under his treatment a show of 
simplicity, which is attained by leaving all the difficulties out of 
sight, yet in a number of cases I have had the pleasure of following 
his views, sometimes unreservedly, sometimes with modifications in 
details. If I have conjoined this acceptance of some views with 
absolute refusal of others, I hope that the reasoned and free-spoken 
criticism by which the refusal is justified will be taken by him as at 
least proving that I have deliberated carefully before dissenting ^. 

^ See pp. 580 n., 634 n., 635, &c. jecting many of his older viows lies in 

' M. Radet^B firm belief, reiterated in determined prejudice, is hardly worthy 

his review of my Part I {Rev. Univ, Midi of him : see also his words quoted 

II p. 1 1 5), that my sole motive for re- Part I p. zvi note. 


The second part of this work ig, I hope and believe, better than 
the first: it treats of more important subjects, e.g. Apameia and 
the Christian Antiquities, and it was written and printed in more 
favourable circumstances. Part I was set up from the MS. in pages, 
and hence improvement of the text was not possible except in a 
very limited degree : of Part II I had proofs in slips, so that 
additions and explanations could be incorporated. Part I was 
nearly completed before Oct. 1893, a whole year was spent in im- 
proving the ponderous MS., and the pages were corrected Dec. 1894 
to Febr. 1895, when I had lost command of the subject during 
the long interval since writing, and was immersed in college duties. 
Every sentence of Part II has been written (or rewritten) since 
May I, 1896; and tho correction of the early chapters was contem- 
poraneous with tho composition of later chapters, so that the whole 
subject was fresh and complete before me. I have also had most 
valuable help from Mr. J. G. C. Anderson, Wilson Fellow, Aberdeen, 
and Craven Fellow, Oxford; and Mr. A. Soutor, Caius College, Cam- 
bridge, has again aided rae with many useful suggestions, and compiled 
the index. 

The two parts do not cover nearly half the territory of Phrygia, 
but they form probably the larger half of the book. Few cities remain 
which will furnish much material for discussion (unless excavations 
are made before the book is concluded) ; and only one large subject 
awaits treatment, viz, the art and monuments of the old Phrygian 
kingdom. In Northern Phr3-gia I expect material aid from Dr. Korte 
and Dr. Preger, and in Western Phrygia from Dr. Buresch ', if (as 
I hope) their explorations are published soon, 

I take this opportunity of confessing a fault. In 1 883 the plan of . 
operations which had been agreed upon between M, Foucart, Director 
of the £coIe Franjaise d'Athfenes, and myself, at his suggestion, was 
disturbed by the sudden illness of one of the two travellers sent out 
by M, Foucart ; and the other followed tho line which had been 
marked out for me. This was, as I am sure, done through pure 
inadvertence by the less experienced of the two French scholars. The 
result was that through considerable part of our first journey (begin- 
ning in May) we heard in many villages that a French traveller had 
come there a week or two before us ; but I refused to believe that he 

HiB premature death ia a great sorrow and loss. 


was a travelling student of the ^ole Fran9aise, until, when I reached 
Smyrna in July after a journey of ten weeks, I found the Bulletin 
de Correapondance ffeU^nique with an article containing the best 
set of inscriptions which we had found. I received the impression 
that my journey had been wasted, and that the Asia Minor Fund, 
which had been raised to enable me to travel, had been spent in vain. 
I can now smile at my own apprehensions ; but at the time I thought 
that the Fund and I had been ruined. In the Academy of August, 
1883, a letter from me was published, criticizing with unjustifiable 
asperity the article in the BvMetin. I have for many years re- 
gretted deeply that I wrote that letter ; I had been received at the 
French School of Athens with kindness unusual at that time (though 
it is now customary, as I understand) ; and, at least, I ought to have 
first written privately to the Director. In extenuation I may plead 
that I had only a week in Smyrna to spend between two long 
journeys, and that the fever from which I suffered much weakens 
the system and sharpens the sense of injustice or neglect. I can 
now only record my regret and apology ^. 

My punishment has lain in the writing of my Historical Geography 
and of the present work. The inadequacies and errors which are 
found in them as discovery progresses offend every one : and few 
will remember more than the faults. Through the newer maps, and 
in other ways, the results that are proved beyond dispute pass into 
the stock of common knowledge, whose origin none remember : the 
views which are less certain (some of which, as I know well, must 
prove erroneous) are the only ones that are associated with the 
author's name. I might mention many places where views first 
stated by me are adopted, but the only reference to me is to express 
dissent from some detail. That is the way of the world; and 
I mention it, not to complain, but merely in justification of this large 
work, which would grow to double the size, if I were guided by 
critics, who blame my omissions. Even this book overtaxes my 
unaided strength amid college duties. 

Critics who add to or correct my work are true friends ; but the 
value of their help is sometimes impaired, (i) Many blame me 
for not holding some view, which I advocated 6 or la years ago. 

* In 1884, on the advice of M. Wad- him, which, it was hoped, might pro- 
dington, I wrote a letter, approved by duce peace. It had the opposite effect. 


and Eirterwards ab&ndoned owing to the progreBs of knowledge. 
(2) Sometimes my views are combat«d and rejected for reasons which 
are entirely or partially erroneous, springing from inBuffieient know- 
ledge of the country and the obscurity of this whole subject ^. Yet, 
when I point out the erroneousness of such statements, some of my 
foreign critics inveigh in no measured terms against my malignity in 
trying to belittle others, who write on the same subject. (3) After 
I have examined minutely almost every village and comer of a 
district, and concluded that the only ancient sites were at certain 
places, critics, who have seen the district either not at all or insuf- 
ficiently, suggest in a casual way that the sites are at villages which 
I have rejected as purely modern. (4) The subject is in process of 
growth, and many of my views have rested on mere balancing of 
probabilities. In such cases the subjective element is marked by 
the use of the first person ; but this personal form of expression, 
which is really a danger flag warning the reader not to take subjective 
estimate for objective scientific certainty, is blamed by many English 
critics as an egotistic piece of self-assertion. The present part con- 
tains less of this element, because ceii.aii'ty is oftener reached ; and 
there would be still less of it, were it not that M. Eadet's ingenious 
study En Pkrygie warns me that some opinions, which I was inclined 
to treat aa certain, were not so esteemed by all. 

If the views stated in Ch. XII, XVIf, are even approximately cor- 
rect, the Christian Antiquities of Phrygia will no longer be a field 
for vague guessing : especially the ' North -Galatian Theory ' of St. Paul's 
travels will be banished from scientific works, and the Christian 
origin of the ' Grabschrift des Aberkioa ' will cease to be a matter of 
controversy. Two additional notes, pp. 788, 790, mention newer dis- 
coveries in confirmation of the views in these two chapters. 

In the chapters on Christian Antiquities my obligation to M. Le 
Blant is, I hope, clearly marked : I have ofttin quoted from him 
opinions which I might have founded on the original documents 
published by De Rossi ; but here and always I have preferred to 
quote, whci-ever possible, in proof that my opinions are not a prion 
theories, but the natural infei'ences which the facta demand. Caesar's 

mple from a review, other- 
e well-informed and judicious, ( 
on p. 787, I ehoiilJ be grateful for iiny 

real additions to my lists of biahopa, 
which are far from complete. 


useful work on the dating of Christian Inscriptions and Dietriches 
fantastic paper on Aberkios reached me after my pages were sent to 
press. On the latter, see p. 788. 

After Part I left my hands, occurred the sad death of Prof. O. 
Hirschfeld. Few could feel more regret than I did at his death ; for 
I had always hoped he might learn that he had no ground for his 
accusations of gross plagiarism, which prevented any direct com- 
munication between us. I take no blame for having used without 
acknowledgement the work of any recent explorer : I have been 
scrupulously careful in that respect, however careless I may have 
been in some ways. I believe that the dread disease to which 
Hirschfeld fell a victim caused some morbid misconceptions on his 
part (a symptom of the disease) ; and, if I had properly realized that 
probability, I might have been able to do more than I tried in the 
way of removing them. Personal acquaintance would probably have 
prevented the mutual misunderstanding, which will be to me a lasting 
regret. Any traveller in Asia Minor is my valued friend, if he will 
allow me to say so. 

On the maps see preface to Part L In the general maps, many 
details are omitted, in order to bring others out more clearly. I hoped 
at one time to give detaUed maps for every district (similar to that 
at p. 353) ; but the sum allotted for illustrations must be economized^ 
until the chapters on Phrygian Art are finished. At present I usually 
follow Kiepert, sometimes unwillingly. 

The list of inscriptions does not profess to be complete : it gives the 
authorities for statements in the text. K Mi*. Hogarth had not been 
prevented (to my great regret) from executing his former design of 
publishing all the inscriptions of the Asia Minor Exploration Fund« 
I should have refeiTed to his work for all epigraphic texts. The 
classification is sometimes faulty^ having been necessarily made before 
the text was written. 

It is intended to give full indices at the end of the completed work. 

I am much indebted to the care of the Press reader. 







$ 1. Foundation and Situation p. 353. $ 2. The Religion of Eumeneia p. 356. 
§ 3. Early History and Monuments of the YaUey p. 360. $ 4. History and 
Monuments of Eumeneia p. 364. $ 5. Magistrates and Government p. 368. 
S 6. Encroachment of the Central Government p. 369. $ 7. Tribes and 
People p. 371. S 8. The Turkish Conquest p. 372. 
Appendices : I. Inscriptions p. 374. II. Bishops p. 395. 

Apameia 396 

$ 1. Situation p. 396. $ 2. The Rivers of Apameia-Kelainai p. 397. $ 8. 
Marsyas (Katarrhaktes) p. 399. $ 4. Thorma p. 401. § 5. Orgas p. 404. $ 6. 
Maeander p. 405. $ 7. The Laugher and the Weeper p. 407. § 8. Obrimas 
p. 408. S 9. Aulokreno p. 409. § 10. Early History of Kelainai p. 41 2. $ 11 . 
Historical Myths p. 414. § 12. Kelainai under Lydian Rule p. 416. § 18. 
I^elainai under the Persians p. 418. $ 14. Eumenes and the great Land- 
holders p. 419. $ 15. Kelainai and Apameia p. 420. $ 16. The Pergamenian 
and Roman Conquest p. 422. § 17. The Romans in Apameia p. 424. § 18. 
Apameia under the Roman Republic p. 427. § 19. Apameia under the 
Empire p. 428. § 20. Public Buildings, (i) Stadium p. 431. (2) Theatre 
P> 43'* (3) ^® Painted Stoa p. 431. (4) Sepulchral Monuments p. 434. $ 21. 
National and Imperial Cultus p. 434. $ 22. Popular Assemblies, Societies, 
and Guilds, (i) Senate, Dekaprotoi p. 437. (2) Demos p. 437. (3) Gerousia 
p. 438. (4) Epheboi, Neoi p. 440. (5) Guilds p. 440. § 28. Magistrates and 
Officials, (i) Strategoi p. 441. (2) Grammateus p. 441. (3) Argyrotamias 
p. 441. (4) Panegyriarch p. 442. (5) Seitones p. 442. (6) Gymnasiarch p. 443. 
(7) Ephebarch p. 444. (8) Other Officials p. 444. $ 24. Apameia in the 
Byzantine Period p. 445. § 25. The Turkish Conquest p. 446. § 26. Territory 
of Apameia. (i) Limits p. 447. (2) Aurokra p. 449. (3) Samsado-Kome 

P- 450- 

Appendices : I. The Apamean Rivers p. 451. II. Inscriptions of Apameia 

and Aurokra p. 457. III. Aurokra p. 48a IV. Bishops of Apameia 

and Aurokra p. 482. V. Maps of Apameia and Eumeneia p. 483. 



The Ghbistiaiv Inscbiptions of South-westebn Phbtqia . . 484 

% 1. Ghrifitians and Pagans p. 484. % 2. Criteria of Christian Epitaphs p. 488. 
% 8. Christian Names p. 491. % i. Christian Titles, Sentiments and 
Expressions p. 494. § 5. The Beckoning with God p. 496. % 6. Other 
Formulae against Violation of the Tomb p. 498. % 7. Seoond Century 
Christian Epitaphs p. 499. % 8. Eumeneia in the Third Century p. 50a. 
§ 9. The Massacre by Diocletian p. 505. % 10. Diffusion of Christianity in 
S.W. Phrygia p. 509. 

Appendix : Christian Inscriptions, (i) Eumeneia p. 5x4. (a) Apameia 
P* 533* (3) Lampe and Siblia p. 539. (4) Hyrgalean District p. 540. (5) 
Lycos Valley p. 54a. (6) S.W. Frontier Lands p. 554. (7) Tnganopolis p. 558. 
(8) Pepouza p. 558. (9) Sebaste, &c. p. 560. (10) Akmonia, &c. p. 56a. 

The Bakaz-ova 569 

% 1. G^eographical Character p. 569. § 2. Pepouza p. 575, % 8. Bria p. 576. 
% 4. The Horse-Road to the East p. 579. § 5. Sebaste p. 581. % 6. The 
Komai of Sebaste p, 58a. § 7. Aloudda p. 585. § 8. Nais p. 587. % 9. The 
North-Eastem Trade Route and Klannoudda p. 588. % 10. Blaundos p. 591. 
§ 11. Hysotimolos p. 59a. % 12. Alia p. 59a. % 13. Keramon-Agora p. 595. 
§ 14. Trajanopolis p. 595. § 15. Leonnaia or Leonna p. 597. % 16. The 
Turkish Conquest p. 598. 

Appendices : L Inscriptions, (i) Pepouza p. 600. (a) Sebaste p. 600. (3) 
Aloudda, Dioskome, Leqnna p. 6ois. (4) West Side of Banaz-Ova p. 610. (5) 
Alia p. 613. U. Bishops of the Banaz-Ova. (i) Pepouza or Justinianopolis 
p. 616. (a) Bria p. 616. (3) Sebaste p. 616. (4) Elouza p. 617. (5) Blaundos 
p. 617. (6) Trajanopolis p. 618. (7) TemenoUiyrai and Flayiopolis p. 618. 
(8) Alia p. 618. in. Routes in Banaz and Tchal Districts p. 618. 

Akmonia and the Akmokiak Diogesb 621 

§ 1. The Akmonian District p. 6ai. § 2. Foundation and Religion of 
Akmonia p. 6a5. § 3. Population of Akmonia. (i) Tribes and Guilds p. 639. 
(a) Gerousia, Neoi p. 630. (3) Hymnodoi p. 630. § 4. Hoxeanoi p. 631. 
% 5. Diokleia p. 63a. § 6. Siokharax p. 63a. § 7. Aristion p. 633. % 8. 
Kidyessos p. 634. § 9. Orina p. 635. 

Appendices : I. Inscriptions, (i) Akmonia p. 637. (a) Siokharax p. 660. 
(3) Diokleia p. 660. (4) Aristion p. 66a. (5) Kidyessos p. 66a. II. Bishops. 
(I) Akmonia p. 663. (a) Siokharax p. 663. (3) Diokleia p. 663. (4) Aristion 
P- ^3' (5) Kidyessos p. 663. III. (1) Ptolemy V a, 37 and (a) Strabop. 576 
(XII 8, 13) p. 664. IV. Routes in the Sitchanli-Ova and Hoxeanoi p. 666. 



The Jews in Phbtqia 667 

% 1. The Jews in Apameia p. 667. § 2. The Legend of the Flood in Apameia 
p. 669. % 8. The Jews in Akmonia p. 673. $ 4. Fate of the Phrygian Jews 
p. 674. 

The Pentapolis of Phbtgia 677 

§ 1. Geography of the Glaukos Valley p. 677. % 2. The Pentapolis of Phrygia 
p. 678, % 8. Hieropolis or Hierapolis p. 679. % 4. Broozos p. 683. % 5. 
Otrous p. 686. § 6. Stektorion p. 689. % 7. Eukarpia p. 690. % 8. 
Lykaones p. 693. $ 9. The Turkish Conquest p. 695. 

Appendices: L Inscriptions of the Pentapolis. (i) Hieropolis p. 698. (2) 
Brouzos p. 700. (3) Otrous p. 703. (4) Stektorion p. 704. (5) Eukarpia 
p. 706. II. Bishops of the Pentapolis p. 706. III. Routes in the Glaukos 
Valley p. 707. 

The Chbistian Inscriptions of Central Phrygia . . . 709 

% 1. The Pentapolis and Ayiroius Maroellus p. 709. § 2. The Legend of 
St. Ahercius p- 713. § 8. Diffusion of Christianity in Central Phrygia p. 715. 
Appendix : Inscriptions, (i) The Country (^ the Hoxeanoi p. 717. (s) The 
Phrygian Pentapolis p. 7x9. (3) The Synnada District p. 735. (4) Aristion 
and Prymnessos p. 736. (5) Dokimion p. 74a. 

Line of the Trade-route to the East 747 

% I. The Trade-Boute to the East p. 747. % 2. Hetropolitanus Campus p. 749. 
% 8. Euphorbium p. 750. % 4. Okoklia p. 751. § 5. Sibidounda p. 751. M* 
Lysias p. 754. % 7. Oiniatai p. 755. 

Appendix : Inscriptions, (i) Hetropolitanus Campus p. 756. (a) Oinia and 
Lysias p. 761. 

Index of Oeographical Names in Vol. I 763 

Corrections of Views in Part I 785 

Additional Notes on Part II 788 

Errata in Part I 792 

Erratum in Part II 792 




Rock Sculpture near Euhekeia (drawing after Mrs. Ramsay's 

photograph) 361 

The Hot-Springs at Apameia (photograph by Mrs. Ramsay) . . 403 

Early Ghristl^lk Monogram )|^ at Eumemeia . . . .527 

Early Christian Tombstone at Eumeneia 531 

Symbol op the Vase on a Christian Tombstone at Apameia . 534 

Symbol of the Palm-branch on a Christian Tombstone at Siblia 540 

Symbol of the Fish at Lounda 541 

Relief at Akmonia (from Hamilton) 626 

Tombstone of Door-type at Akmonia (A. C. Blunt) . . .628 

Tombstone of Door-type near Diokleia 661 

Door of Temple at Brouzos (A. C. Blunt) .... 684, 685 

Artemis: Statuette from Cyprus {from Arch, Ztg. 1880) . . 692 

Artemis : enlarged from Coin of Eukarpia (from Arch. Ztg.) . 692 

Tombstone of Door-type at Brouzos (A. C. Blunt) . . . 701 

Symbol of Palmettes on a Christian Tombstone of Stertorion. 719 

Tombstone of Alexander of Hieropolis 721 

Palms and Crosses on a Christian Relief at Brouzos . •735 

Representation of Christ on a Tombstone at Prymnessos facing p. 736 

Representation of Christ on a Rock at the Dokimian Marble 

Quarries 745 

Seven-branched Candlestick on a Stone at Dokimion . . . 746 

Plates of Phrygian Coins, I and II at end 

Map of the Upper Maeander Valley .... facing p. 353 
Plan of Apameia and Neighbourhood. . . . ,, 397 

General Map in pocket at end of Volume 



(Most of the authors quoted are indicated clearly enough in the text.) 

AA SS = Acta Sanctorum. 

AE Mit. = Archdologisch'Epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich-Ungam, 

AHS s= A. H. Smith Notes on a Tour in Asia Minor in Journal of Hellenic Studies 
1887 p. 220. 

ASP = Antiquities of Southern Fhrygia &c., W. M. Ramsay, in American Journal of 
Archaeology Vol. Ill 3, 4. (This paper is for the most part worked up in 
the present volume.) 

Ath. Mitth. = Mittheilungen des hais. d, archdolog. Instiiuts, Athenische Ahtheilung. 

Berl. Abhandl. (Monatsb., Sitz.) = Abhandlungen (MonatsberichtCf Sitzungsherichte\ 
of the Royal Academy of Berlin, 

BGH = Bulletin de Correspondance UeU4nique. 

Br Mus or BM = Ancient Greek Inscriptions of the British Museum, 

CB = Cities and Bishoprics ofPhrygia, W. M. Ramsay, in Journal of Hellenic Studies 
Vols. IV and VIII. (This paper is intended to be entirely worked up in 
this and succeeding volumes.) 

Chr. = Christian or Christians. 

CIG = Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. 

CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, 

Ch. in R. Emp. <= The Church in the Roman Empire before A.D. 170, W. M. Ramsay. 

Dig. = Digesta Justiniani Augusti, ed. Mommsen & Erueger. 

Dumont » Inscriptions et Monuments Figure de la Thrace, Alb. Dumont. 

Foucart = Associations Religieuses chez les Grecs, P. Foucart. 

Haase = Article Phrygien in Ersch & Gruber*8 Encydopaedie, 

Head = Historia Numorum, B. V. Head. 

Hicks = Introduction to his edition of the Inscriptions of Ephesos (Br, Mus, III). 

Hirschfeld = For2tft^er Reisebericht in Berl, Monatsb, 1879 (the only published 
account of his journey in 1871), in Ch. XI his paper tiber Kelainai- 
Apameia Kibotos in Berl, Abhandl, 1875. 

Hist. Geogr. «= Historical Geography of Asia Minor, W. M. Ramsay, being Vol. IV 
of Supplementary Papers of the Royal Geographical Society. 

Hogarth = in Ch. Ill his article in Journal of Philology XIX pp. 69 f , in Ch. IV his 
article in JHS VIII p. 376, in Ch. XI his article in JHS IX p. 343. 


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Stenctt EJ »^ ^^npUr Jwwy ■» ^Im J^mmt, ) ^>«>^7^ ^^ ^^^ 
Stenctt WE = Tftf ir«{^ fjipiditiM 1^ .dM JTm 
ate. « Stnbo fimie, oRdhr Slimb.). 

Wiidd.» Le Bm Fiyiyr Jidbdrfgyifw ai Jm JfiiMiirv (tW i»KIq^tioas frm 31 

were edited bj IL Waddii^oaK 

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mn ndkaUd br ' iR. daleV comuig immedialelT afl^r tbe Bumber. 



Froni thf OUuman Railway Surv^- 




P. 461, no. 294, 1. 17 ; aud p. 462, 1. 19. Dittenberger accents ActSd, AtSds {/user* 
Olymp, no. a a 8); bat Schnbart Pausan. V. 21, 15 Ai&x;. 

P. 610, 1. It for three and twelve, read two and thirteen. See p. 788. 

P. 588, no. 399. See p. 788. 

P. 548, no. 410 bis^ 1. 8. M. Laurent BCH 1896, p. 245 reads & ivrfictwv. 

P. 568, 1. 20. See p. 792. 

P. 566, no. 467-469. See p. 790. 

P. 601, n. 2, 1. 2t/or Mi]v6ieptTot read VitpfoKfuros. 

P. 606, no. 495. See p. 791. 

P. 615, no. 527, 1. 2. Compare ol rrtpl awrovs (jd^aKrafKoi^ Ath. Mit, 1896, p. 100 
(where the word is given as dArofMoi). 

P. 716. n. I, 11. 3 and f,ifor 57 and 15, read 58 and 14. See p. 788. 

P. 728, no. 657, verse 19. Compare dyayivw<neo¥T€i fv^aart vv(p ifiovf A EMU, 
. 1896, p. 33. See pp. 788, 791. 

P. 753, 1. 10. This line ought to make more explicit reference to M. Radet*s view 
(that Melissa was at Atli-Hissar) as a possible alternative. 

Ramsay s Phry£ia, Vol /, Pt. 2. 

'ArroXov KxiKiGavTOi atsh Ev/xcVov? rov 
4iXad/X(^ov. Attalos II also founded 
DionjsopoliB (p. 126) and Philadelpheia, 
which lie in very similar situations on 
the lowest outer slope at the base of 
hills which command the city. In 
such situations, they cannot have been 
founded for military reasons: they 

mercial advantage was the only con- 
sideration. Attaleia in Pamphylia was 
founded by Attalos II, and probably 
also Attaleia in Lydia (Radet BCH 1887 
pp. 168 f). 

' On the geography see pp. 235 f, 
218 f. 

VOL. r. PT. II. 





From the Oiionuui Railwi^ Survey 
Scale 2 mileii to 1 inoh 


MMoty cl^ rhryfieu,^)iE 





§ 1. Foundation and Situation p. 353. § 2. The Religion of Eumeneia p. 356. 
§ 3. Early History and Monuments of the Valley p. 360. § 4. History and Monu- 
ments of Eumeneia p. 364. § 5. Magistrates and Government p. 368. § 6. 
Encroachment of the Central Government p. 369. § 7. Tribes and People 

p. 371. § 8. The Turkish Conquest p. 372. 

Appendices : L Inscriptions p. 374. XL Bishops p. 395. 

§ 1. Foundation and Situation. Eumeneia was founded by 
Attalos II Philadelphos (159-138 b.o.)^: evidently his intention was 
to make it a stronghold of Fergamenian influence in the upper 
Maeander valley in opposition to the Seleucid colony of Feltai, about 
nine or ten miles distant. A situation of the kind favoured during 
the Fergamenian period was found on a gentle slope at the extreme 
northern apex of the valley^. Close above it on the north rises 
a sharp conical peak to a height of about 1000 ft. above the valley : 
this peak is a prominent point in the view from far south of Lounda. 
I have never ascended the hill, judging from the report of the natives 
that it was not used as an acropolis of the Greek city, though perhaps 

' Stephanus says £. n6\i9 ^fjvylas, 
'ArroXov KakiaavTos dn6 Evfityovs tov 
^i\adi\<t>ov, Attalos II also founded 
Dionysopolis (p. 126) and Philadelpheia, 
which lie in very similar situations on 
the lowest outer slope at the base of 
hills which command the city. In 
such situations, they cannot have been 
founded for military reasons: they 

belong to peaceful times, when com- 
mercial advantage was the only con- 
sideration. Attaleia in Pamphylia was 
founded by Attalos II, and probably 
also Attaleia in Lydia (Radet BCH 1887 
pp. 168 f). 

' On the geography see pp. 235 f, 
218 f. 

VOL. r. PT. ir. 





it may have been a stronghold at an earlier or a later period. 
Beneath this peak, and occupying part of the site of Eumeneia, is 
the modem village Ishekli. 

From the base of this peak, at the eastern edge of the city, spring 
very copious fountains, which run south into the plain, and cause 
enormous marshes, being unable to find a way to the Maeander across 
the almost dead level. In the flourishing period of the Roman 
empire, the marshes were no doubt drained, and a channel kept in 
good order to carry off the water to the Maeander ^ : the stream was 
apparently called Kloudros. The Glaukos was perhaps the Kufu- 
Tchai, a tributary of the Maeander which drains the Sandykli-Ova 
(the Phrygian Pentapolis) and passes about two miles west of 
Eumeneia and two east of Feltai. But it is possible that the names 
should be transposed 2. 

It is improbable that the Attalid colony was the earliest settlement 
on the site of Eumeneia. Such a fine situation must have been 
occupied from time immemorial: the bountiful fountains would 
attract the peasantry of a primitive time. But the pre- Greek settle- 
ment was doubtless constituted on the primitive Anatolian village 
system ^, and was dependent on the central hieron of the valley. 
The property of the god and of the hieron * probably extended as far 
as the fountains of the Kloudros, for the priests generally had the 
finest land, and these fountains were marked out by their natural 
character as the gift of the god. Now, as we have observed already 
in several cases, the Greek kings used part of the great temple-estates 
* to plant colonies which should be personally attached to themselves, 
garrisons to hold the country, and centres of Greek civilization'^; 

^ At Smyrna the Meles flowed in an 
artificial channel: Aristides says (I p. 377 

Dind.) McX);f 6 inoiWfios duapvxfjv Nv/x- 

avrais r tlvai Xovrpov pvrov Koi 'Nrjprjt' 
6as iraph Ni/pco)? d((aaBai di okiyov 
(Reiske inserts noul) : this difficult sen- 
tence seems to describe an artificial 
channel conducting the water from its 
origin and allowing the Nymphs of the 
springs to swim down to the sea, from 
which the Nereids can ascend. That is 
true, see Hist. Geogr, p. 1 1 5. 

« Pliny V 108 Est Eumeneia Cludiv 
flumini adposita; Glaucus amnis. The 
Glaukos is named on Eumenian coins. 
The term adposita in Pliny suggests 

that the Gludrus was closer to the city 
than the Glaucus. Paton suggests that 
on coins only streams that flow through- 
out the year are named : this, if correct, 
would prove that the Glaukos must be 
the Ishekli water, for Kufu-Tchai is dry 
throughout summer in the Eumenian 
valley (though never in its upper 
' See pp. 102,124. 

* X^po Upa p. 102. 

* See p. 131; and cp. pp. 10, 103, 
256 f, 259, 281 ff, 293 f. A remarkable 
corroboration of the theory stated in 
those pages has since been published 
by Mr. Grenfell : in B. c. 262 the * sixth 
of the produce of all the vineyards and 


and Eumeneia seems to afford a further example of the same practice. 
Just as Dionysopolis was built near the hieron of Leto and Lairbenos, 
so Eumeneia was built by the same king near the temple of Men 
AskaSnos at Attanassos ; and both were situated on land that had 
been the property of the god. At the same time it would appear that 
the consent of the priests was obtained at Dionysopolis ^ ; and the 
Fergamenian policy seems to have been on the whole more in 
accordance with the Anatolian sentiment, while the Seleucid policy 
had more the character of a foreign domination 2. Doubtless the 
Eumenian foundation partook of the same character ; and we should 
therefore expect to find that a close connexion existed between the 
Fergamenian city and the hieron. The foundation of Eumeneia 
represents the revival of native feeling, or rather of the Asiano- 
Hellenic type characteristic of the Fergamenian kingdom, in opposition 
to the Seleucid spirit of the * Macedonians of Peltai ' (p. 241). 

When the rich coinage of Eumeneia under the early emperors and 
the later republic is compared with the absence of Feltene coinage 
under the early emperors and the existence of Feltene coins of types 
resembling Seleucid coins and earlier in style than any Eumenian 
coins, the inference is clear that Feltai suffered while Eumeneia 
flourished. It was not until 138-161 A.D. that Feltai became once 
more rich enough to coin money, profiting by the prosperity of the 
country under the peaceful rule of the Roman empire (p. 241 and 
no. 86). 

The fact that Attanassos struck no coins, while even small places 
like Bria had their own coinage, is explained by its close connexion 
with Eumeneia : the deity of Attanassos was regarded as their own 
god by the Eumenian people. His temple was in full view from 
the city, about four miles distant; and inscr. 195, 196, show that the 
citizens reverenced him as ' ApoUo-before-the-Gates.' But, while they 
caDed him by a Greek name, as they used the Greek language ^, his 

orchards in Egypt, hitherto given to to Hercules, meaning the German Donar 

the gods of Egypt, and apparently de- (Domaszewski Religion des r6m. Heerea) ; 

liveredbythe husbandmen at the nearest Zangemeister explains Mars, Hercules, 

temple,' was transferred to Queen Ar- Mercury, on the soldiers' altars as Ziu, 

sinoe : Revenue Laws of PtoL Philad. Donar, Wodan (z. german, MythoJogie 

Oxford 1895. in N. Heidelh. Jahrb. V); and Doma- 

^ See p. 126 : cp. p. 33. szewski considers the triad Silvanus, 

* See p. 60. Apollo, Diana, on these altars as 

' Similarly the Equites Singulares at Thracian, and Liber as the supreme 

Rome (mostly from Gaul and Germany) Dacian god (Haug Bei'l. Phil, Woch, 

in the time of Hadrian erected altars 1896 p. 564). 

B 2 


symbol was the double-headed battle-axe ; he was the horseman-god ^ ; 
and he may be confidently identified with Men Aska^nos of inscr. 
197(88). Apollo with the symbols of Men suits the mixed Graeco- 
Asianic civilization of the Pergamenian kingdom. 

Thus a close relation between Eumeneia as the city and Attanassos 
as the hieron evidently existed ; and the latter place did not develop 
into a city, because all the tendencies towards city life were directed 
towards the development of Eumeneia. During the three centuries 
following the foundation of that city, the Graeco-Phrygian union 
between Eumeneia and Attanassos quite threw into the shade the 
Seleucid Peltai. 

§ 2. The Religion of Eumeneia. In Eumeneia, if we may argue 
from the paucity of inscriptions of the Greek political type, municipal 
life had little reaJ vigour. The city was evidently rich and flourishing ; 
but it was occupied far less with municipal politics than with religious 
duties (among which the preparation of the grave was reckoned, § 4). 
In its religion there is observable very little of the Greek spirit. We 
have seen that ' Apollo-before-the-Gates ' was merely Men under 
a Greek name. Zeus Soter, a Pergamenian title ^, is mentioned ; but 
on coins, besides some more hellenized types of Zeus, there appears 
a barbarous Phrygo-Carian form (like Zeus Labraundeus at Mylasa), 
holding in his right hand a double-headed axe, and in his left hand 
a spear, with a stag behind him. This type shows that the funda- 
mental conception of the god at Eumeneia was native Anatolian ; 
whether under the form of the horseman-god as Men-Sabazios, or the 
standing figure more akin to Zeus, he is the old native deity, bearing 
the axe as his symbol ^, though a Greek external aspect was some- 
times imparted to him. 

This Phrygian god, enthroned at Attanassos before the gates of 
Eumeneia, was, as in all other caaes, the adviser as prophet and the 
heaJer as physician. The medical side of the Eumenian god is attested 
by the types of many coins. On one of the commonest classes of the 
earlier coins, the tripod of Apollo is the central type on the reverse 
and beside it are a bipennis (round which twines a serpent), three 
stars, and a festooned palm-branch, while the obverse bears a head 
of Dionysos crowned with ivy. This type is illustrated by a coin 
struck A.D. 161-180 : it shows the nude Apollo standing, holding in 
his right hand a branch and in his left a bipennis resting on a tripod 

* See notes on no. 32, 103, and by the Pergamenian titles Soter As- 

pp. 263, 294, with no. 195 and Mionnet klepios (no. 35), Zeus Soter ^no. 61). 

no. 571. ' Compare the following note. 

' So the Dionysopolitan god was called 



round which twines a serpent, while a raven sits on it ^ Prophetic 
power is indicated by the tripod and the raven, purificatory power 
by the branch, curative power by the serpent, and divine authority 
by the axe ; and these are the main elements in the Phrygian concep- 
tion of the divine nature (pp. 87 f, 104, 136 flF, 263 f, 294 f). 

At Dionysopolis we saw abundant proof that Asklepios, Dionysos, 
and Apollo types on coins like these express merely different aspects 
of the one ultimate divinity, not different gods. In ordinary life the 
medical power of the god was naturally the one most frequently 
appealed to^; and we may feel certain that, as at the hieron of 
Men Karou, a medical establishment was attached to the temple at 
Attanassos. It would even appear from inscr. 196 that the medical 
school of Men Earou, which was directed by leaders named Philalethes, 
had a representative also in authority at Attanassos ^. At the more 
primitive hiera cure by charms and incantations was practised * ; but 
Eumeneia was a more educated city, where medicine was practised 
as a science. 

The Carian type of Zeus, which is seen on some coins of Eumeneia, 
was an androgynous conception, corresponding to that double character 
of the divine nature, which was more commonly represented, even in 
Caria, by the divine pair, e.g. at Stratonicea by the pair Zeus Kan- 
nokos and Hera'^, or Zeus Panamaros and Hera.' The goddess, the 
mother (pp. 51, 89 ff.), the female element in the divine pair, is repre- 
sented on coins of Eumeneia sometimes as Artemis Ephesia with her 
stags at her sides ^, sometimes as Cybele enthroned '^, sometimes in 

* Mionnet Suppl, no. 356. The essen- 
tial parts of the type are seen in a 
simpler form on a coin, A. D. 54-67, 
showing a nude youthful god, standing, 
with a bird perched on his right hand, 
the axe in his left hand, and a chlamys 
hanging over his left arm (Imhoof GM 
p. 211). An enigmatic type mentioned 
in Head p. 564 — * Apollo playing lyre, 
in car drawn by goat and panther ; on 
the goat*8 back sits Eros playing the 
double flute' — illustrates further the 
complex character of the Phrygian 

' This side of the divine power is 
carefully discussed by Prof. J. H.Wright 
on Artemis-Anaitis in Harvard Studies 
VI 1895. 

' If the coin described by Mionnet 
Suppl, no. 205 is correctly read, there 

WBA an alliance between Eumeneia and 
Attouda, the city of Men Karou ; such 
alliances under the empire related 
chiefly to common rights at religious 
and festal ceremonies. But it is not 
certain that Sestini's reading can be 
accepted, until the coin has been seen 
by some better authority. 

* S. Reinach Chroniques d* Orient "p. 216 
(1886 p. 156) quotes an example from 
the Katakekaumene. 

* MM. Deschamps and Cousin BCH. 
1888 p. 262 : cp. Strab. p. 659, Pans. 
VIII 10, 3 f, CIG 2693, 2700, LW no. 


* So at Dionysopolis, inscr, 32. In 

Mionnet no. 577 the image stands within 
a temple. 

^ Imhoof GM p. 211 : at Dionysopolis 
p. 126. 



a more hellenized type, either as a goddess of Peace and Abundance 
bearing in her hands ears of com and a horn of plenty^, or as the 
huntress Artemis standing inside her temple ^. Hera hardly appears 
on coins ; and the existence of a tribe Herais points rather to a temple 
of the Argive Hera within the city (p. 371). 

The cultus of Attanassos was old-fashioned ; but even on its con- 
servative priesthood history left some traces, as we may see in inscr. 
197. There the god appears as the Pergamenian Zeus Soter^ and 
the Greek Agathodaimon and Apollo, as well as the old Phrygian 
Men Askaenos, various identifications by which the manifold divine 
nature was expressed at different periods in Eumenian history ; while 
the goddess is styled not merely Mother Angdistis, but also Isis, and 
Imperial Peace. The influence of Egyptian religion on Asia is shown 
by the identification with Isis^; and the Imperial cultus has been 
received into the old Phrygian temple, and the goddess of Peace and 
Abundance is identified with Pax Augusta. 

The evidence at Eumcneia shows that the male partner of the 
divine pair was ranked as the more important at least in the 
exoteric form of the cultus (whatever may have been the case in 
the Mysteries) ; and this was the Phrygian character as contrasted 
with the Lydian (p. 9). 

The priest who officiated in the cultus of these various impei*so- 
nations of the divine nature is called the Lampadephoros (no. 197), 
obviously from the part which he played in the Mysteries, which 
formed a part of the Phrygian ritual^. There was indubitably 
a college of priests ^ connected with the temple and the Mysteries ; 
and it is doubtful whether the Lampadephoros priest was the supreme 
priest ; but analogy would tend rather to show that he was only the 
second, and that the chief priest was Stephanephoros '^. The ceremonies 
at the temple of Zeus Panamaros may be taken as a parallel case ; 
and there the entrance of the priest into office was styled * the taking 
over of the crown ' or * of the god ®/ and his exit from office was 

* Mionnet SuppL no. 359. 

* Ihid. no. 357. 

' Cp. Zeus Soter near Dionysopolis 
no. 61. 

* So Sarapis on a coin, Mionnet 559, 
must be taken as an assimilated form 
of Zeus. * See pp. 92 ff, 51, 293. 

* See pp. 293, 288. 

' See pp.56, 103, no; yet at Eleusis 
both the Hierophantcs and the Dadou- 

chos wore a diadem, while the Hiero- 
keryx and the Epibomios wore garlands 
of myrtle, and the Hierophantis a gar- 
land of poppies. On the Chrysophoros 
see no. 203. 

* irapakrjyfrts tov <rrf(f)dvov or tou 6€ov : 

he became the guardian for the year of 
his office of the $6aifov of the god. See 
MM. Deschamps and Cousin BCH 1891 
pp. 172 ff. 



There is no evidence as to the method of appointment to the 
priesthood or the term of office. The priesthood of Zeus Fanamaros 
was annual, and the office was elective ; but the choice usually (perhaps 
regularly) fell within a certain small number of families. In earlier 
times there is every probability that the office was hereditary in all 
the great hiera ; and the title ' hereditary priest ^ ' was used even after 
the rule of succession was modified. The priests not merely superin- 
tended the upkeep of the temple and the ritual, but also provided, 
according to their individual fortune and spirit, for the splendour of 
the festivals and entertainments ^. 

Dances formed a part of the ceremonial in honour of the god and 
the goddess. In Ionia and Bithynia, especially, these dances developed 
into a public show, approximating to mimeaisj though wanting the 
thoroughly dramatic element. In those regions, as Lucian ^ mentions, 
the people would spend day after day at the regular season in watch- 
ing Titans and Korybantes * and Satyrs and Boukoloi ; and we need 
not hesitate to extend the custom to Phrygia, though in Phrygia it 
continued more a purely religious ceremony and was not elaborated 
into an artistic exhibition. The Boukoloi, worshippers of Dionysos 
Kathegemon the (f^ioy ravpoSf formed a society at Pergamos which 
contained, besides 18 ordinary Boukoloi, an Archiboukolos, two 
Hymn- teachers, two Silenoi and a Charegos ^ : here the elements of 
mi/ni€8i8 are present, a chorus of worshippers instructed in singing 
and choral movements, with two Silenoi. The Korybantes had 
a Phrygian origin; and their dancing is represented on coins of 
many Phrygian cities, e.g. Laodiceia, Apameia, Akmonia. The modern 
dervish establishments at Eonia and Kara-Hissar, with their music 
and their instructors and directors in the dance, preserve much of the 
character of the old Phrygian corps of dancing Korybantes, which 
doubtless existed at such hiera as Attanassos ^. 

In the close connexion between Eumeneia and Attanassos, there 
must have been officials (probably Neopoioi '') of the city regulating 

' Uptvt dia ytvovg at Dionjsopolis no. 
35. Compare p. 51. 

^ Hence the regular commendation 
of a priest of Fanamaros is Uparfvaas 
€WT*^s ftiv npus Tovs deovSj <f)i\oT(ifias de 
irp^s TOVS avOpwirovi BCH 1. c. 

' looerk rhv rerayfuvov ^iuuttoi Kcupov . . . 

KaOfivrai hC ruitpas liravai Koi 

Kopv^vras koi ^arvpovs koi BovkoKovs 
Sp&vTts de Salt. 79. 

* A priest of the Korybantes at Hali- 
karnassos BCU 1880 p. 399. 

^ Frankel Inschr, Pergam. II 485. 

• This paragraph is introduced here 
to complete the picture of the hieron ; 
it would suit Apameia or Akmonia, 
where coins prove the existence of 

^ On Neopoioi see Hicks p. 80. 



the relations between the hieron and the city. Almost the only trace 
that remains of such a body of oflScials is the Architekton in no. 359. 
At Pergamos the Architect is mentioned in a religious connexion ^ : 
at Delos he was an important official in close relations with the 
Neopoioi (perhaps even attached to the board), who seem to have done 
nothing without consulting him: he was a salaried official, receiving 
at Delos 720 dr. per annum *. 

The Chrysophoros in no. 203 (if that inscr. belongs to Eumeneia) 
is probably also an official (or perhaps a member of a college) con- 
nected at once with the hieron and with the city. The precise character 
of the Chrysophoi'oi is obscure. At Ephesos there was a body of 
* gold- wearing priests and victors,' who joined in processions and in 
the expense of holding the Hadrianian games, and who passed decrees 
in honour of emperors : these evidently wore a sacred dress, which 
marked them as engaged in the service of the goddess ^. The expres- 
sion in no. 203 marks the * gold-wearer * as engaged in the service of 
the state, and seems to designate an official analogous to the Stephane- 
phoros, who bore in the grecized city the dress of the god, and repre- 
sented in a modernized form the authority of the god within the city. 
The college of ' gold- wearers ' at Ephesos was probably analogous in 
some respects to the colleges of Hymnodoi found there and elsewhere * : 
the old pre-Greek bodies of persons connected with the great hiera 
lasted in various slightly hellenized forms in the Graeco-Asianic cities. 
The Neopoioi of Aphrodite at Aphrodisias were also Chrysophoroi 
(CIG 2836 b add). It may perhaps be discovered hereafter that the 
Stephanephoros was the chief of the college of Chrysophoroi. 

§ 3. Early History and Monuments op the Valley. The title 
Aska^nos carries us back to the remotest period of Phrygian history. 
It is found in various parts of Phrygia, and Lydia, and Carta, at 
Dioskome no. 506, at Pisidian Antioch ^, at Apollonia ®, at Sardis '', at 
Aphrodisias ®. In the old Phoenician geographical tradition Genesis 
X 3, Ashkenaz, grandson of Japheth, denotes the Phrygian country 
and people. We have recognized that, when a divine name has 

1 FiAnkel Inschr. Perg. II 486. 

' Homolle BCH 1884 p. 309, see also 
pp. 325» 437, BCH 1882 pp. 24, 51-54, 
78 &c. 

' Hicks no. 481 1. 308 ol xpv(ro<l)opovvT€s 
rj 6(^ i(p€ls Koi i€pop€iKai (cp. 1. 327, 290, 
399, and no. 571, 604, 618, with his 
remarks p. 85) : the same body seems 
to be meant CIG 2963 c oi rii' [itpov ?] 

['ApT€fu]doff npo7roX[€a)]f Up^U [koX Up^o- 

* See Ch. XIV § 3 (3) and no. 549. 

* According to Waddington's certain 
emendation for ^Apxaiov or *A<r<caiov in 
Strab. pp. 557, 577. 

* JHS 1883 p. 417, no. 32. 

^ Head p. 553. * LW 1601. 


etamped itaelf on geographical and on native personal nomenclature, 
it belongs to an early period in the history of the country (pp. 141, 
155, 294) : personal names connected with Aska^nos are unknown in 
inscr., but the name Askania, which is widely spread in western 
Asia Minor, applied to a lake S,W. from Apameia and to another 
beside Nikaia Bith., is obviously related, and the mythic leaders of the 
Phrygian allies at Troy were Phorkys and Aekanios from Aakania 
{11. n 862). 

The only monument in the Eumenian territory that seems to be 
older than the city is a sculpture carved on the rocks at the extreme 
apex of the triangular plateau which borders the Maeander valley on 
the left bank, near the village of Sondurlu ^, and about six miles due 
south from Ishekli. On the front rock being north, on a perpendioulat- 
Burface formed by cutting the sloping surface, is carved in low relief 
a human figure driving to the right (west) in a one-horse car, preceded 

by one horseman, and followed by another. The men are not repre- 
sented as warriors. On the hill behind is a tumulus ; and it seemed 
to me that the relief stood in relatipn to the tumulus, and waa there- 
fore sepulchral The interpretation which first suggested itself was 
that the figure in the car was the Mother-goddass, and that the 

' Sondurlu is a etation on the railway 
near the bridge over the Maeander. 
Sterrett and I first observed this monu- 
ment in 1883 ; I made a rough sketch 
of it, and eBpeciallf of the curious c&r, 
bat never publiahed it. In 1891 Mrs. 
Ramsaj photographed the monument. 
I mentioned the monument to U. Le- 
giand who with M. Chamonard was 
about t<t travel in Phrygia in 1891, and 
asked him to photograph it. It hap- 

pened that our photographs, though 
of smaller size, were more successful ; 
Mra. Ramsay uaed a hand camera, while 
M. Legrand could not place his stand 
in a satisfactory position. Ultimately, 
therefore, M. Chamonard found it better 
to publish her photographs in the excel- 
lent article which be has devoted to 
this monument BCH 1893 pp. 39 51 
(to which readers who desire further 
information are referred). 



two horsemen axe to be compaxed with those in the relief accom- 
panying inscr. 32 ; but the impression grew that the figure in the 
car is male, and that the scene is a procession, representing the deity 
making a progress through his territory. Such a procession is a 
known feature in the religioil of Asia Minor. 

The very bad preservation of the monument makes it difficult to 
judge of its character and age. The human figures, which would be 
most indicative of artistic style, are unfortunately worst preserved ; 
but the figure in the car, which has sufiered least, appeared to me to 
belong to a pre-Qreek style of art ^. Though the head has entirely 
disappeared, yet the body seemed to be a rude and lumpy mass from 
which a hand protruded at right angles just above the high side of the 
car, and the reins seemed to meet the hand without being held in it. 
The car has a high back, while the sides rise above the waist of the 
person who sits inside of it. The wheel is large, and has six spokes, 
like the car in which Apollo is borne on a Melian vase, and like the 
Boman triumphal car (which was, doubtless, adopted from Etruria) ^. 
The Greek and Persian wheels have generally four or eight spokes ; 
but M. Chamonard points out that the cars and wheels on the gates of 
Salmanasar at Balawat (860-824 b.o.) are identical in shape with this. 
Its oriental character, therefore, is beyond dispute. 

The horse which draws the car is much defaced. The other two 
horses are in excellent style, spirited and natural in action, the work 
of a sure and skilful hand : the legs, however, are too long, though 
in other respects good ^. The tail stands out very prominently from 
the body like the tail of horses of Arab breed. The horsemen sit as 
represented on many early Greek vases, which is the only fact that 
can be distinguished with certainty about them *. 

We are then in presence of a work, in which the animal figures are 
decidedly superior in style and power to the only human figure that 
permits a judgement. That is the character of early art^, which 

^ I use this term to indicate a style 
older than the Greek art which was 
established in Phrygia by the conquest 
of Alexander. In this book we treat of 
Greek only in the phases in which it 
affected Anatolia. 

^ See Daremberg et Saglio fig. 2204, 
2222, 2225 (but ten spokes no. 2223). 

^ One horse is 22 inches high and 22 
in length, the other 23 high and 22 in 

* The figure of the front horseman 

was probably a simple flat relief. The 
other was carved on a separate piece of 
stone which was fastened to the rock 
and has now fallen away. M. Chamo- 
nard rightly describes this, and observes 
that the device was practised by Greek 

* The central figure taken alone would 
be consistent with the work of a country 
stone-cutter in the Roman period ; but 
the horses preclude such a view. 



attains a mastery over the human figure last of all. The fii*st 
monument that rose to the memory both of my wife and of myself, 
when we were studying this sculpture, was an unpublished rock relief 
in northern Phrygia, near the tomb of Midas, on which are represented 
two horses in excellent style and a standing human figure of rude and 
helpless type ^. 

Other analogous monuments have been pointed out by M. Cha- 
monard : they are early Lycian. Particularly striking is the resem- 
blance to a monument at Xanthos ^, on which there is a horse with 
similar tall legs, and the tail springing sharply out from the body. 

The parallel examples, then, prove that the Eumenian monument is 
a work of the Anatolian art, older than the time when Greek art 
became dominant in the country. As it is in the heart of Phrygia, 
we may speak of it as a work of Phrygian art. To what period of 
Phrygian art shall we attribute it? In studying this subject, I was 
led to the view that the period of the great Phrygian monuments 
ended with the destruction of the Phrygian kingdom by the Cim- 
merians about 680'^: among them are two groups, (i) sculptures in 
relief under the influence of the older Oriental civilization whose 
centre was at Pteria, (a) monuments with geometrical ornamentation 
and often with inscriptions. After the Mermnad kings had opened 
up the Lydian kingdom to western influence, and had extended its 
bounds to the Halys in 585, Greek art began gradually to exercise 
an influence on Phrygia. We have no means of saying when that 
influence began ; but it is almost certain that by trade and peaceful 
intercourse it was exercised long before Greek armies entered the 
country ; and probably Alexander's conquest was facilitated by the 
existence of a grecizing party in the great cities of the interior *. But, 
besides Greek art, Persian also perhaps exercised some influence on 
Phrygia after 546. The Persian analogy is marked in the architec- 
tural tombs of the later Phrygian period, though generally it is 
difficult to determine whether the non-Greek characteristics should 
be called native Anatolian or Persian : doubtless both kinds existed 
side by side. 

^ This relief is so difficult of access, 
and in such bad preservation, that it 
has escaped the attention of most tra- 
vellers. Mrs. Ramsay made a sketch of 
it in 1884: it is unfortunately inacces- 
sible to the photographer. 

^ Perrot VAH dans VAntiq. V fig. 279. 
M. Chamonard also mentions certain 
Cypriote sarcophagi (whose resemblance 

to the Lycian monuments is marked) 
published Perrot III fig. 415, 416, 421 
(the car-wheel on one sarcophagus has 
six spokes, on another ten). 

' 696 Eusebius, 676 Africanus. The 
following sentences are quoted nearly 
verbatim from my article in JHS 1882 
pp. 28 f. 

* No direct evidence exists. 


This IB probably the period to which the small Eumeiiiaii monu- 
ment should be ascrihed '. Studying it on the spot, and observing 
that Xenophon passed close in fixtnt of it, I expressed the latest 
probable date of its origin by the words ^ ' it must have looked on 
the march of the Ten Thousand along the road from Celaenae to 
Peltae.' I still think that the fifth century ia the latest to which this 
work can be assigned ; and M. Chamonard on the whole appears to 
come to a similar conclusion, though in some places he seems inclined 
to place it later. 

If the monument belongs to the fifth century, how is the remarkable 
resemblance of the car to the Assyrian cars of the ninth century to 
be explained ] It must be supposed that the same old style of car 
was employed in ancient Phrygia and in Assyria, and that this kind 
of car was used in the upper Maeander valley as late as the fifth 
century, either general!y or at least in the sorviee of the god ^. 

§ 4. History and Monl'Ments of Epmeseia. The inscriptions, 
numerous as they are, are singularly devoid of information about 
the city or its history. Inasmuch as a copy of the decree of the 
province Asia (i. e. the Kuinoii of Asia) was erected in Eui 

' In eeeentials M. Chamonard in in 
agreement ; but he seems to me rather 
to exogg'erate the Greek element in the 
relief, while I aeem to him to exaggerate 
the native Anatolian ehaiacter. In his 
article be ban quoted from the Anhaerh 
Jogiral News in Amer. J. Arch. 1891 
p. 504 a brief notice of my opinion b^ 
stated in a letter to the Alhtnaeum 
15 Aug. 1891 : and haa given bis readers 
the impression that our opinions con- 
tradict each other. It would have been 
better, if M. Chnmonard bad consulted 
my own letter, or written to ask me 
whether the words uaed by the Editor 
(profeBsedly as a, more abstract ex- 
pressed in the third person) fully re- 
presented my opinion, before founding 
on it a polemic against a view, wliich 
I hod never entertained or dreamed of. 
Writing to the Alhenafum a letter con- 
taining my Urst impreaaions, J tacitly 
argued against the only other view that 
seemed to me possible, viz. that the 
relief was of the Greek or Roman period; 
and M. Chamonard gathered from the 
abstract given in the Ait\er. Joiirn. the 

impreaaion that I had attributed the 
work to the remoteat period of Ana~ 
tolian or 'Hittitc' art. 

' Alhenaeiim Ang. 15. 1S91, p. 233. 

' I was diepoaed to aee a reference to 
the Phrygian car in Philostratus Vil. 

Soph. I 25 iiiric 8' iwi (liryovt dpyvpoxa- 
Xinou ♦puyi'ou Tiimt 5 KtXriKou jropjwiiro. 
M. Chamonard however objects that 
a pair of ailver-biidled Phrygian horses 
or Gallic boiEes is here referred to ; 
and certainly fcC^oc in the stricteat nae 
refera to the horses alone. But the 
nae of (fTi suggeata that- the cor and 
trappings, i, e. the entire equipment, 
are referred to ; and that the intention 
ia to describe the luxurious style of 
foreign car, Phrygian or Gallic, drawn 
by ailver- bridled horaea, which Polemon 
employed, and which brought glory to 
the city which be condescended to visit. 
A pair of Phrygian horses aeema hardly 
sufficient to produce so much effect, 
even with their silver bridles. This 
sense of (ivyos might be justified by 
parallels, given in the lexicons. See 
^lao p, 418 H. 6. 



no. 345, the city evidently claimed to rank among * the leading cities 
of conventua {dioeceseis) ' ^ ; and Marquardt therefore places it, though 
with some hesitation, in his list of conventua ^. But from the list of 
Pliny, it is evident that Eumeneia was in the Apamean conventus *. 
In truth Marquardt^s reasoning about the conventus rests on a mistake: 
he argues that, since Cyzicos, Philadelpheia and Tralleis were places 
at which the meeting of a conventus was held, therefore they were 
the heads of distinct and separate conventus. But it is clear from 
Pliny that Cyzicos was in the Adramyttian conventusy Philadelpheia 
in the Sardian, Tralleis (Caesareia) in the Ephesian ; but meetings 
were held sometimes in one, sometimes in another city of a con- 
ventus^. There were several * fii'st cities ' in each conventus ; and the 
place of meeting ^varied. Hence Dio Chrysostom says that the first 
cities shared by turns in the advantage of the meetings *. 

The cultus of the Emperors has left little trace in Eumeneia. The 
goddess of Attanassos was identified with Imperial Peace (§ 2). 
A priest of Rome is mentioned no. 199 ; but this cultus was perhaps 
founded before the Empire began, and certainly not later than the 
time of Augustus. Hence the inference drawn by Franz from CIQ 
3884 (see no. 478), that Eumeneia took the name Sebaste for some 
time during the second century, is very improbable. The inscription 
certainly belongs to Sebaste, though Pococke saw it at Ishekli. It 
may be a memorial of some old connexion between the cities : perhaps 
at a conventus in Eumeneia the Sebastenoi placed the inscription there. 
But, more probably, the stone has been transported in modern times. 
Ishekli was formerly a much more important town than it is now ; 
and in a town of any size there is a steady demand for good blocks 
of stone in the masons' and gravestone-cutters' yards. Persons who 
have little experience of the facts of Turkish life will ask why 
a heavy stone should be carried so far to a place like Ishekli, where 
so many stones can be got by digging. The explanation is that an 

^ cV TW a<f>tjyovfJL€Vcus tAv dioiKrjaetip 

* So Monceaux de Comm. Asiae p. 26 
(doubtfully p. 38). 

' He does not actually mention Eu- 
meneia ; but as Dionysopolis, Akmonia, 
Peltai, Silbion are given in the tertius 
conventusj it is obvious that Eumeneia 
also Apameam vaditf V 106. 

* Laodiceia, likewise, was an ordinary 
meeting - place of the Cibyratic con- 

venttis; but that does not imply that 
the cofiv€7itus never met at Cibyra. 

" fUTiOTi di avrov rais irpcuTais nSKtiriv 
iv fi€p€t nap* troi XXXV 1 7. He adds 
that the report goes that each conventus 
will in future meet only at longer in- 
tervals than a year; as people feel it 
too burdensome to assemble, often from 
great distances, once each year. See 
Ch. XI § 19. 



ox-wagon on a return journey is often loaded with a stone in order 
not to travel empty : a good block has always some value, and the 
Turks do not love digging. I have seen an altar of great size, 
weighing near two tons, in a stonecutter's yard at Kutaya, the site 
of a larger and richer city than Eumeneia. The inscription indicated 
that the stone did not belong to Kotiaion ; and on enquiry I found 
that it had been brought from Karagatch-Euren (east from Altyntash), 
a journey of eleven hours over a hilly road ^ See pp. 583, 698. 

One foundation at least in Eumeneia may be traced back to the 
Pergamenian period. Coins struck under Gallienus (253-268 a.d.) 
mentioned the games (|>IAAA€A(|>IA. The name evidently com- 
memorates the fraternal affection of Attalos and Eumenes : the city 
Philadelpheia was founded by Attalos in the same spirit*. It is 
remarkable that the sole memorial of the festival should be of so late 
a date; we have seen a similar case at Aphrodisias (p. 188), where 
the ATT A AE I A are never mentioned until the third century after 
Christ \ 

In a city so rich and so important as Eumeneia, there must have 
been a theatre or an amphitheatre ^j and perhaps both ; but I have 
not observed traces of either. The ancient remains have suffered 
much during the Middle Ages, when the town was larger and more 
prosperous than it is now. The modern town of Ishekli is even more 
ruinous in appearance than most Turkish towhs ; and since Tchivril 
has been selected as the railway terminus, the prosperity of Ishekli 
is not likely to revive. It is an interesting fact that, when Tchivril 
becomes the chief town of this valley, the centre of power will have 

^ Stones from Antiocheia (no. 73 and 
Errata) and perhaps from Eumeneia 
(no. 203) have been carried to Tralleis. 
A large and heavy block, copied by me 
at Afion-Eara-Hissar, had been brought 
across the hills from Synnada; and 
since then it has been carried to Smyrna 
in hope of gain. Hence the opinion 
expressed by Petersen, Slddte Pamphy- 
liens I p. 1 58, that a stone now at Adalia, 
which I regard as carried from Perga 
(four hours distant by an easy road), 
would not be transported so far, rests 
on insufficient knowledge of the manners 
and facts of Turkish life. The stone 
is not so heavy as those from Synnada 
and Karagatch-Euren. 

' YlSKis Avdiar, 'ArrdXov Krifryua rov 
^i\abfX<Povj Steph. Byz. 

» Cp. CIG 2801, CIA III 129, L 31. 
EckheVs opinion that the Attaleia were 
a Pergamenian foundation is confirmed 
by the Eumenian Philadelphia; and 
Liermann p. 156 inclines to the same 
view. Boeckh on CIG 2139 6 add, 
2758, thinks they were named after 
some Aphrodisian citizen Attalus, who 
founded them ; but the various names 
Aitaleia^ Aitaleia Gordiana^ Attaleia Gor- 
diana Capiiolia^ Attaleia Capitolia^ point 
to a long-standing city festival, which 
was modified in name from time to 

* What was called in Asian cities 
an amphitheatre was often really a 
stadium of the Roman form, see p. 47 
and no. 3. 


returned almost to its original position in early Phrygian time. 
Tchivril lies very near the site of Attanassos. 

The spread of Christianity in Eumeneia is the most interesting 
fact in its history: it is discussed in Ch. XEL 

It suits the ruinous character of the modem town that almost 
the only relics of ancient history are the gravestones. As these 
present several points of interest, most of them have been given in 
App. L The epitaphs of this district are mostly engraved on stdai 
square in (horizontal) section, with heavy capitals and bases ; this 
form is called ' Altar ' (j8cD/x6y) in the inscriptions ^. In many cases the 
' Altar * was placed on the flat top of a structure made of concrete 
or small stones imbedded in mortar, and containing a sepulchral 
chamber ^. When the structure was of any height, there were steps ^ 
to approach the altar. The Bomos, though bearing the inscription, 
was a real altar, on which the cultus of the departed heroes or 
heroines might be kept up (no. 226). The sepulchral chamber, the 
home* of the deceased, had a door in the side of the structure. The 
door of communication between the world of death and of life was 
an essential part of the Heroon ; and in some cases, where the tomb 
was simply a grave in the eai*th and an altar above it, the word * Door' 
was engraved below the inscription or on another side of the * Altai* ' 
(no. 280). At Hierapolis a similar structure and door is common: 
on its flat top are placed sarcophagi with inscr. The under-structure 
is there called the bomios ^. 

The other chief class of Phrygian gravestones, those of the ' Door ' 
type, is hardly found in the parts of Phrygia most exposed to Greek 
influence. I have observed none in the Lycos valley or at Eumeneia 
or Apameia ; but they are the common style further north and east. 
See Ch. XHI § 5, 

There seems no doubt that the common Eumenian sepulchral monu- 
ment is a degeneration from the full form of a temple, which is found 
sometimes elsewhere : e.g. in northern Phrygia we see the complete 
pronaoa of a Doric temple cut in the rock ®, while on entering the 

^ An example is reproduced in no. 
654. Sometimes the capital is sur- 
mounted by a triangular pedimental 
top, as in no. 372, 380 ; but the name 
^fws is applied to this shape also. 
The * Altar' was often very ornate, 
especially that of the architect no. 

' Hence the name (rvvKpovarov no. 212, 
213, 220, 268, 272: good building stone 

was scarce in the fertile Eumenian 
valley. The generic term ripcoov is far 
commoner than irvvKpovaroVf see 209 &c. 
' ypddot no. 212, 213, 268, 277. 

* 01K09 no. 210 (cp. p. 100). 

'^ 6 fi<ofi6s KoX ff iniKn^evrj <Top6s is the 
customary formula CIG 3912, 3919, 3928, 
cp- 3915 (I'W 1680-1683) : but (iaOpiKdv 
is the name in no. 28. 

• Perrot VArt dans VAnt. V p. 137. 


doore, we find ei family tomb. The dead man is conceived ae idenU- 
fied with the god of the country ; his grave is a temple : and the 
epitaph is a dedication (p. loi). The PhrygiaiiH carried this belief 
and custom wherever they went. A case occurs at Borne, where 
a Phrygian slave, named Midas, who was set free by his master 
M. Annaeus, erected a litUe t«mple, 5 ft. high, 1 ft. broad, and 3 fL 
long, as the grave of a little foundling girl whom he had brought 
up(CILVr 11685). 

§ 5, Magistrates asd Goveekmest. The usual public assemblies, 
Boule and Demos, existed at Eumeneia (no. 304}. Members of the 
senate are buried, no. 204, 210, 219?, 359, 361, 364, 371 ; the 
title probably implying that there was an ordo seimtorivs of the 
Roman type (p. 63 7i, 2). Fines were made payable to the senate, 
no. 228. 380 ^ 

Associations of Epheboi or Meoi are not mentioned in the inecrip- 
tiong. Oeraioi in no. 361, 3'^4 perhaps indicates members of the 

The supreme board of magistrates at Eumeneia seems to have con- 
sisted in the early empire of three archons, no. aoi ; but in later time 
the Strategoi were apparently more important, forming a board with 
a City-strategos as president '. It seems probable that the difference 
is merely in name. The name 'archon' was more commonly used 
in early time, and was understood rather in the general sense of 
' ruler ' than as a special title ; whereas in later time the specific title 
' Strategos ' became more common {see no. 473 and Ch. XIXI § 10). 

The common magistrates, agoranomos (p. 639), eirenarch (p. 68), 
and grammateus (pp. 66 f), are mentioned in no. 197, 203, and the 
paraphylax (p. 68) in no. 197. 

At Eumeneia there was a Record Office called )(pe(u0uXif<ioi' {tahu- 
larium), and the official in charge of it was xpitotfivXa^. In it were 
preserved public documents of all kind.s, both financial and legal, 
as well as copies of important private documents, title-deeds, wills, 
records of the sale of real propertj', mortgages, loans, or deeds of gift. 
When the copy of any sale or gift was formally made and deposited 
in the Record Office, the bargain was said to have taken place St& t<Sv 
dpxfLmv^; and the building where the archives were kept was called 
far more frequently dpj^uoy than x^p€a>(f>v\dKiov (thus even in Eumeneia 


' If no. 303 belongs to Eumeneia, the ' See no. 3o, Dareste BCH iSSap. 241, 

president of ike senate was styled ffou- who treats the suhject with admiiafale 

Xapxos. cleamesB, The following remarks em- 

* See no. 197, 88, and pp. 67 and 600. hody his results. 


we find the apxelov mentioned, no. 220, 234, 357)' Before a copy 
of any such deed of sale or gift was accepted and stored in the Office, 
its legality and validity were verified ; and thus the \p€<o<f>v\a^ played 
an important part in the business of the city. The existence of 
a certified copy of a deed in the Record Office was accepted as full 
proof of legal right to the property in question ; and this simple 
guarantee of right greatly facilitated the borrowing of money on the 
security of property, besides making the transfer of property and the 
verification of titles very simple. On the other hand the burning 
of the apyjua at Jerusalem in A. D. 66 paralysed business by destroy- 
ing the evidence of loans and preventing recovery (Josephus Bell. 
Jud. II 427 [17, 6]). 

§ 6. Encroachment op the Central Government : Logistai. 
The office of Auditor (cyXoyicmyy) is mentioned in inscr. 197 (probably 
of the third century). We assume that it coiTCsponds to the commoner 
logistes or curator^. During the second century, the logiates was 
not a mere municipal official : he was a financial overseer, appointed 
in special circumstances by the central government (i.e. by the emperor) 
to regulate expenditure, to prevent extravagance and misappropria- 
tion of funds, and to put the finances of the city on a sound basis. 
The appointment of these logistai is one of the earliest signs of that 
tendency to centralize government*, which increased steadily, until 
all municipal self-government disappeared. At the same time the 
need for extra-municipal logistai shows that municipal government 
was proving a failure in the Empire. The officials of the cities evi- 
dently were found to be corrupt or incompetent or extravagant ; no 
sufficient check on them was exercised by public opinion ; and they 
had too little experience and training. The Imperial government 
abandoned all attempt to improve and educate the municipal govern- 
ment, and step by step degraded it from all real power, until at last 
there was nothing left except a gigantic bureaucracy of the central 
government and its representatives or instruments in the cities. 

At first the logistai were regulaily selected from a different city : 
commonly they were Boman citizens ; often they belonged to the 
equestrian or the senatorial order ; they were men of experience, who 
ranked far above the mere municipal magistrates ; they did not take 
up residence in the cities where they acted, though doubtless they 
occasionally visited them. For example, the citizens of Aphrodisiaa 

' Curator ret puhlicae qui Graeco roca- ' No proof of their existence earlier 

hulo logiMa nuncupatur [Cod. Jmi. I than Nerva is known. 


VOL. T. PT. H. C 


had to consult by letter M. Ulpius Eurykles of Aizanoi, the logibtes, 
before they could apply a bequest of Philemon to the institution of 
games ^ ; and among their logistai occurs a citizen of Tralleis ; while 
a citizen of Aphrodisias acted as logistea of Cyzicos ^. 

From the first the oflSce of curator {logistes) was felt by the cities 
to be an encroachment on their liberty and autonomy, and was 
resented accordingly. Already in the time of Nerva, it is the unpopu- 
larity of a logihtes in Smyrna that leads Philostratus to mention him^. 
Li the second century the state of Apameia devoted a capital sum 
of 34,000 den. to saving themselves from the tyranny of curators 
for the future (p. 464). 

Not merely cities, but whole provinces (especially those adminis- 
tered by the senate) were found to require a special financial manager 
from the emperor. Pliny was sent to Bithynia on a mission of this 
kind ; but, in general, the emperor sent in such cases a corrector 

During the third century the logistes was an ordinary and regular 
official of the city, selected from among those citizens who had already 
held office : the selection was sometimes made by the emperor, but in 
other cases it was made by the municipal senate, which became more 
and more a mere instrument for executing the will of the central 
government. The logistai of the early fourth century appear as 
keepers of the lists and valuations of property of the different classes 
of citizens ; sometimes a provincial governor, officiating at a trial of 
a Christian, is represented as appealing to a logistes for information 
about the rank of the accused*. It is clear that the logutai encroached 
steadily on the powers of the supreme board of magistrates, taking 
the entire management of the finances and property and public 
works of the city, deciding questions between the state and any 
individual citizen, and becoming, together with the municipal senate, 
the means whereby the central government controlled and taxed 
the cities. 

Logistai were appointed by the emperors, not merely for a city, but 
also for the Gerousia of a city, which often had the control of large 
sums (p. 112). At Ephesus Hadrian sent a logistes^, a citizen of 
Keramos in Caria, to the Gerousia, which seems to have become some- 

' CIG 2741, BCH 1885 p. 71. * Acta SS. Did y mi ef Hieodome 

2 CIG 2790, 2782. 28 April p. IJII, Acta S. Sebastianae 

' avqp virnroff a Svofia *PoC<^of, rots 7 June p. 7*. 

^fivppaiovs €\oyia'T€V€ niKpSas ViL Soph. * CIG 2987 h (restored). 

I 19. 


what embarrassed about the recovery of large sums due to it ^. The 
management of the money which was entrusted to it for various 
purposes, and lent out by it at interest, required both ability in 
finance and scrupulous honesty among the officials. In an inscrip- 
tion of the third century, no. 535, a logistea of the Senate and Gerousia 
(perhaps of Akmonia) is mentioned ; we may understand that he 
was Auditor of the two bodies which controlled public money ; but, 
in the third century, he was a citizen of the city where he acted as 

§ 7. Tribes and People. Herais (no. 358, 357), Argeias (307, ao6, 
378), Athenais (ao8), and Hadrianis (364), are known. 

The worship of Hera was not characteristic at Eumeneia ; and 
the tribe Herais should probably be explained by comparison with 
the tribe Argeias and the epithet applied to the citizens on coins 
€YM€N€nN AXAIIIN ^. It seems clear that a body of colonists who 
claimed to represent the old Achaean stock formed part of its original 
population. It is improbable that they were actually drawn from 
Greece proper, Achaia or Argos ; but Aeolic Cyme boasted its Achaean 
origin, among its early kings occurs the Argive or Mycenaean name 
Agamemnon, and Aeolis generally ranked as Achaean. It seems there- 
fore probable that Aeolic settlers may have been enrolled in two 
tribes Argeias and Herais (the latter named after the Argive goddess, 
whom probably they worshipped in a temple within the city). 

The hellenized cities of Asia Minor were exceedingly fond of con- 
necting themselves with old Greek history and legend. Thus the 
people of Eumeneia called themselves Achaioi, of Synnada Dores and 
lones, of Isinda lones. 

Athenais was probably named after the Pergamenian goddess Athena 
Nikephoros : the head of Pallas wearing the Attic helmet, a common 
Pergamenian type ^, is often found on autonomous Eumenian coins. 
Probably the soldier-element, which was doubtless introduced to give 
strength to the new foundation, may have been enrolled in the tribe 
Athenais. That element in a Pergamenian colony seems generally 
to have consisted of mercenaries, Thracian, or Mysian, or Paphlago- 
nian*, or Galatian*. 

^ Hicks no. 486. nais at Laodiceia p. 60. 

* Droysen III 2 p. 69 doubts whether * See pp. 180, 34 f. 

these coins and those mentioning the ° Smertorix is mentioned on coins of 

river Glaukos belong to Eumeneia : the Augustus. This rare name is Gaulish ; 

doubt is unjustified. and may have been introduced by some 

' The Seleucid Athena-type on coins Galatic mercenary in the Pergamenian 

wears a Corinthian helm. A tribe Athe- service. 

C 2 



The prominence of Apollo in the religion and the coinage of 
Eumeneia suggests that a tiibe Apollonis probably existed ' and that 
the native element in the composite foundation was enrolled in it. 

Hadriania was doubtless an old tribe baptized anew ; its former 
name is unknown, but if a tribe Dias existed, it would naturally be 
selected to bear the name of Hadrianus Olympius. No evidence is 
known that Hadiian visited Eumeneia ; but he was of course honoured 
by many cities which he did not visit. 

Eleon AgapetoB, mentioned on coins of Augustus and Livia, was 
probably father of [C] Julius Kleon, Archiereua [Asias] on coins of 
Agrippina. Bassa, High- priestess [of Asia], was wife of Julius Kleon ^ 
{BACCA ■ KAEHNOS may Viear that sense, p. 150). 

58. The TuRKtBH Conquest of the Eumenian valley is obscure; 
not a sijigle fact is recorded ; and we are reduced to inference from 
the history of the districts around. By the arrangement made with 
the Turks about 1072, Eumeneia remained part of the Byzantine 
territory. But the easy route down the Maeander to Eumeneia, and 
thenco into the Bana^-Ova, must have been peculiarly tempting to 
the nomad Turks ', who were henceforth masters of Pisidia and 
probably of the Apamean valley. In 1097 the arrival of Ducaa at 
Lampe re-established Byzantine autliority in the district^. But in 
1146 an incidental reference of John Cinnamus brings before us one 
of the Turkish marauding hands in the valley between Eumeneia and 
Apameia; though Manuel had believed that in this district he waa 
safe from any attack ''. In the following years such raids must have 
been frequent. In 1158 Manuel Comnenus doubtless traversed the 
Eumenian district, when he advanced hy Philadeipheia into the Pen- 
tapolis ", which seems already to have been permanently occupied by 
the Turks; but this spasmodic attack prodiioed no good result. In 
1 1 75 Manuel refortified Siblia ; hut his attempt to recover bis hold on 
the district proved a failure. The fortifications of Siblia were dia- 
mantled in 1176; and probably no Byzantine force ever again entered 

' Apolloria at Lao^iceia p. 60, at 
a Bithynian city LW 1 183, at Dorjlaion 
Radet en Phryyie p. 140, Ath. Mlllh. 

Inihuof GM p. zii. Baasa is men- 
tioned on a coin attributed by Borrell 
to Domitia ; but Mr. Head says that 
the Empress's name is not legible, and 
ftgaigngtiie coin doubtfully to Agrippina. 
M. Irahoof-Bluraer, to whom I commu- 

nicated this, writes that Mr. Head must 
be followed, and he withdrawB his 
published inference from Borrell 'b 

' On tlie gradual nomadi^ation of Asia 
Minor by the Turks aee pp. 15 ff, 115 f, 

' See pp. 17, 227 (date wrongly ^ven 
1092 in latter place). 

'^ See Ch. XI 5 25 and App. I. 

° See pp. 19, 598. 


the upper Maeander valley. In 11 78 we learn that the nomads were 
in possession both of Baklan-Ova (Lounda) and of Banaz-Ova ; and, 
although Manuel advanced in person, and drove them out, he seems 
not to have penetrated as far as Eumeneia, and probably the nomads 
returned as soon as his army retired. The hurried march of Bar- 
barossa in 11 90 oould produce no effect on the Turkish occupation 
(pp. 23, 219). 

As to the process whereby a Christian population ceased to exist 
in the Eumenian district, nothing is known. The part played by 
slaughter in the numerous raids, by emigration of the Christians^ and 
by acceptance of the religion of the conquerors, must be left to con- 
jecture. It is certain that the whole country, Ishekli, Dineir, Daz- 
Kiri, Hambat-Kiri, Baklan, and Tchal, was purely Mohammedan, when 
western travellers began again to penetrate into the district. Between 
Ushak on the north, Sparta and Olu-Borlu on the south-east, and 
Khonas on the south-west, no Christian body seems to have preserved 
a continuous existence, though in recent years Christian immigration 
has begun (pp. 25 ff). 

Note. M. Imhoof-Blumer tells me that he now reads on the coin published in 
his Monn, Gr. p. 400 no. 104, M • KA • 0YAA6PI ANOY • APXI • ACI AC • 
€ICANriAANTOC: see inscr. 203. 



Among the following inscr. some certainly may belong to Pcltai, Siblia, 
and Attanassos ; but precise assignation is impossible (see note preliminary 
in App. I to Ch. XV) ; and it would have been almost better to place 
here the whole of the inscr. under no. 75-82 and 84-88. 

195. (R. 1887). Kotchak. Hpifjiiyivrjs 'A7roXAa>j;t Tlpoirvkalif^ ^^XV^* 
A hipmnis is appended under this votive inscription as the symbol of the 
power of the god (see pp. 149, 263, and nos. 42, 103), who, therefore, is 
not the true Greek Apollo, but the Phrygian deity, Men-Sozon*Sabazios 
(who is often identified with the Greek Apollo). He is represented on 
Eumenian coins as the horseman god carrying a bipennis over his left 
shoulder (Mionnet 571), the type which is often described incorrectly as 
*^an Amazon.' 

The god ' in front of the gat<5s ' must be a native Phrygian deity, who 
had his own seat in the valley before Eumeneia was built, and was rever- 
enced by the inhabitants of that city alongside of, and even before, the 
deities proper to the new foundation, whose temples were within the city. 
This native god of the valley had certainly his seat at the hieran of Atta- 
nassos (pp. 242, 356), where from time immemorial he had guided his 
Phrygian worshippers, advised them as a prophet, and cured them from 

196. (R. 1887). Ishekli. Ti^^ipiov) Kkavbiov Tpv(l>(»>vos vibv, Kvplvq^ 
*A0r]v6boTov [^]iK[a]krjBrjy Upia npo7rvX[aLov 'AttoJAAcoi^os. Ti. Claudius 
Athenodotus Philalethes, a Roman citizen, must have been a man of 
standing in the city; and the last name suggests that he belonged to 
the line of physicians of the famous medical school connected with the 
Aieron of Men Karou in the time of Augustus (see p. 52), viz. Zeuxis 
Philalethes (mentioned on coins of Laodiceia), succeeded by Alexander 
Philalethes, whose pupil was Demosthenes Philalethes. Athenodotos 
Philalethes was doubtless trained in the same school ; he may have 


taken the surname either to mark his training or because of an actual 
connexion by blood ; and it is highly probable that he conducted 
a medical establishment at the hieran of Attanassos in the Eumenian 
territory, where a god similar in character to Men Karou was worshipped. 
In that case he lived in the first century after Christ ; and he or his 
father got the civitas from Tiberius. Plutarch Symp. VIII 9 § i quotes 
Athenodorus, a physician of that period. 

197. Published with very different text in CIG 3886, Letronne 
Jouryi. d. Savants 1825 PP- 33° ^> Franz Fiinf InschrifteUy M. Paris BCH 
1884 p. 237, Hamilton II p. 470 : the text is given above as no. 88 
p. 246 ^ See § 2. 

The long series of deities in whose cultus Monimos is described as 
priest in this inscription (Zeus Soter, Apollo, Men Askaenos and Meter 
Angdistis, Agathos Daimon and Isis and Imperial Peace) should not be 
considered as distinct gods each having his or her own priest. Monimos 
was the priest of a pair of gods, embodying the divine nature as male 
and female, who were worshipped in the same temple and on the same 
altar as <rvvvaoi koI avvfioaiioi, : their complex nature, and the historical 
vicissitudes of their worship, are expressed by a series of identifications 
with Greek and Egyptian and Imperial Roman divinities (pp. 34, 104, 
263 f, 293 f, no. 98, icx)f). Monimos, as one of a college of priests 
(pp. 288, 293) attached to this cultus, is specified as * lampadarch priest : ' 
in the sacred mysteries he filled a rSle corresponding to that of the 
Dadouchos at Eleusis. 

The Greek moralized representation of the pair of deities under such 
forms as Eirene and the child Ploutos, shows how the Mother and the Son 
are here called Peace and Agathodaimon. 

In illustration of the complex priesthood mentioned here, a Roman 
epitaph may be quoted (Kaibel 1449) : K€i/xai hvpriKios ^Avrdvios 6 koi 
Upeifs tQv T€ d€<av irivTOiv, Ttp(arov Bovahir\^^ eira Mryrp6s O^&v kolX Aiovv<rov 
Ka[d]riy€ix6vos ^' tovtois iKr€\4(ras pvarripia ktX., where it is obvious that 
the Latin Bona Dea and the Phrygian Mother of the Gods are identified ; 
while Dionysos Kathegemon, the Pergamenian god, corresponds to Men- 
Agathodaimon in no, 88. Another illustration is found in no. 466. 

* In 1. 10 M. Paris reads I HC : Hamil- and he first caught the correct run of 

ton*8 K HC gives the true restoration the text in i[fp€a Aior ] and Mrjvos 'Aa-Ka- 

[)^en<t>v\a]Krf<ravTa. M. Paris also reads rivov. I would delete the comma between 

in 1. 10 EKAOriC, where Hamilton's XafiTradapxiv and Up^a in his text and 

EPA is confirmed by Pococke's ETTA, my former text (no. 88). 

Otherwise M. Paris's copy is the best; ^ Kaibel reads koi *Hyffu5wr. See no. 546. 


Zeiis-Oromasdes and Apollo -Mithras -Helios -Hermes and Artagnes- 
Herakles-Ares were the three gods whose statues accompanied those of 
the king himself and of Kommagene on the monument at the top of 

The date of this inscription would be fixed not earlier than Caracalla^ 
if the restoration [Avr ] Monimos could be trusted. But it is rather short, 
while [Aurelius] would be too long. There is no clear evidence of date; 
the lettering seems good (to judge from the type used by M. Paris), and 
I was disposed on that account (see no. 88) to consider the reading \vp, 
wrong. But I now believe that the date is under Caracalla (see below), 
and the name should be restored M. kvp. 

It is doubtful whether the ^yXoytor?}? is to be identified with the Xoyt- 
0T7;s. The latter was originally a Roman imperial official appointed by the 
emperor himself to regulate the finances of a city, and selected almost 
invariably from some other city. But the position of the curator was 
afterwards changed : beginning, perhaps, about A. D. 200, he was a regular 
officer of the city, selected from the citizens who had already held high 
municipal office : see p. 370. In this inscription, the eghguia is a citizen 
of Eumeneia ; and therefore the date is not earlier than the third century 
(if we assume his identity with the logist-a). The title eglogist'a is rare : 
it occurs at Ilium (CIG 3599 ^), and in Egypt 4956, 4957. See § 6. 

A xp€(i><iiv\aKiov (see p. 370) existed at Aizanoi LW 845, Apameia 
no. 333, Tiberiopolis? Phr. LWioi i, Aphrodisias LW 1630 &c., CIG 2826 
&c., Chios Ps, ArisL Oec. JI 12, Cos Paton-Hicks p. 249, Philadelpheia 
CIG 3429, Akmonia no. 549, Smyrna CIG 3282. 

This office was also called ypaiiyLar^iov at Nysa CIG 2943, ypaiifxaTo- 
(f)v\dKiov at Pessinus CIG 4094, Tlos CIG 4247, (pvXaKt} rtov ypaixixdrtjov 
at Mylasa CIG 2693, while ipx^'^ov is very widely used. The names 
priTpo(l>v\aKiov (Suidas), (rvyypa(l>o(l)v\aKLov (Memphis in Egypt), Ofa-jiO' 
(l>v\iKiov (Boeotia) have not been found in Asia Minor. Deeds of all 
kinds were sometimes executed in duplicate (airXa bvu> CIG 3509), one of 
which was deposited in the Record Office; but commonly a copy was 
made for the Office (ivTlypaipov or kK<r<^pi.yi(ryia, if an impression of the 
seals was taken). See § 5 and M. Dareste quoted there, 

The Eirenarch and Paraphylax are often mentioned together, and were 
evidently connected with each other (p. 68). The Paraphylax was prob- 
ably head of a body of policemen (7rapa</)vXaKiTat nos. 115, 1 16) ; and the 
Eirenarch had a general control of peace and order extending probably 
further than the limits of a single city. 

Second or third century B. c. denoting a Greek official. 


198. (Mordtmann in Ka>i;(rr. 4>tXoX. SuAX. 1884 irapapr, p. 65 no. 12). 

Asklepios Soter occurs also at DionysopoHs (p. 146). 

This pair is obviously a mere hellenizing identification of the god and 
the goddess at Attanassos. On the title Kvptos see p. 150, on iirriKoos 
PP- 304, 306. 

199. CIG 3887. 6 5. ^EirCyovov MevfKpdrovs ^iXoirarpiv, tov Upia 
Trj$ 'Pw/xr;s, (ra)Trjpa Kal fvfpyirqv bta Trpoyovoav^. Epigonos Philopatris 
is mentioned on a coin of Augustus (Imhoof GM no. 680), which dates 
this inscription. He was perhaps the earliest priest of Rome in Eumeneia, 
A cultus and a priest of Rome existed in Smyrna as early as 195 B.c.^ 
in Alabanda 170 B.C., in Pergamos 98 b.c.^ Both in Eumeneia, no. 199, 
and in Apameia^ no, 302, there was a priest of Rome, and doubtless 
a temple. Reasons are given on p. 479 for thinking that the decrees 
relating to the calendar were engraved on the walls of the temple of 
Rome at Apameia. Now another copy of these decrees existed at IJu- 
meneia ; and it is possible that the Eumenian temple of Rome was built 
at the same time and for the same purppse. A third copy of these 
decrees seems to have existed at Dorylaion, Radet en Phri/gie p. 136. 

aoo. (B. 1883). Ishekli : letters five inches high. [iJirjaros to 8'. 
Fragment of some emperor's titles. 

201. (R. 1 887). Aidan. Published with differences by M. Paris BCH 
1884 p. 245 ^. Sterrett's copy 1883 read TAavKwyos, but otherwise agrees 
with mine. 6 8. Kadi€p(0(r€v [VjfppLaviKov Kalaapa t/7raro[j;, cjcor^pa ical 
€V€pyiTrjp Ttjs TrrfAecos* iTnii€\rj64vT(av *Epfxay€vovs tov McX^tcovo? ic^il Mpr}- 
(riOiov TOV ^aivCinrov koI 'Apre/mtSwpov tov ^ kpT€p.ih<apov tov TkvKaavos 
apxovT<oi/. Germanicus was twice consul, 12 and 18 a.d. Though there 
seems to have been no bCs or j3 after viraTov, yet probably the inscription 
belongs to 18, while Germanicus was on his eastern mission. Greeks 
were often careless and ignorant of propriety in Latin titles. Perhaps 
Germanicus visited the city, or at least he conferred some favour on it. 
Another Meliton no. 259. See p. 368. 

202. CIG 3902 b. This inscription comes under Apameia no. 345. 

' In CIG an unintelligible line is put kel's note) : 0. Hirschfeld Berl Sitz, 

at the beginning, which is simply the 1888 p. 835. 

first line of no. 237. ' The double Artemidoros has de- 

* Tac. Ann, IV 56, Livy XLIII 6, ceived M. Paris, who omits the second. 
Inschr, Pefg. II p. 203 no. 268 (cp. Frftn* 


203. [Mous, Sm. no. pfry') brought to Tralleis from Ishekli. A line 
containing the other names of Bereneikianos must have been lost at the 
beginning; but in the published form the inscription is given as com- 
plete. [M. KXavhiov ?j ^€p€V€iKiavbv^ vlov M. KKavhiov 'NfiKrjpdrov Kepea- 
KCov 'Acrtapx^^j &vbpa ayaOoVy IlvdioviCKTjv, xpyaof^opriaavTa rfj TrarpCdi, 
ypaiipLaT€V<ravTa, iiyopavoixrj(TavTa, €lp[ri]vap\ri(TavTa, PovlXalpxTJa-airra koI 
iv (reiTOivCais irokXah Kal kripais VTrrjp€<rlais XP^I^^I^^^ 'HI 'warp^St 

As the name Ishekli occurs more than once in the country, it cannot 
be asserted positively that this inscription belongs to Eumeneia ; the rare 
name, M. Claudius, which occurs in this inscription, was used at Eu- 
meneia ; whereas the praenomen Tiberius was almost universally used in 
Asia with the nornen Claudius. M. Claudius Valerianus, High-priest of 
Asia 84-96, was perhaps of the same family as Cerealis. But the titles 
fiovXapxps and yjiV(TO<^6poSy characteristic of Tralleis, suggest that the 
inscription belongs to that city^. The Chrysophoros was, like the 
Stephanephoros, named from his official dress, see § a. At Aphrodisias 
(CIG 2836 h add) the Neopoioi were Chrysophoroi ; and they are 
entitled j/eoTrotol t^s ^A(t>pohirri^ (CIG 2811). 

204. CIG 3885. fj fi, K, 6 b. ir. Kara to y€v6fi€va \lr€(l>l<riiaTa (sic) 
^lovkiavbv ^ApT€iJLLb<ipov ivbpa pov\€VTrfV Koi dftoAoyoz;, ras Kopv<f>aiOTi!LTas 
ipxas Koi \€LTovpyias d/xe/unrrws iKT^Xiaavra kt\. This belongs to the 
emptiest class of honorary inscriptions. It is on the basis of a statue 
erected by Claudia (daughter of Dioklcs) and Claudianus, wife and son 
of Julianus. We may assume that Claudius Dioklcs was the full name 
of Claudia's father. 

An Artemidorus also no. 201, loulianos 226. 

205. (R. 1887). The only other inscr. which has any appearance of 
being a decree is a mutilated fragment, in small fine lettering and long 
lines at least 12 in number : I could make nothing of it : 7-107^ TrJXei 
VTT[<tp kavTov] KoX Tov vlo]v A ?] Ai[kivvCjOV T€p€[vTiov • • ']iavov iraibbs 
[ ]vov [ i]7r7riKo[ ]? irivTf eJs bp[ ] <r€iT(»)Vi[K]6v Tr6[pov? 

2c6. (Hogarth 1887). Savrantcha. BCH 1893 p. 244 ^. ' AyaOrjuepos 
Aiovvaiov (l>v\rjs 'ApycidSoy KaT€<r[K]€va(r€v rh pLifrj[fi]€iov koI tov i'n [avjrcjl 
^(apLOV eauro) koI yvvaiKi [av\Tov Tarta Ik T[Giv l\bi(iiv /ut. x« C^o*fl5 f^<^^^ Tpv(f)ri' 
(ras iv Tu) fiCi^ K[a0](i)s ^ibm on aTr[o0]av€lv 6ct. See CIG 3827 8, 

^ See CIG 2929, 2930 b add, Ster- ' In BCH the wife's name is read as 

rett Ath, Miiih, 1883 p. 329, or better Taro, and the copy ends abruptly at 
Papers of American School I p. 108. that point. 


207. (R. 1887). Eidir. There is another inscription, no. 236, on a 
different side of this stone. [6 belva] (f>v{\r]s) 'A/>yt(£5os ttjs a[i]r^s koI tcL 
T€Kva aiT(^ kavT<^ Kai rot; TrpoK€Krjb€vixivoi9 vloh Tanai;o> koI XpveipoiTi, koI 
ArjfirjTpCf^ Kol TO) fwj^n ^AX€$avbp(^ 'A<^t(p Koi rfj vvv(f>ri' eJ bi tls irepos^ 
iTTixfiprjaii OrjaL [Is rb rafxiov br^v. [^^]<^'. 

One line (or perhaps more) of this inscription was engraved on the 
capital of the Bof/ios, now broken. The construction at the beginning 
is obscure ; and probably a different restoration is needed. 

208. (CIG 3902 d). no(7rAto5) AI;Ato9 'AicriaKoy, ai]pi€Loypi(l>09, (t>vXrjs 
^AOrivatbos, for himself and his wife Parthenope and children Antonia and 
sweetest Ammia. 

P. Aelius Actiacus was a shorthand writer {notarius) : he probably was 
bom under Hadrian. It is possible, but not necessary, to connect iTr\p.€io~ 
ypi(f>os <f>vkrjsi as in CIG. 

Personal names, especially feminine, were often adopted in Phrygia 
from Greek mythology and Epos : Parthenope here, Lais no. 210, Hip- 
podameia 227, Kyprogeneia and Nereis 244, Deidamia 358 (Chr.), Atalanta 
385 (Chr.). See no. 35, 1 86, 358. 

209. (R. 1887). Ishekli. CIG 3898- 'AyaOji Tvxji. To ^p^pj; Kal 
Tov iir* axfTov fi<»}\ibv KaT€(TKeva(r€v r(Aios) ^lovfiivnos ^Pov<t)Os arpaTidTi^s 
iavTiS Koi TTJ yivoyiivri avrov yvratKl 2c7rri/xtqi AovkIKXti' els airrol ktjScv- 
Brja-ovraL, Irepos bk ovbels irapa yvdpirjv tov *Pov(f)ov fj biaTayrjv 6 5i iirt,' 
Xeiprjoras loyScCo-at irepov nva^ iTTOTeCa-et. els tov UpiaTaTov (f>Ca'Kov briv. fi<f)\ 
bi<T\Lkia TtevTaKiaia, 

It is remarkable how many Roman soldiers belong to the Eumenian 
district. The list is as follows (roughly arranged chronologically) : 

1 (no. 209). r. 'lovfiivTios 'Po{)</)os o-Tpartwn]? ^, 

2 (212). K. OvC^Los 'Pov<l>os ov€Tpav6s. 

3 (213). M. ^rj'ios Arjixayopas ov€Tpav6s. 

4 (210). r. ^lovkios MvpTikos ov€Tpavbs ^ovkevTrjs. 

5 (211)* (r?) ^lovkios TlaTrias linr. 6irko<t)vka^ aireCprjs irp, 'Paircoi;. 

6 (214). Ilus Gemelus eq. armorum custos. 

7 (217). (T. ?) <J>X. Ai6b(jDpos OTpaTidTrjs. 

8 (216). n? Alk,? ^ava-Tiavov? trib. coh. VI Hisp., trib. coh. I 

9 (215). ^AvTa)V€lvos a-trelprjs tt/o. 'Pa^rcor. 

^ The E beginning trtpos is engraved inscription. 
twice. ' R for B perhaps implies a later date. 

' Beta has always the form R in this 


10 (218). Avp. Aioiwtos arpaTLdrris Koi fierpavos (third century). 

11 (373)« Avp. Mdvvos liTTTCvy a-ayiTTdpii bpaKcovapis (c 300). 
Nothing similar to this occurs in any other district of Asia Minor ; 

and perhaps Eumeneia was for some reason a favourite recruiting 
ground. M. Le Blant Manuel p. 15 gives some statistics. In three 
collections of Latin inscr., containing 10,050, he finds 545 epitaphs of 
soldiers, an average of 5'4 per cent. In this Phrygian valley in a sena- 
torial province we should expect a smaller average ; but there are 1 1 soldiers 
in 138 (reckoning some unpublished fragments), giving an average of 
8 per cent. P. Aelius Faustianus (8) differs from the others : he was an 
officer of rank ; and it is not certain that he was a Eumenian, as the 
others seem to have been. 

The Cohort I Rhaetorum occurs three times (5, 8, 9). As the auxiliary 
cohorts were recruited regularly in the imperial provinces ^, there is here 
again something unusual. This cohort contained cavalry {cohort equiiata)^ 
as we see from (5). It was stationed in Rhaetia in a.d. 108 (OIL III D 24), 
and 166 (Eph, Ep, II p. 460), and both (5) and (9) must have served in 
that province, though that is contrary to the rule that the Western armies 
were recruited from the Latin-speaking provinces. 

210. (R. 1887). Aidan. BCH 1893 P- 242^ "^iiio^ 'lovXio? MwprfXos 
\o\?j^Tpo,vo^ Pov\€VTi}s Trjs EviJL€v4oiiv TToAecoy kavT^ KaT^a-Keiainv ilpLvriaTov 
OLKov iv ^ T€^?}(ro/iai, TTpoKfifJiivrj^ ptov T7]s yvvaiKos Aat8os Ttjs yXvicvrdriys, 
irpos rd pLTjbiva ttot^ ^Trtx^tp^o-ai /xryS^ Kfivrja-aC cJ 6^ rts &v (jyaveCrj pLcrh rd 
ipL€ T€Orjvai., tnrevOvvos larai T<p Up(t}T6,T(^ rapidf^ brjv, fi(t>\ 'TyLaivw hi 
Kiyoa iraai rots irapobfCTms^ Svpa. 

On $vpa see no. 280 and pp. 99 f, 367. 

211. (R. 1883, 1887). Ishekli. 'I01JA105 Uairlas Ittttci;? 6iT\o(f>v\a( 
crTT€[p[ris TT]p<iTrjs 'PatVcoi; fwi; kavrS KaT€(rK€va<r€v [xjal Mcj^€Kp<l[r€t t]ov 
Talov T(^ d[i^e\|r]t<j) /utov ical ols hv 6 M€V€KpaTrj[s:] PovXrjOfj. 

If the restoration here given is correct, the phrase M€V€Kpd[T€i, t]ov 
Taiov is an inaccurate form, in place of the right expression r^ TaCov 
(with via) understood). See no. 514. 

'07rAo</)i5Xaf is a translation of armon/m cusios, keeper of the armour 
(no. 214), the title of a grade among the principales (officers intermediate 
between centurions and privates) : the cusios armorum ranked above curator 
turmae and below signifer ^ (Marquardt II pp. 559 f). See no. 214. 

' Mommsen Hermes XIX p. 44 ; Cag- for oucrpavoy , and K € I M H C A I for Kti- 

nat Dilectus (in Daremberg et Saglio vtiktih (transcribing K\rfi€v\(Tai), 
Did. d. Ant,) note 201. ' 'OrrXo<^i'Xaf was a title of Herakles 

'^ BCH omits rdtw, reads €Vi)[<rt]of (?) in Smyrna. 


212. (R. 1883). Baljik-Hissar. Published in part BCH 1893 p. 243. 
*Aya0[i Tv\rj. K. OvC^los *Vov<f>os ov[€T]pavbi to avvKpovarov koi rdv €7r' 
airop] ypibov <rvif T<p P(»>IJl[^] C^v iavT<^ koI 'A/xjLi[t^ T]fj yvvaiKl icc *Pov<^^i/j; 
0v[y]aTpl Kar^a-Kevaa-ev eJs ijp^ov ohh^[v]L kript^ i^ovaia €OT[ai] T^Or\vai irkriv 
ipLov K[al] TTJs yvvaiKos /xov ^[a]v b[i\ tls Irfpos ^Trix^ipf^o-jei nva Oewai, 
aTrob(i[(r€L €ls tov T<av KvpC(»)V (f>C<rK[ov br]v, ^fi<f>» 

The words jcarco-Kci/ao-cr €h are engraved in smaller characters over an 
erasure and 7]p<iov oihe- are interpolated above the beginning of the next 
b'ne. ^vvKpova-Tov was probably a basement of concrete (doubtless con- 
taining a grave-chamber) : on it stood the altar with the inscription ; 
and one or more steps in the side of the crvvKpov<rTov led up to the altar 
(see p. 367). 

213. (R. 1883). Ishekli. CIG 39022 gives part, BCH 1893 p. 242 
the rest. M. ^rjios Arifiayopas ov€Tpavds t6 avvKpovarov koI tov ypdbov 
aiv rep fiiapL^ kavrti koX McAirii^jj ry yvvaiKl C^v inoL-qa^v, 

214. (CIG 3902^). Ishekli. llus Gemelus eq(ues), armorum custos, 
Eutaxiae coniugi merenti fecit. *lXos N/xtAos tTTTrevy, OTrAoc^vXaf, Evra^lc^ 
avpfiC(^ p., \. €. 

The name Gemellus occurs at Eumeneia in no. 361. Compare no. 211. 

215. (CIG 3902 y, better liev. Arch, 1876 1 p. 281). FlaiAAa 'Ai/ro)- 
viivi^ <TTpaTi(orri a"n€ip'f\s irpdnjs 'PaiTOiv lbC(D avbpl /x. x** ^5 & fjpi^ov ovb^vl 
kripi^ i^iarai, r€Or\va[i]' ^l ris b\ ^7rixct/>^o"€t, Otia-^i U rbv f^iaKOV br]v, fi(i>\ 

nci>XAa the Latin Polla. 

216. CIG 3902 c with different restoration. [17 j3. Kal o b. heCipLifdav 
[n. AlAJioi/ 4>ajin7na]i'6i; * \<E[i\lap])(0v X^^lP*"?^] ?'^^'/5 ^Ifrlnaviav] koX x^^^^- 
[apX®^] [xl*^/^^'?^ \TTp<i]Tii]s [V aLToi[v tov] kavT&v evcf/jyerryi^]. 

217. (B. 1883). Tchivril. M. Paris BCH 1884 p. 244 2. At6ba)pos 
<I>A. Aio5eSp({> OTpaTidTrj riKVi^^pLrjs X^P''^ ' ^^ ^'^ avopv^€L to ^pLvrj]p.a, 
Orjo-CL Is [rd Ta]iM€iov (brjvApia) ^€. 

Diodorus served in the Roman army. The late form of c() shows that 
he did not take his name from the Flavian dynasty : he perhaps lived in 
the third century : cp. the inscription on a coin of Otacilia (244-249) 
€n . (^ . ct>IAI[K OY . APX I . €YM€N€nN \ 

* The name is quite uncertain ; per- ' At the end he reads 5 denarii, 

haps [r. *Ioi;X]iov (but the copy, a bad ' Doubtless Philikos was Archiereus 

one, has A I ON): <tn[fi<opi]vov, ^a[v Asian; but it is strange that AC I AC 

pia]p6v &c. would suit the relics of the should be omitted at that late period. 



218. (R. 1888). Yamanlar. Published differently by M. Paris * BCII 
1884 p. 253. (A), trov^ tk\ firj(vbs) 0\ at'. Alovvo-los aTpaTLdrrjs 6 Koi 
P€Tpav6s. (B). [A^tonJcrtos oTpaTidrrjs Ka\l] Drpcircor KaTea-KCvalarav] t6 
fjpQov iavToh. (C). [Aip]. 'Ioi;(r[T]a ^€fia[(TT7]vri Ka]l npctfTyzi/, yvvfi 
A[iow<riov, Av]p» Aiov[v(tC(^ rcS avbpC, koI ^]tpAt(dv t<J) yXvKurdrci) [7r]arpt 
Avp, Aiowa-if^ [)3€rpa]i;<S, ic[at '2iTp6\rwi[v rw hhM/f)^. 

Dionysios and his brother Straton prepared their grave (B). Dionysios 
died first a. d. 236, on the eleventh day of the ninth month (A) ; and 
his brother, his son, and his wife, united in his burial (C). This in- 
scription shows that the praenomen Aur. is sometimes added, sometimes 
omitted, in writing a name (as has been pointed out above p. 314). 

The epithets attached to the name of Justa are remarkable : Justa was 
connected with two towns, Sebaste and Preiza 2. Now between Sebaste 
and Eumeneia (or Peltai) lies a city Bria, whose name (meaning ' city ' in 
Phrygo-Maccdonian languages, p. 577) is connected with an interesting 
and wide-spread series of words. The goddess of Pamphylian Perga is 
named on coins Wanassa Preiia ^, ' the Pergaean Queen ' : this implies 
that there existed a by-form Pria (or Preia) alongside of Perga, and we 
remember that Ahrens long ago explained Flpia/xos with its Aeolic equi- 
valent Ul^pap.os (i.e. Uipyapios) as forms of the name Uepyafios. Now 
in this series of names there was a dialectic variation between initial 
TT and B (irvpyos and Burgh) * ; and hence we see that alongside of Bria 
there must have been a form Berga, like Pria with Perga, Further the 
modem name of Bria is Burgas, which we now see to be a" survival of 
the ancient name. Again as Perga-Pria and Berga-Bria are equi- 
valent forms, so Brioula in Lydia and Bergoula in Thrace are equivalent 
diminutive forms'^ of the same name; and hence it is natural to find 
Bergoula still called Burgas, preserving the ancient name. See no. 489. 

Now we return to the form UpetCnvos, Pick has shown that in 

^ The differences are too many and 
serious to enumerate ; in (C) M. Paris 
begins 'lo[v]Xia 2cj3a[(rri7]. 

' Two ethnics are often attached to 
a man's name, rarely to a woman's. 

' An explanation given in JHS 1880 
p. 246, and now widely accepted. 

* The variation is due to varying 
treatment of double aspirate bh and gh. 
With the variation in the vowel, com- 
pare Seiblia-Soublaion, Derbe-Doubra 
(Expositor March 1895 p. 224) ; and 
above p. 222. 

' It is interesting to find the moat 

characteristic Latin diminutive suffix 
employed also in Phrygo-Thracian 
names. We notice, too, that the Latin 
word pergula is of unknown origin. In 
Asia Minor a solitary house in the 
country is called Kula (the Castle, see 
Hist. Geogr, p. 212) : in this sense Kula 
would correspond in Latin to Pergula, 
and it may be suggested that Pergula 
is a borrowed foreign word, which 
means 'the little fort,' and that it is 
the same word as the Thraco-Phrygian 
Bergoula-Brioula (where ov is the Greek 
rendering of the vowel m). 


Phrygian f often represents an original y before i ; and I think that 
n/)€tf?ji/05 must go back to an old form Ylpiya or ITpfya, which is 
obviously equivalent to Perga-Pria. Thus Ylp^iC'^l^ri in this inscription 
may be accepted as a local form of the ethnic of the city Bria. The wife 
of Dionysius the Eumenian belonged to the two neighbouring towns 
Bria and Sebaste, probably owning property in both : Sebaste was barely 
six miles north of Bria. Bria is called Brozos^ p. 616. 

219. (R. 1887). Yakasimak. A mere fragment of an epitaph (at 
least twelve lines long), broken right and left, irovs] (r\it] yLr){vb%) 
*t['n€p^€pTaiov^ 6'?. ^ A\i^a\vh\p]o^ )3' [/3oi;X€vr?)y Ev^fz/^coi; [KaT€(rK€v\aa'^v 

rh r)p^[ov kavr^ koX rois yov^iaiv aVjov ] 'AA€f<iy5[p<j) 'Aprc?]- 

^kiovs [koL n?jXa>ri^ [koX ttJ kawov] yov^Ki' €l hi T19] rrKvXr}[(r6t, 

d(tf(r€i kt\. A.D. 164. See no. 661. 

220. (Hogarth 1887). Budjak. 'kki^avhpos ' Pik€^6.[vhpov t]ov 0€o- 
yivovs [iiToC^ria-ev iv roiti^ J6i<{) Ik [t]«j; lbi<av rh (TVVKpov<r[T]ov avv rw ^(o/m^, 
lavTi^ Kk TTJ yvvaiKl avrov TarCq k^ Wkvci) yvrja-it^' €l bi ns d[i^jTt7ro[i^<re]t 
^ iiTiK<o\v<r€i fj It€[p]6v Tiva Orja-^i, ^lyo-ct [cjJy tov (jiiaKOV rtav Kvpl(ji\v] 
bifvipia bL<r\i\ia k^ h T[rj]v U[p]av PovXrjv brjvd[p]La Strr^tAta. Tovtwv 
ivriypa^ov iTreriOrj els ra ipyjela. Compare to, Ibia iK t. L no. 361. 

221. (R. 1888). Aidan. The first half is published BCH 1893 p. 243. 
^A\]i(avbpos Ka[T]€(rK€iJao'cr rd ^p<Sov kavTti (&v koX t<w vlw fxov *E^j)]iJLoy4vrj 
Koi TJj yvv[€]Kl avTov ^Ap,p,la Kai, toIs t€ki'ois ovtov' ^Tep<{) bk ovbevl i^ov 
iaroi TeOrjvai x^P^W ''^^ 7rpoy€ypa[fx]/x€i;a>i/* hs bk hv iinxflLlprjaei, Orja-ti 
h TT)v UpcaTdTrjv /SovAtji; TtpoaTiip.ov brjv, ^€. 

222. (R. 1888). Omar-Keui. 'Aki^avbpos r[aC\ov^Tov 'ArrdKov iavT[^ 
kk rfi yv]vaiKC /xov T[ep]TvXkri koX to[is riKVOis ^AjcoX'oo-tr] koX t^ M^^Wi 
fATH^y KaT€€r[K€va(T€. rdif ypi]b[o]v ktX, fine to fiscus. 

223. (R. 1887). Yakasimak. hovs Tb\ m{vo^) I//// Avp. 'A\i$avbpos 
Ki *A/bi/Aia9 ff yvvT) avrov iavrols C^vt€S iTioiaav k€ Seayevrj t4kv<i^ pi, x* 

A.D. 219-20. 

224. (R. 1887). Ishekli. ^ Avbp6v[€iKos ivoClria-ev rd [fjpi^ov fwr] (^pov&v 
i[atrri^ Ka\ rSi] irarpl rai[<^. 

* If this name is correctly restored, ^ r[ai]ov uncertain : the inscription 

it must have been written in a con- is very faint, and riA|OY was the 
tracted form. doubtful appearance. 


225. (R. 1887). Aidan. M. Paris BCII 188411. 246'. Ammia to 
her husband Bamas and uhildreu Euandros and Stratoneike, kqi cI t 
vjt afijrij f£(T[a crjurxwp^ixa). Fine to Fiscue. See no. 380. 

226. (K. 1887). CIG 3889. Ishekli. 'A^iKiiros 'lowXiawjG (^oiTjtrfv ri 
liv'tiieiov Tfpriq Aovk(oo tov Vatov fipiolSt kqI iavri^ fSf. Any dead 
person, even a slave ov freedman (see Deneken Nerox in Roscher'a 
Lexleoii), may be a ^ptos or iipudi ; but the ust' of the title in an epitaph 
probably impUea the institution of some cultus. Here tlie husband 
intends to institute such a cult to his deceased wife : in a Roman epitaph 
a father makes the grave for his son Faustus t7,5ioi oTt(/>aM](/)o'p<i), where 
he evidently regarded the son as identified with the crowned god, and 
probably he placed over the grave a statue or statuette of the son 
represented as Stephanephoros^. Typical examples of the foundation of 
a cultus to a dead jierson as hero may be found in CIG 3448 (the 
testament of Epikteta, probably in Thera), and in /iVr, El. Oi: 1889 
pp. 19 ff (to the daughter of Antipater, son of Gaius, at Amorion); but 
all those bequests given for the performance of ceremonies at the grave 
are deviues to secure the permanence of a heroic cultus (see pp. ico, 
367 f). There are cases, especially at Cyzieoa and Ajihrodisias, in which 
the title ijf/ius is applied to a magistrate. M. Waddington considers that 
they had died in ofiice, LW 1639, and explains the surprising mortality 
of magistrates by the supposition that the title was often for life. This, 
however, does not suit the facts. M. Th. Reinach, on the other hand, 
simply remarks that at Cyzieos the title was often given to living men and 
women ', without suggesting any explanation. Perhaps the meaning is 
that persons were sometimes appointed after their death r Canon Hicks 
considers that a tutelary god or a hero was often appointed to an 
eponymous office, e.g. Stcphanephoros at lasos and Priene*. Heroes 
may have been appointed at Aphrodisias in the same way. This 
seems to be one of the many ingenious fashions in which marks and 
titles of honour were invented for the dead and made a matt«r of sale ia 

' M. Paris has tiie fine rightly 8i|v. <p 
in his copy, Lut wrongiy rpatorea 3i)v. 

* Kaibel 1343: compare the title as 
applied to a. magigtrate, who was ori< 
ginally the priest of the crowned ROd 

(e.g. 'AttuWwii cni^ayrif-'ip t at lasOB) 
p. 56. 

' BCH 1890 p. S37. His examples 
are not all good: BCII XII 193 ia en- 

graved on a tombstone and clearly refers 
to a dead man : Alh. Milth. VIl 254 ia 
on the basis of a statue, but the statue 
may commemorate a dead man. 

* Hicks in JHS 1S87 ji. <,9 ; Th. Bei- 
nach in Rev. £(. Gi: 1893 p. 156 con- 
siders the suggeetion aa not deserving 
even of refutation. See also Hicks 
/H-0-. Br. M. Ill pp. 19, 31, 32. 


Asian cities. Such a title as hipparch in Cyzicos^ stephanephoros in 
Aphrodisias ^, was given to the dead man or woman, by the fiction of 
election for the ensuing year; and of course a sum was required in 
pajrment. Similarly there can be no doubt that the presentation of 
crowns, inscriptions, statues, &c., by the state was a matter of regular 

2^7. (CIG 3899). Ishekli. 4>X(£(/3ios) "Amos KaT€<rK€va(r€[v] (Qv lavrcp 
Td [^/>]^oi; Ktd Tji y[v]vaLKl A6[<l>v]ri koX tois t^kvois avTov 'A7r[(|<p koI 
[*l]TnToba\ii]€[lq K]al *[P]u>iiivri' jr^pcp h[i] ovk i[((\aTai TeOrjvai' [fl] bi 
[fx]riy ictX. 

On another side QiSpa ^. See no. 280. 

228. (R. 1883), Emirjik. "Attc^ioi/ Uerpoiviov [. ,]v<^ ^Akt^dvbpov Td[v 
fitafiov ?] fi. \., KaT€[a'K€vaa'€v]y fines to fiscus and senate ^. 

229. (R. 1887). Yakasimak*. Avp, *ApCaT<av Karea-Kdairiv rb fjp<^ov 
iavTi^ Koi Tjj yvvaiKl * Api<TTr^ koX rt^ vl<^ 'ApCaroivt, koI rfj Ovyarpl 'Hpa- 
fcX[€i]diai;f) Kal rals dvyarpda-iv [Tjaiavfj Koi *llpaKk€ibiavfj' Iripff^ bi ovbevl 
i^v iarai T€0fjvai' cl tis bi iirix/iprjo'ci Irepov Oelval Tij;a, ^/Jcct h tov 
ipla-Kov /] *. 

230. (Sterrett 1883). Ishekli. "AttoXos lav^r)^ koI rlj yvvouKl koX r<p 
W<ic>i;y /x. x- 

231. (R. 1888). Ishekli. Published rightly by M. Paris, BCH 1884 
p. 233. Avprjkios rdtos 'A7r[€X]Xa icar€<ric€va<r€i^ rb p,vr\p,€iov lain{(^ koX t^ 
yvvaiKi avT[ov] koI Ttj fxriTpl Koi xD^j*""^ <^tX(p 'Oi^(rfjLt<j) Kai rjj yv2;a[i]icl 
avTov • cJ bi Tts ^TTixfiprja-et, &va[a]K€vd<rai tov t6ttoVj iarca avrt^ KaT[i]pa 
riKViav Wk[z;ois] koX T<j) <TV[kPovkt\6\javri, . i filos Tavra. 

As in no. 232, 236, friends are admitted to the grave. This text has 
something unusual about it, and may be compared with no. 565, 567 ®, 

' At Cyzicos BCH 1889 p. 518; Ath. » M. Paris BCH 1884 p. 247 reads 

Mitth.1%%1 pp.42, 121, CIG 3665. In ATT<DIONTT€TPONlO (sic), adding 

a Carian city BCH 1890 p. 607 ; at ^ la premiire ligne seulement est Usihle* 

Aphrodisias CIG 2827, 2850 c, LW 1636, * Yakasimak consists of two di\isions 

1639. (mahale) : the northern of these is called 

^ Below this CIG adds two more lines, Ulujaka by M. Paris BCH 1884 p. 251. 

which in reality is the beginning of a '^ The number is not quite certain, 

fragment in honour of some emperors, The symbol for bjjvdpia was not engraved, 

published BCH 1884 p. 236. • See p. S 32* 

VOL. T. PT. ir. D 





23a. (R. 1883). Emirjik. Published very incompletely by M. FkriB 
BCH 1884 p. 240 ^ On three sides of a large Bomos. 
A. fa)oy liiv TovTov riyiPov rts €T€V^€V iavT<p, 

Movaais icrKrjOeCs^ TdXos irpayfiaTiKOSf 
17]^ dAo'x^ <l>*^ill TaTlji T^KiaCv re iroOrjTols^, 
4 61 pa Tov aChiov tovtov l[x]a)(rt dJ/xoi;, 

(Tvv *PovPrj ixcydkoio d[€ov] d^piLitovn 

[koX ix€Ta name of a second friend] 

[vvu y atOis] la-oyjfriipos bva\ tovtois 

TJuos &9 iyios, &s iya$dSi ttpoklyia \ 
ov]k ia")(ov irKovTov ttoXvv cIs pCov, ov irokv XP^H^' 
ypipLfjLaai b^ fja-KjjOrjv iKirovicas \i€Tpioii' 

(nrovhriv fjv €t\ov Tra<n xoptfo/xci/os. 
TOVTO yap fjv fioi T^puvov iisapKdv €4 rts €XP?/fc 

Si^ SlKXohv oK^os ripy^iv Syet Kpabiri. 
fjLtjbels h\ovv ir\ovT(^ Tv<f>\a)6€ls [KOv]<f>a (f>pov€CT<a^ 

iraai yap (h "AiSryy Kal Ti(6)\os^ iarlv lirov. 
"EoTLV Tis p,iyas 2)v iv KTrjuaaiv; ov it\4ov oiroSj 

TavTo fMirpov yairjs irpos rdfpov iKb€\€Tai, 
(nT€vb€T€y Tijv V^xV €v<ppaCv€T€ TrivTOT€, [6]irri[ToC^i 

&s fibv9 pioTOS, Kal pArpov iori fo))s. 
Tavra, <^^Aoi *• /icrci ravra tC yap irXiov ; ovKin ravra' 

enfjkKr] ravra kakfl Kal KCOos, ov yap iyd, 
Qvpai ixiv ivOa kcX irpbs "Xibav obol 

&V€(6b€VT0L d' clarlv is <f>6,0S TpCpoC 

o]l bif 6[€tAjai04 7r<lx^[€s] eh d[i/a]oTa(rij; 

. . . AZ OYCn - TO EAC 

(four iambics illegible). 
The tomb was erected by Gains for his own family and for two friends, 
Roubes and another. The name Gains was very common at Eumeneia 
(no. 211, 224, 226, 23i5etc.)^. The admission of any persons outside 





^ M. Paris calls the village Emeldjik. 
In 1883 Sterrett helped me. In 1887 
Hogarth and I rccopied it; but we 
added nothing, and in our copy I find 
in 1. 2 ypafipoTiKds transcribed, appa- 
rently a slip. Both copies confirm some 
of Dr. Zingerle^s emendations Philologus 

1894 p. 345. 
' llie stone clearly has ak6x<^ (fHXiij, 
' Lines 7, 8 are engraved at the top 

of the stone, separated from 1. i by 

a festoon. Apparently there was no 
room for them at the bottom of the 
stone, and they were put in the blank 
space at the top. 

* TiBXos on the stone : an error for 


' Stnj[a-ip] or oi'^[(rci] might also be 

* M. Paris reads ravra XaoL 

^ Compare Gaiana no. 387 ^Ghr.) and 


of the family to the tomb is not in keeping with the strict old Phrygian 
feeling (p. 98), and indicates wider education and freer philosophic 
thought: see also no. 231 (which has other traces of difference from the 
common Phrygian type) and 380. 

Gains was a lawyer or attorney ^, and a man of education (1. a) K On 
his tomb he inscribes^ during his lifetime, a remarkable epitaph in verse, 
in which he records something about his own life and sentiments. He 
allows his two friends admission to the same grave ; and in the lost lines 
5-7, he apparently mentioned that they had influenced his thought, * and 
now, equal in franchise ^ with these two, I, Gains, as a pure, as a good 
man, announce publicly/ Then he proceeds to give on sides B and C 
a statement of his principles, his education, his generosity to his friends 
and to all men. The chief interest of this text lies in the question, what 
are Gaius's principles. The term iyios, the designation of Roubes as 
'servant of the great God,* the fine sentiment of 13-14, might suggest 
that he was a Christian. But the general tone of 9 ff is distinctly that 
of Greek philosophy, and 19-ao in particular are of the Epicurean tone; 
while 21-23 seem to be the beginning of a sneer at the idea of a Re- 
surrection of the dead and the poor fanatics who cling to it *. M. Cumont 
writes * to me, * il me semble meme %urpreiidre dans ce morceau une veritable 
pol^mique contre les idees nouvelles qui %e repandaient dans C entourage du 
defunt' ; and I agree fully with his view, for in 9-22 the tone seems 
pointedly adopted to vie with and surpass, as well as to contradict, the 
Christian morality and its point of view. 

The term /uieydXoto 0[(eov] OepiiroDv is taken by Dr. Zingerle in PhiloL 
1 894 p. 345 as a proof of Christian origin ; and M. Paris refused to admit 
the restoration O[iov\y because it would be a sign of Christianity. Dr. 
Zingerle proceeds to state the view that in this tomb a Christian and 
a pagan were buried together ; and regards the whole as a proof of the 
gentle and easy development of religion in Asia Minor, where Hellenism 
lived on in Christian garb ®. This view seems to me untenable in view 
of the general character of the whole epitaph. As Dr. Zingerle recog- 

^ A irpaynaTucSi of the Gerouaia at Waddington's note, Duchesne BCH 

Magnesia Mae. (homme d'affaires, inten- 1879 p. 145, Le Blant II p. 406. 

dayii, ^^ran/, MM. Cousin and Deschamps '^ I sent him the additional lines of 

BCH 1888 pp. 207, 213). the inscr., which are the most decisive. 

' ypafifUTiK6t, in one of my copies, is * Wo Hellenismus in christlichem Ge- 

tempting. ' wande in iceitem Umfange weiterlehte, 

' Holding the same sentiments. That this is true, I am quite agreed 

' References to Hades, and similar with Dr. Zingerle, and we shall see 

mythological ideas, as in 23, are not in some examples of the influence of the 

themselves inconsistentwith Christianity common philosophical tone in Christian 

as expressed in verse, see LW 2145 with inscr., no. 354. 

D 2 


nizes^ the form ' the god ' was widely used by the pagans : at the same 
time I must so far agree with him that this * servant of the great god/ 
with his Semitic name^ does not seem to be the adherent of any local 
cult. In the mutilated lines 7-8^ he seems to be marked as a sort of 
missionary^ whose convert Gains had become. Yet the name Roubes 
does not seem Christian: it has not the type of the Christian no- 
menclature of the period : it seems to be Jewish, and to represent a 
grecized form of Reuben (*Pot;;3i]z;). The ' great god ' is Jehovah^ called 
{AJnaros Otos in a Jewish inscr. of Athribis in Egypt ^, and often in the 
Septuagint. See no. 563. 

Thus we find in this remarkable inscription two sides^ (i) philosophy 
in pointed opposition to Christianity (as in inscr. 466, 635), (2) the 
mixture of Judaism and Hellenism, pointing to a fusion of the two 
in Phrygia (see p. 675). The age of Caraealla or Alexander Severus is 
in all probability the time when this inscr. was composed. 

233. (Hogarth 1887). Ishekli. CIG 3902 A with some differences. 
TkvKoav iirvria-e rd fjp<aov lavrcS koI rrj yvvcuKl avrov ^Ajilq koL tois riKvois 

234. (R. 1887). CIG 3892 with some differences after Laborde, who 
does not record the loss of nearly four lines in the middle. "Etovs <nf0\ 
Iir}v6s ff * AioytJo-tos FAvkcdvos E[v]fi€i;€t'9 Cwv rh fjp^ov [icajreo-icevcura kfiavri 
K[al] Ttj yvvaiKC fjLOV 'ATrdftry 2[Kv\fivov koX toU rcicvot? fjLOv [three lines erased 
tov]tov to iirrCypaifiov iTT€T4Bri cJs ra Evjifviiov ipyeia. A. D. 205. 

The penalty is erased^ as in no. 235, cp. 243. 

235. (R. 1887). Ishekli. BCH 1884 p. 235, Sev. Arch. 1876 I 
p. 279. "Erovs <n8'. kvp, Aiovvaios /3' [r]ot5 NCyepos MapKcXXfivbs icare- 
a'K{€)va(r€v rd ffp^ov Avp. AovkCa)vi koX s,av (line blank) riKvoiS ^ avrQv' e{ 
bi Tis ircpov ^TTtx^ip. A. D. 229-230. See no. 236. 

This inscription was never completed : possibly the penalty was 
intentionally not engraved. CIA must be a mistake for Tl A ; a.d. 130 
is an impossible date for an inscription where Aur. is a praenomen. The 
nomen Aurelius came into use in the provinces under M. Aurelius ; about 
161-220 provincials often bear the name M. Aurelius. Under Caraealla 
the custom of using the praenomen Aur. became almost universal in 
Phrygia, and evidently rose from the extension of the Roman franchise 

' SeeBCHi889p.i79withS.Reinach'8 ' M. Paris reads :iav[6i<f Km] rUvoii. 

commentary: the term is common in Between 2 AN and TEKNOICthere 

paganism (see p. 33 note), is a space for one line left blank ou the 

^ Laborde has C where I read 6. stone, not noted in BCH or Bev, Arch, 


to the whole empire: I pointed this out in JHS 1883 p. 30, and have 
since that time found it an almost infallible criterion of date : any ap- 
parent exceptions are easily explained ^ The full name M. Aurelius may 
be used in an inscription engraved later than 210-2x5; but the person 
who bears it was a provincial Roman citizen bom in 1 61-180 : the prae- 
nomen Aur, was assumed by those who gained the civitas in virtue of 
Caracalla's extension. At a later date the praenomen Fl. came into 
occasional use^ probably under Constantine ; and it is sometimes difficult 
to distinguish the late use of the joraenomen from the use of the nomen 
(with praenomen omitted), which became common in 70-96, and lasted 
long. De Rossi Inscr, Chr, Urb, Mom, pp. cxii f and Le Slant II p. 537 
consider that the use of Aur. as praenomen is rare after Constantine ; and 
my experience confirms this view. See also no. 651. 

236. (R. 1887). Eidir; engraved on another side of the stone which 
bears inscr. no. 206. Avp, AovXicov KaT€a-K€va<r€ rh fip<^ov iavT<^ kqI rols 
riKVois Kal Tariq /xcra t4kv<ov rpitav. 

Aur. Douli6n also no. 235. See no. 231, 380. 

237. (CIG 3887 after Pococke : attached wrongly to no. 199). Part 
of an inscription, either mutilated or undecipherable, which Pococke in 
his notebook left undistinguished from the next^ no. 199. A[a)]po^€[o]9 

238. CIG 3893. *£p/Li^9 'AK/xor€V9 Kal YtvyL^vtvs r^ vl^ [lov EvKcip7r<(> 
KoI ^a[v]rf KoX rp yvi/aiKi 'A<^/3o5t(r€i[o] 

iyiov OavovTos koL [y]vvaiKbs Koi t4kv(ixv 
ftff hv ivv^€i vi^fiov fj pkiyjfei T6.(f>ov 
Tr6[v](ov idpcDV 7r€pi7r^[(r]o[i]ro [<r]vi;<^opat[s] 
6 b* iTnx^tp[rj<ras] ^[7r]o(<r€t ro! <f>l(TK(f brjv, fi<f>. 

The species of curse contained in the iambic lines was characteristic of 
the more rustic and less civilized parts of Phrygia ; and the only instance 
of this kind of curse in the civilized Eumeueia is in this epitaph of a 
stranger from Akmonia^ who had received Eumenian citizenship. 

239. (R. 1887: Sterrett 1883). Aidan. M. Paris p. 247. Euxenos 
to his parents Euxenos and Apphia, 

^ In an inscription of Smyrna hvprj. probably the real praenomen M. has 

'A<^/>odrt<rioffi8mentioned, probably about been omitted by a Greek author. The 

200-210, BCH 1882 p. 291 ; but here the Greeks never properly understood the 

strict use of Avp. has not begun, and Roman system of naming. 


240. (BCH 1893 p. 245). Between Todju and Doghlu. Zotikos to 
his wife Balbi[ll]a ^. 

241. (CIG 3894). Owo/xa ZcoriKos cZ/xt, irarrip Kda-^ios, Trarply ^^[c]*. 
This is probably the opening of a longer inscr., op. no. 656 f. 

242. (R. 1883, 1887). Ishekli. JHS 1884 p. 251. ZcotikAs 'Avt(ovC^ 
rrj [lb]lq yvvaiKL Koi kavT<^ f*^{M'?)5 X^P^^' Underneath the inscription is 
the word 0YPA (no. 280). 

243. (R. 1 883). Omar Keui. CIG 390a *. Aip, Zcorticds Tpo^^v 
iKTrjo-aTO Td fjp<^v, Iv ^ Kr\heo6ri(T€Tai avrbs koi fj yvvri avrov Tpv<l><aviavii ki 
if iiv aifrbs arvvyoiipriaw kripif h\ ovk i^icrrai [icTy5€v](rai. 

Zotikos seems to have purchased the monument ready made. Penalty 
omitted, see no. 235, 234. 

244. (R. 1887). Ishekli. Aifp. Z(M>TiKds 'A7ro[X]Xa)i;tov KaT€(TK€va(r€v rd 
fiptfov Kol Tov I'n avTta ^(OfjLov kavrta koI rfj yvvrjKl avrov Kvvpoytviq. Kal rfi 
KfiyLfirrj Svyarpl NrjpeeCbi Koi Tois XotTrots t4kvois' kripot b^ oitbtvl [IJfcort 
(sic) T€67Jvai' h[s 6'] &[v i]Tnx'^iprj(r€i, 0€lvai x<ii>p\s rrjs avvx(api/j<r€<as, Orja-fi cfc 
Tr}V UpiaTirriv povXriv briv, <f>. The misspelling -q for at is rare. 

245. (CIG 3902 k). Aur. Zotikos to himself and wife Tatia. 

246. (R. 1887). Ishekli. CIG 3895. 0eo</)iXos Ne^Kiy (WfipCi^ fx, x- 
Kal kaim^ fwi/ iTToh}a'€V. 

247. (R. 1883). CIG 3902 I (imperfect), JHS 1884 p. 252 (complete). 
Julia to her husband Damas, and daughter Juliana, and son-in-law Gains, 
and their daughter Severina. On another side of the bomos 0YPA. 

248. (R. 1887). Bev. Archeol. 1876 I p. 280, BCH 1884 p. 236. 
^\ov\la MipKij^ Evfiov\<f^ Ibii^ ivbpl /m. \. Is h yiV. i^iarai T€$fjvaL rfj 'J. 
Kal roi9 riKv, avrfjs. el bi ktA. (fine )3<^). There is added a clause of 
which I know no other example, hs ivopv^cL * iird Tccaipiov irob&v tov 
fivrj^cCov^ O'qa-ci koL avros I9 tov KaCaapos <f>l(rKov brjv, fi<i>\ i^icTai bi ttJ 
'I. Kal (rcpov Krjb. hv hv avTTj fiovX-qOfj. 

249. (R. 1887; Sterrett 1883). Aidan. BCH 1884 p. 246. 'lovXta 

* BAABI Ai/i; MM. Legrand and Cha- in BCH, and omitted in Rev. Arch. 

monard I.e. My copy has MdpKt^. 

' HAH in the copy. * Perhaps hs ^ opv^i (for opxi^n). 
' The name is given Mapxt^ Ev^ovXi^ 


^\r\rp6bApov EvficvcTLs, to Faustus ^ her husband^ Zotikos and Alexander 
her children, and their wives {t€s for rats). 

250. (Sterrett 1883). Emirjik. 'lovXios Aofi€TLavbs koX KXav5ia Ao- 

I do not know whether the inscription is complete : but probably the 
continuation was illegible. The Roman name of the son is wrongly 

251- (R- 1887). Eidir. KakKcCoTti KoXXe^orw r^ ivhpel koI iavTrj 
II, X- ovbevl bi iT€p<jf i^irai (i.e. i^ia-rai) Selval Tiva fj TiKvois avT&v ei 8c 
Tis lT€pop J7t[)(ct]/>^(re (I) 0lvaC nva, ^i/cret r<^ t&[v K]aia-ip[(ov <f)Ca-KOf 
brjv, 0'?]. 

On the back of the same stone is engraved 6YPA. See no. 280. 

252. (R. 1888). Ishekli. KakkCoTTj 'i2</)eXtWo5 ktK, I copied no 
more^ thinking I had copied it in 1887. 

253. (R. 1883). Kara-Agatchlar. KaTrircov Miyi^o^ftov Ao^ivrf rfj 

254. (CIO 3902 tn). Ishekli. Kcio-tos TfifioBiov C^v kavT<} to rip^ov 
KaT€<TK€va<T€V Koi Tji yvvaiKl avTov ^k'n<f)Uf ovb€v\ b\ kriptf^ i^iarai TcBrjvaf, ^ 
\(opU €l firj n iriSrj ^ Bvydrrjp fiov "kiKpiov TTpb rrjs ffXiKias ' ktK, (fine 
brjv. fi<i>y 

255* (R* 1887). Ishekli. KoayiLoiv C'^v kaxm^ koX Ttprlq tji yvvaiKi 

256. (R. 1883 and 1887). Ishekli. CIO 3896 inaccurately. "Etovs 
Tia\ iiri(vbs) €\ X^ hip, Mapxla Koi Avp. Zcoriic^ KaT€(rK€va(rav rh flp<^ov 
iavrals koX KpiTcovi r<j> avvpCif^ rrjs MapKCas koL cI npi ^d)(rai avvx<opri(Tov(Tt' 
ficra bi riiv Tovroiv Tt\eoT7\v iripo^ bi ^ ovb[€]vl i^ov farai ^ivto icribevOrjva^' 
cJ b^ firjvi ol(T€i rb &pL(rpL4vov iTp6aT€inov *. A.D. 227. See no. 356, 380. 

Markia and Zotike were probably sisters. The fifth month in the 
Asian year had only 28 days; and this inscr. (of which the text is 
certain) corroborates our supposed Phrygian year, p. 204. 

^ The stone has ^aara, and the Y has comes from the analogy of the common 

been inserted as an afterthought in formula, e.g- no. 229. 

the line above making the word ivavrfj * fifiv for txfi : cp. Ttdfjptv no. 356. The 

in place of iavri. M. Paris omits this Y. last 14 words are given BCH 1893 p. 242, 

' reOvijpai in Hamilton's copy. transcribing fitj, Bfjati^ but the epigraphic 

' Here dc violates the syntax : it copy is almost identical with mine. 


257. (R. 1887: Sterrett 1883). Dede-Keui. BCH 1884 P- 24a ^ 
MapK€XXo9 Mcipicov Aa/x^ r^ d$€X<^<j> ical 'A7r</>^<{> tt) /xr^rpl C^^cri; rd iivrjfielov 

258. (R. 1887). Ishekli. CIG 3897 gives the first 13 words. MdpKos 
^rjkiKos KaT€(rK€va(T€V rb fip^ov kavn^ koL ttJ yvvaiKl 'lovkCf avb€vl i^v 
larat. &AX<{> reOrjvai, €l firf rC fioi t4kvov rj iyyovov cl rets iTn,\i,pT^<T€i Ircpos, 
Orja-i Is T7/i^ ISovkrjv brjv. ^fi<t>\ 

The spelling rety for ris is noteworthy. The name Felix is rare in 
Greek. Philikos, which occurs on coins of 244-9 ^-^-^ must be the Greek 
name ; and possibly ^r]\\,K6s should here be understood as nom. for <f>tXtK<(9, 
in which case we may compare the spelling tottos <l>»;Xwra (for ^(Kdra) at 
Magnesia Mae.^ Ath. Mittk. 1889 p. 105. The neuter form iyyovov, a 
grandson, is given by Hesychius in the plural only. Can we understand 
^ iyyovov, ' unless there be a child of mine in the womb ' ? 

259. (R. 1883). Emirjik. Published by M. Paris p. 241 *. (A). On 
the capital MeX^rwi;©? tov lkpyj.Ti[KTovos]. (B). On the shaft of the stele 
rd fJLvriH€iov Geoyivovs koX McX^tcoi^os t&v KavCriovos' tov Pcoiiov iniT^Oivros 
iirb Tatov fi' Zcotikov iitiTpOTTOVy vtov rot; MeX(ra>i;of. 

It is diflBcult to construe the last few words : do they mean that Graius 
Zotikos the steward was son of Gaius Meliton ? or that Gains, son of 
Gains, was steward of Zotikos the son of Meliton ? See § 2. 

260. (R. 1883). Kara- Agatchlar ^ [EJXfTr]!? MeXfrcoi/fos] r<^ Ihlf^ hfhpX 
KaT€aK€va(r€V to fjpiaov Koi tov Kar qvtqv ficoixSv' i<p!' <f avTrj fj 'EXttIj 
Kr}b€vOrj(r€Tai koI EvttJx^s 'cal McXfrcov, koX el Twa iXkov povkrjOij Krjb€[va]aA 
(Qaa fj 'EXtt^s* ^i€Ta hi r^r tcXcvt^i; avTrjs ovbevl i^iarai T€^^[i;]ai Mpif 
[xJwpls tQv Trpo[y€ypapL\ix4v<ov' hs hi iiv ^7ri[Tr;8cv(ret, Orja-ci] Is [t]A Uf{(iTaTOV 
ra/Ltcio); hriv. ^€. Perhaps Chr., p. 493. 

261. (R. 1888, Sterrett 1883), Ishekli. BCH 1893 p. 241. Meno- 
philos to his parents Gaios and Meltine. 

262. (R. 1888). Yamanlar. Published incomplete in BCH 1893 
p. 243. Mrjv6<f)Lkos € Tartai^os M'qvo(\>l\i^ 6' r<f Trarpl Kk Tdr^ ttJ /iTyfrpt] 
Kar€[<rK]cva(r€i/ rd ^|jo]<^oi/. 

263. (Sterrett 1883). CIG 3902 jo. Myrismos to his wife Tatia and 
his son Myrismos. 

^ M. Paris reads 'hir<l>iq for our 'Av<t>i<^, sounded like Kara-yashilar : the 0. R. 
2 M. Paris omits (A) entirely. Survey has EaraKshlar. 

^ I could not get this name right : it 


264. (R. 1883^ 1887). Ishekli. OvaXipis 4>tXa8€X<^os OvoXept^ Ai- 

Oiakipis for Ovakipios is common. This spelling is discussed very 
carefully and fully by Prof. J. H. Wright in Harvard Class. Stud. 1895 
pp. 59 f . 

265. (R. 1883). Omar-Keui. CIG 3902 t. Nicnv TaCov TeifAoOii^ koX 
Avp. Q€o<f>(\q p.. x* The names are Chr., p. 500 «, 

266. (R. 1887). Kizilje-Suyut 1. M. Paris in BCH 1884 p. 248. 
Ylaitlas ^PirriXov *OpyaX€vs Tar^ T\fj\ lbC(^ yvvaiKly 'A/A/i[(]a9 BvyarpC, ^Trofiy- 
acv p.. x» Xalp€T€j 7rapo5ctTat. 

Papias was a settler, who had come from the Hyrgalean plain (p. 129) : 
this interpretation seems preferable to M. Paris's supposition of ^ une 
jtetite ville riveraine de VOrgas^ 

267. (R. 1887). Eidir. E2(r[K]vfAi;o9 A»;/Ln]Tp[(|ou fwi; air^ Kal t^ yv- 
yatKt [MapJK^AXry koX t<^ v[<^ • ov]b€vl b^ i^ov l<rTa[i iXXo)] TeOijvai iv€V (r[vv' 
Xtt)pi?<r€a)Sj ^, iiril Orja-i €ls rdp </)[tV]Kor brjv. s\ See no. 234. 

Ela-Kvpvo^ for ^KVfivos : compare iTrJKU) for tt^kco no. 45, l(r<f)ayivTi Ster. 
EJ p. 166, loTpaTiiirov JHS 1883 p. 26, also no. 133, kKrqropKraa no. 418, 
'\(TKipLVOS JHS 1883 p. 26 ; AEMitth. VII 185, daropyri CIG 9266, Ifrropyq 
CIG 3857 w, no. 658, io-nJX??, (i)oTr}XXry, A/c/«*. iS;;^. vkB'.^ Ath. Mitth. XIII 
258, 267 (cio-diJXry), no. 658, 'l<rT4(f)avov, Perrot Expl. Arch, 123, 'I(rrc<^ai;ta)i;, 
AEMitth. VIII 194, 3/ow*. 5»^. 242, '10-77070X7^9, no. 466 (correction of 
Dr. A. H. Mordtmann, who gives most of these examples Ath. Mitth. 
1890 p. 160). 

268. (CIG 3900). Ishekli. T^prCa avrrj (Qaa Ki (f>povov(ra KaTCCKeva^ 
<T€V rd fjpf^v avv r^ a[v]vKpoij[(r]Tij^ Kal r<p ypibij^ k^ T<p fi<op,<^ k^ ^ 'A[/i]/Ltfa 
T^ iveylnqr i^dv i[v]T€Orjv[a]i Tbv ivbpa avTrjs k^ ^Ap,pnavdv rbv iop a[v\Trjs kqI 
Ttj yvvaiKi avrov* fine U>fiscus 100 den. 

Many letters are omitted by the engraver, to judge from Hamilton's 
careful copy, 

269. (Hogarth 1887). Oghurlu. Published BCH 1893 P- ^44' Titus 
to his parents Titus and Apphia. MM. Legrand and Chamonard alone 
read the first name. 

^ Bed-WilloW| a common village name, pritrftui] was engraved. 
M. Parifl has GeseUesU. ' The xc seems connected with 0111-7, 

' It is very doubtful whether a\yvx^^ for herself and for Ammia. 


270. Kizilje-Suyut. M. Paris BCH 1884 p. 1^48. Tpvifx^v Tpi/^w?]- 

271. (R. 1887). Ishekli. XapCnov ^7ro6;<r]€i; [cjlfify i{vbpl] Movaii^ 
Aa[ ] /x. X. 

272. (R. 1887). Ishekli. [6 btlva Kar^a-Keuaaw rb o1;i;]K[/j]o[v]crTOi' 
avv Tcj) ^Q)/ui<^ lav[r<j)] ical t^ yvraiKi avrov 'Ap/[<r]T^ K[ai] Eagle in relief 
dvyarpl Lion^s head air&v Lion*s head ^ApCarri koI 'A7r<^(<j> tjj irarp^ rrjs 
^ApCffTtis' ^Wpcj) bi ovb€vl [i^yarat, r^Orjvai' hs b^ &v iTrL\€ip7i<T€i, Airorcfcrct 

TO) <f>C(rK<j^ kt\, 

-nirpa or Trarpi, which is not in SlepA. Thesanr,^ probably means 
' sister by the father's side.' Suidas and Hesychins have the note Trdr/wy 
ri iK Tov avTov iraTpbs yivvqcns^ which may be better than a misunder- 
standing of a scholiast^s note on Iliad N 354 (as is generally assumed). 
Or perhaps Trarpi may be used for TraTpabi\(f>rj, like Trcirpcos for irarpd" 
b€X<f)os, firJTpcos for iAr}Tpabi\(f>r] : see no. 361. 

273. (R. 1883, 1887). Oghurlu. Imperfectly published BCH 1893 
p. 244. [6 ^ctra] kavT^ to fip<^v [Kareo-KetJjao-ei; koX tt) yvva[iKl avTov] Tari[^ 
Kol] ttJ 'n[€v]6€pq *lovX[l]q^ koX toIs t4kvo[is av]Tov' Is h ^r^p<j> [oiScvi] i^iarai 
icqblevSTJvai] \(i)p\s twi/ 7rpo[y€ypa/ui]/ui^ra)i;* d bi [(rcpos] &v iTn\€iprj[(r^i, drJUa-^i 
Is TOV l^pdraTov] <f>C(rKov br}v. [x^^*^ ?]• '^^^ ^• 

274. Tchivril. BCH 1884 p. 244. Tomb of , son of Demetrios, 

and his wife Meltine. 

275. (CIG 3902 e). Ishekli. [6 b€lva to his son] Amiantos and his 
grandson Tatianos. 

276. I copied the following, but have lost the original copy, [fj b€lva 
iiroCrja-cv rb fi]p(fov €[av]Trj Koi r<p ivbpl k€ [to]ls t^kvois *A<f)^lq Koi TaTlq 
Kol Va^if] Koi Av^avovajj' [h]s bi iT€pos ^TifiTJrySctJcret, $ria[€i Is] Tdv KaCaapos 
[(l)C(rK]ov briv, ,j3. 

277. (R. 1887). Ishekli. Tdv ^a)[/uiir <rvv ry yp(i]b<jf iTr€[irjir€V "'Ar- 
Ta?]Aos AelvKlinrov ? Tra]ph iat^Tov toIs t^kvois] Aio^cii{r<j> koL ] /n. x« 

Perhaps A€[vkCov]: see p. 460. The phrase irapa kavTov, ^at his own 
expense ' may be compared with the use of irapi on coins (p. 276). 

^ M.Paris restores €n[€<rKsva(Tiv] (which inscription Christian, 
is too long) and *A[rr<l)i<f] (but his • The words Tariq — 'lovXi^ are en- 
copy has AT). The wife's name prob- graved irregularly among the ornaments 
ably was one of 5 or 6 letters, per- on the stone, 
haps *Ayanfiy which would make the 


278. (R. 1885). Ishekli. [6 h€iva Mr{^o<\>l>{ov Kar€o-]K€i5a(r[€r to ^]p<poi; 
a[ui; T«^ ^(i)]/ui^ ^av[T<^ xai 17}] fiTjrpl av[roi} Tcir ?]qi Kal r^ 4[5€A<^tJ] Ev^cvlq 

ris ktA. (See no. a6a). 

279. (R. 1887). Ishekli. [6 Scti^a 'AttcXX ?]a6os rd /Lti;T]/i[€t]oi;^7ro()y(rci/ 
avr<p ^i; • hs hi iTnx^ipri(r€i ^Tjcrci Is rbv <f)C[aKOv briv. ?\ ' 

a8o. (R. 1883). Ishekli. JHS 1884 p. 251. On a bomos the single 
word 0YPA. Several examples have occurred (no. aio, 227, 242, 247^ 
251) of this word Ovpa engraved either below the main epitaph^ or on 
another side of the bomos; and doubtless in this case also an epitaph 
was intended to be engraved on the stele. The meaning is made clear 
by an inscription on an altar found near the hot springs of Myrikion in 
GFalatia, where a man erected to his wife rbv fiijuiibv koX r^v Oipav (JHS 
1884 p. 253). In these cases the inscription is engraved on a simple 
altar; and the word Oipa is added because ' according to Phrygian ideas 
there were two necessary elements in the sepulchral monument; and 
when there was no real door, the word at least was engraved on the 
altar to represent the actual entrance. The door was the passage of 
communication between the world of life and the world of death : on 
the altar the living placed the offerings due to the dead* (JHS I.e.). 
Doubtless in many cases the ^ Door ' was plainly visible in the basement 
of the sepulchral monument. See § 4 (cp. pp. 99 f). 



EuMENEiA was perhaps united with Attanassos in a joint bishopric 
during the fourth and fifth centuries. 

1. Thraseas Kal iirCa-Koiros koI piiprvs iiro Evfiereui? hs iv ^fivpvrf kckoI- 
fiTiraL Euseb. ff. K V 24, 5th Oct. c. 160 a.d. 

2. Theodorus per Prqfuturum presbyterum 38 1 . 

3. Philadelphius ^kTava<T(Tov (or Evrai;a<r<ro{5, Anthemusiae : these false 
forms perhaps arise from a confusion of Ev/iercia; titoi ^ hrravaaaov the 
full title) 451. 

4. The two bishoprics are mentioned separately in the Second Nicene 
Council, A.D. 787: Leontius Ev/mej/efay (in some cases Leon) and Chris- 
topher Atanassi. Philip ^yoiificvos Ev/xcrcta; was present. 

5. PhilotheOB ^AOavaca-ov 869 (?). 

V ' h ' F' / >Ignatian and Photian Bishops 879. 



§ 1. Situation p. 396. § 2. The Rivers of Apameia-Kelainai p. 397. § 3. 
Marsyas (Katarrhaktes) p. 399. § 4. Therma p. 401. § 5. Orgas p. 404, § 6. 
Maeander p. 405. § 7. The Laugher and the Weeper p. 407. § 8. Obrimas 
p. 408. § 9. Aulokrene p. 409. § 10. Early History of Eelainai p. 412. § 11. 
Historical Myths p. 414. § 12. Eelainai under Lydian Rule p. 416. § 13. Ke- 
lainai under the Persians p. 418. § 14. Eumenes and the great Landholders 
p. 419. § 15. Kelainai and Apameia p. 420. § 16. The Pergamenian and Roman 
Conquest p. 422. § 17. The Romans in Apameia p. 424. § 18. Apameia under 
the Roman . Republic p. 427. § 19. Apameia under the Empire p. 428. § 20. 
Public Buildings, (i) Stadium p. 431. (2) Theatre p. 431. (3) The Painted 
Stoa p. 431. (4) Sepulchral Monuments p. 434. § 21. National and imperial 
cultus p. 434. § 22. Popular Assemblies, Societies, and Guilds, (i) Senate, Deka- 
protoi p. 437. (2) Demos p. 437. (3) Gerousia p. 438. (4) Epheboi, Neoi p. 440. 
(5) Guilds p. 440. § 28. Magistrates and Officials, (i) Strategoi p. 441. (2) Gram- 
mateus p. 441. (3) Argyrotamias p. 441. (4) Panegyriarch p. 442. (5) Seitones p. 
442. (6) Gymnasiarch p. 443. (7) Ephebarch p. 444. (8) Other officials p. 444. 
§ 24. Apameia in the Byzantine Period p. 445. § 25. The Turkish Conquest 
p. 446. § 26. Territory of Apameia (i) Limits p. 447. (2) Aurokr^ p. 449. (3) 
Samsado-Eome p. 450. 

Appendices : L The Apamean Rivers p. 451. H. Inscriptions of Apameia and 
Aurokra p. 457. III. Aurokra p. 480. IV. Bishops of Apameia and Aurokra 
p. 482. v. Maps of Apameia and Eumeneia p. 483. 

§ 1. Situation. Few places in Asia Minor have been the scene 
of so many events memorable in ancient history as the valley where 
the Maeander rises. It is marked out as the seat of a great city 
by abundant springs, fertile lands ^, and strong places; and at the 
same time it is a central point at which many lines of communication 
meet. It lies on the great Eastern Trade-Route, the main highway 
of the Greek and Roman periods ; and towards it converge five other 
well-marked natural routes ^, 

^ See Dio Chrysostom's eulogy in his 
orat. in Celaenis Phr. no. XXXV. The 
history of Apameia has been discussed 
very fully and well by Haase pp. 256 if, 
and by Prof. G. Hirschfeld Berl, Abhandl, 
1875. To them and to Mr. Hogarth, 
who has placed at my disposal an article 
on the history in Greek times which he 

wrote but never published, I am deeply 
indebted. For the two maps, and for 
much help in other ways, I am indebted 
to Mr. Purser, Mr. Watkins, Mr. Walker, 
and other ofiScials of the 0. R. 

^ (i) Along the Maeander from Eu- 
meneia, (2) from the Phrygian Penta- 
polis and the north, (3) &om Pisidian 

Hisitry al'i^irygia Vii D 

1. SITUATION. 397 

The geographical situation has been already described^. The 
Maeander rises in an oval valley, lying about 2850 feet above the 
sea, bounded on the east by the range called Djebel-Sultan (which 
stretches from Ak-Dagh 8186 ft. on N.E. to Ai-Doghmush 5791 ft. on 
S. W.), on the south by the most northerly line of Mount Taurus (a line 
stretching westwards from Borlu-Dagh [over 8000 ft.] through Yan- 
Dagh to Kiionas-Dagh), and on the west by a low bare ridge which 
protrudes some distance towards the north from the last-mentioned 

Behind Djebel-Sultan on the east lies a higher plateau, Dombai- 
Ova, in ancient time the plain of Aurokra. The ridge of Djebel-Sultan 
marks the boundary between the main mass of the great central plateau 
of Asia Minor and a transitional region which is interposed between 
the higher plateau and the coast valley of the lower Maeander and 
lower Lycos. Through that transitional region the Maeander zigzags 
until at last it forces its way through the extreme outer ridge of the 
plateau ^, and enters the lower end of the Lycos- valley. 

The line of Djebel-Sultan, Ak-Dagh, Burgas-Dagh, and the ridge 
that reaches down towards Demirji-Keui-Dagh, is the rim of the 
central plateau. It is broken where the Glaukos makes a way through 
it to join the Maeander, and again where the Maeander passes from 
Baklan-Ova to Tchal-Ova. 

Apameia was founded on the foothills in front of the main Djebel- 
Sultan. Before the walls on the level plain extended the suburbs 
(npodoTuoi/), whose site is now occupied by the village Dineir and 
its gardens. Eising in a lake amid the hills of Djebel-Sultan, the 
Maeander sweeps round a ridge and flows in front of Apameia, where 
it receives the Marsyas, the tutelary river-god of Apameia, rising in 
the acropolis, and flowing through the midst of the city. 

Apameia is distinguished by the title ' on the Maeander * from other 
cities of the same name in an inscription of Lagina ^. But commonly 
it is called Apameia ' of Phrygia * ' or ' the Phrygian *.' 

§ 2. The Rivebs of Apameia-Kelainai. The history and topo- 

Antioch and ApoUonia, (4) from the * I. e. the Mossy na-mountains pp. 4 f, 

Phrygo-Pisidian valley of Eonana, Se- 122 f. 

leuceia Sidera, Baris, Minassos, Pro- ' Trp^r Maiavdpep BGH 1890P. 363. 
stanna, &c., (5) from the valleys of Lake * rrjs ^pvylas. 

Askania and the rivers Lysis and Tauros ^ ^pvyiaK^, Nic. Damasc. ap, Athen. 

(Ch. IX). The geographical facts that VIII p. 332 (cp. *Ay*eupa ^pvyiaKi) Strab. 

gave Apameia its importance are well p. 567 in contrast to which Arrian Anah, 

stated by Prof. Hirschfeld. 4, i, speaks of *AyKvpas rrjf TaXariKiis). 
^ See pp. 218 f, 235 f. 



grapby of the city rests upon the right understanding of the five chief 
streams that rise in the valley. On this subject discord reigns among 
the authorities. We must therefore begin with the rivers, and the 
interesting questions of mythology, literature, and history connected 
with them. The subject has been discussed by many explorers, 
Ainindel 1826, Hamilton 1836, Waddington 1850, G. Hirschfeld 187a, 
Hogarth 1887, and Weber 1892^ Since 1888 the problem has occupied 
my attention a good deal ; and the following theory, which owes some- 
thing to each of these travellers and differs from all in some respects, 
will, I hope, be found to unite whatever is good in their views. 

A necessary preliminary to the investigation is to fix the acropolis 
of Kelainai ; and, fortunately, there is general agreement that no other 
hill can be thought of except the one a little behind the modem town^ 
on the east, with the ruins of an early church on the top. 

The clear and precise truthfulness of Strabo's description of Apameia 
makes him our best authority, and stamps him as an eye-witness. 
Next to him in direct value comes Xenophon. Pliny deserves the 
third place ; though not an eye-witness, he has used some excellent 
authority, probably a Greek. But so striking are the natural features 
that every ancient authority (except Nicetas Chon. and J. Cinnamus) 
gives a recognizable and useful account; and the following theory 
gathers something from them all, and sets them in a more favourable 
light than previous views. 

According to Strabo, the Marsyas, a violent and headlong stream, 
which rises in Apameia itself, flows through the city, descends to the 
suburbs, and there meets the Maeander, which has previously been 
joined by the Orgas, a stream that flows, gentle and quiet, through 
the level plain ^. 

A coin of Apameia, struck under Gordian, HA • BAKXIOY • OANH • 
ATTAMEHN, is also a fundamental witness. It shows the goddess, 
patroness of Apameia, in form closely resembling the Ephesian Artemis, 
but with a small tetrastyle temple surmounting her usual head- 

* Ar. Seven Churches pp. 107 ff, 242 AT, 
Discov, in As. Min. I pp. 182 ff: Ham. 
Researches in As, Min, I pp. 494 ff: 
Wadd. Voy. Numism. p. 1 2 : Hirschf. in 
Berl. Akad, Abhandl, 1875 on Kelainai- 
Apameia: Hog. in JHS 1888 on a Visit 
to Celaenae-Apamea (see also p. 402) : 
G. Weber Dinair-CiUnes (Besan9on 
1892). Some criticisms of these writers 
are contained in App. I. Haase pp. 238 f 
and Kiepert in Franz Funf Inschr, u. 

funf Stddte p. 30 have treated the sub- 
ject ; they agree with Ar. and Ham. (they 
wrote before Hirschfeld had published 
his revolutionary views). Wadd. gives 
only a few notes, evidently agreeing 
with and completing Ar., whom he 

'^ The authorities are quoted, and 
many minuter points discussed in Ap- 
pendix I. 


covering; around her are grouped four river-gods with the names 
beside them MAI, MAP, 0€P, and OP. This coin evidently implies 
that four rivers flowed in close proximity to the city, Maiandros, 
Marsyas, Therma, and Orgas. 

§ 3. Mabsyas (Katarbhaktes) has been recognized rightly by 
Arundel, Hamilton, Waddington, Hogarth, and Weber as the modem 
Dineir-Su, which rushing out in an impetuous stream from a recess 
at the foot of a precipitous cliff ^ and flowing with headlong current 
down a glen, and through the modem town of Dineir, falls into 
the main stream (still distinguished from it as Menderez) below the 

The Marsyas is the only one of the rivers of Apameia that is fully 
described by the ancients ; it was a rapid and headlong stream (Herod., 
Strab.), of considerable size (Herod., Dio), twenty-five feet broad (Xen.), 
rising in a cave (Xen.), in the agora of Kelainai ^ (Herod.), underneath 
the acropolis of Kelainai (Xen.), springing from the acropolis of 
Apameia (Strab., Roman coin ^), flowing through the city of Kelainai 
(Xen., Herod.), flowing through the city of Apameia (Strab., Dio, 
Faus. ^). Its course was quite short, and it fell into the Maeander 
in the outskirts of Apameia. Its springs burst forth from the earth 
with such strength as to carry stones out in its current (Theo- 
pbrastus ^). 

All these characteristics are true of Sunun-Bashi, the head-springs 
of Dineir- Water ; and they are true of no other fountains beside 
Apameia. I cannot attest that it carries out stones from below the 
ground in its rushing course ; but every visitor can vouch that it rises 
with much stronger current than any other spring at Apameia. I quote 
here verbatim the description of this stream which Mrs. Ramsay and 
I wrote in company at Apameia in 1 89 1 , trying to make it as accurate 
as possible. 

' A little way behind the modem village, at the foot of the hill which 
beyond all doubt was the acropolis of Kelaiaai, and close under it> rises 
a great spring. The natives have no special name for the stream, 
but call it simply Su or Tchai (i.e. the Water, or the Stream)®. The 

^ This cli£f is the western face of the 
Acropolis hill : Xen. says the Marsyas 
rose inro rj aicpondXti. 

* This statement is incorrect, p. 412. 

' Reading with Hirschfeld oKponoXtios 
instead of ir6\f»f. On a coin the Mar- 
syas is represented 'recumbent in cavern 
beneath rocks and towers * (Head) ; i. e. 

he rises in a cave underneath the acro- 
polis of the imperial time. 

* Both Dio and Pausanias X 30, 9 
speak of Kelainai, but mean by that 
name the city of their time. 

« Theophr. ap, Plinium XXXI 19. 

' Dineir-Su in speaking about the 
geography of the district. 



spriog (Sunun-bashi, Water's Head) is now blocked up by huge 
boulders, which look as if they had fallen in from above. The acx^poUs 
hill rises sharp up behind the springs; and the idea has suggested 
itself to many observers that the boulders lying in the springs once 
formed an overhanging cave. 

*The stream runs down in a full strong rapid current of varying 
breadth. A good deal of water is diverted from the main stream, 
but still it is in some places quite 25 feet broad ^ About 2cx^ yards 
below the head fountains, there is another source in the rock above 
the left bank, which is said to have suddenly appeared about fifty 
years ago. It alone of all the springs supplies good water for drink- 
ing, and most of the water is carried away by a wooden pipe for the 
use of the village. It is called Huda-verdi, '* God has given V 

* The glen down which the stream flows is always green, fresh, and 
lovely, and in the early summer thousands of yellow irises, growing 
in the water and along the banks, and innumerable other wild flowers 
add to its beauty. Above rise the barren, rocky hills ; and the only 
sound heard is the ceaseless sad murmur of the waters or the occasional 
twitter of some solitary bird.' 

Hamilton's description (1 499) is as follows. ' At the base of a rocky 
clifl* a considerable stream of water gushes out with great rapidity, and 
flows down the narrow channel with considerable force, the noise of 
which, notwithstanding a wind, I had heard on the hills above. It 
was impossible not to perceive at once that this was the Marsyas or 
Katarrhaktes. ... It appeared as if it had formerly risen in the centre 
of a great cavern, and that the surrounding rocks had fallen in from 
the cliff" above.* 

The Marsyas rises at an elevation of 2985 ft., and after a course 
of a mile ^ joins the Maeander, 2,840 ft. : the fall is about i in ^6. 

Dineir- Water is the only stream that flows thi'ough the middle of 
Apameia ; and therefore it must be the Marsyas, which beyond all 
others was the river of Apameia. To its source the city legends clung ; 
and it alone is said to have flowed through the Greek city, for though 
the Maeander flowed through Kelainai, Strabo makes it clear that the 

' It is shallow, hence this breadth 
implies no proportionate volume of 

' Prof. G. Hirschfeld errs in giving 
the name Huda-verdi to the branch 
which we name Marsyas. That name 
is, I believe, never applied to a spring 
whose water is not reckoned drinkable ; 

and the natives assured me that it was 
not applied to anything except the new 
source. M. Weber p. 29 confirms my 
account. Hirschfeld did not observe 
the difference between this source and 
the main stream which rises above in 
the * Felsengrotte.* 
^ Furlongs 7^ in an air-line. 

8. MARSYAS, 401 

Maeander passed outside, or only through the extreme outskirts, 
of Apameia. Moreover Pausanias, speaking of ' the river that flows 
through the city,' implies that there was only one river to which that 
description could apply in his tifme. 

Prof. G. Hirschfeld originated a theory which differed widely from 
the views of all other explorers before or since. I can understand its 
origin only on the supposition that it occurred to him years after 
his visit, when his recollection of the situation had grown faint. 
I would gladly omit all reference to his theory, and the en-ors in 
mapping and description on which it is founded; but his high 
authority as a geogi*apher makes it necessary to show that his topo- 
graphical scheme is wrong. Unless this is done, some will cherish 
doubts; and it is best to try to clear up the subject once for all. 
He maintains that Dineir-Su was not the Marsyas, but the Maeander ; 
yet he recognizes that Dineir-Su alone among the branches rises amid 
rocks. He even declares that this stream * rushes forth from a lofty 
rock-gi'otto * ,' which is a stronger expression than I should venture 
to use about the recess, through it is (I think) literally true of the 
situation in the first or second century. If so, how did the cave fall 
in ? This might be due to natural causes, either the slow action of 
water in chinks of the rock, or to volcanic action ^ ; but another theory 
might be plausibly maintained, that the cave, being a seat of pagan 
religion in virtue of its striking situation and surroundings, was inten- 
tionally destroyed by the Christians. No other fountain in the neigh- 
bourhood matches this one in its impressive character ; and any observer 
familiar with the sites chosen for the old religion of Asia Minor would 
at once select this among aU the springs at Apameia as probably 
a special seat of worship in early time. The analogy with the holy 
springs at Ibriz is particularly close and suggestive. Further, no other 
spring at Apameia has any appearance of having ever risen in a cave. 

§ 4. Therma, still called the * Wann Springs * (Lidja or Ilidja), are 
on the north side of the village close to the road, which leads to E. and 
to N. The water rises with a gentle faint murmur in a small pool, 
apparently at a number of points, but these are not sufficiently well 

* ... an dem Ursprung des von mir upper rocks which now lie about the 

80 genannten [i. e. Marsyas, our Therma] point of exit.* 

Flusses die Grotte fehlt — ufdhrend die * As appears in the sequel, I believe 

Maea7iderarme{ouT'hliar8y2iB)freili€hheute the features of Apamean scenery are 

noch au8 einer hohen FehengroUe hervor- not essentially changed (except by 

gtr&mettf p. 20. Hogarth's expression is human action) since ancient times, 

'a dark hole which may have formed and that earthquakes have not caused 

the recess of a former grotto, before alterations of any consequence in the 

frost and rain had broken away the interval. 

VOL. r. PT. II. E 



marked to be distinguishable as separate springs. The temperature of 
the water on the evening of May 26, 1 89 1 was 68° F, being 6** above 
that of the atmosphere. The temperature perhaps varies ; for in 1890 
it felt lukewarm, while in 1891 rain had been falling heavily on a 
colder day, and the water felt cold. It flows away in a small channel 
without any rush or noise through the level ground to join the Maeander. 

The name is sufficient proof that this fountain is the Therma men- 
tioned as 8€P on a coin of Apameia. The Thermaia Plateia of inscr. 
296, 297, and 299, must have been a street that ran through the city 
towards the springs, which, as I believe, were in the Proasteion close 
outside the fortified walls. 

Prof G. Hirschfeld came to the conclusion that the lidja were 
the old Marsyas ; and I confess that for many years I accepted without 
criticism his results about Apamean topography, and left the city out 
of my sphere of thought and work. But in 1887 Hogarth, who was 
travelling with me, made a hurried run from Eumeneia to see the site 
of Apameia (in which he was interested as bearing on his researches 
about Alexander the Great), and rejoined'me the following day beside 
Sandukli ^. I gave him an outline of the topography as settled by 
Hirschfeld in order that he might utilize his short time to the best 
advantage. But when, after seeing the other sources, his guide led 
him to the Lidja, his ' first sensation on looking at this prosaic fount 
was one of blank surprise : could this melancholy stream, bubbling 
tamely out of a fiat tract at the foot of a naked slope, and slinking 
away more like a drain than a river, be the storied Marsyas, " Phrygiae 
liquidiasimus avmis,*' the favourite haunt of nymphs, the seat of one 
of the most famous of myths ? Remembering the constant apposite- 
ness of Greek legend, and its close connexion with natural beauty 
or natui*al grandeur, I had expected to find a notable stream, issuing 
amid beautiful or striking surroundings.' 

It was a correct instinct led Hogarth to rqject unhesitatingly the 
idea that this poor stream was the Marsyas, in spite of the serious 
difficulty which he found in identifying the Maeander ; and he was 
demonstrated to be right when it was observed that 8€P/xa was the 
name on the coin mentioning the four Apamean rivers ^. 

^ Those who have ridden both roads 
in summer can appreciate the activity 
which enabled him and our companion 
H. A. Brown (who since then was killed 
with Major Wilson's party in Mashona- 
land) to interpolate an exploration of 
Apameia between the two journeys. 
At the same time the hurry of the 

exploration prevented Hogarth from 
acquiring a complete idea of all the 
localities and streams; and his paper 
in JHS, his first study in Asia Minor, 
bears traces of the incompleteness of 
his survey in the gaps it leaves. 

' Hogarth says * Ramsay, in drawing 
my attention to the famous coin of 



There is not in thia poor little stream any feature to recall the 
description of the Marsyafi. Prof. G.Hirschfeldspeaka of ita'boiateroua 
course ' (uvgeslUmer Lauf), and contrasts its noise with the quiet river 
Sheikh -Arab-Su (§ 5) ; but such a description in no way con-esponda 
with the facta. A certain latent consciousnesa of unsuitability makea 
him apeak several times of the chanyea which must have occurred^ in 
these rivers. He needs an earthquake to explain the want of a cave at 
the Liclja-springs ; but, as Hogai'th eays, ' if ever there had been a cave 
at the source, a convulsion quite as gigantic oa Nicolas of Damascus 
reports with such miraculous details (Athen. VIII p. ^^2) must have 
changed the whole face of nature.' Moreover, there has been no change 
of any importance in the suiToundinga, for the modem road is carried 









over the side of the fountain by two low arches of Roman work 
which proves that the modern road ia on the line of a Roman road. 

Apameia (Hetid Hist. A'um. p. 558 Sg. 

3171 Btated tbat he nua unable to reail 
the nameB attached to them aa MAI : 
MAP:OBP:OP; but waa comiielleil 
to see eeP in the third place; and thia 
reading (which ie manifest in the repro- 
duction) has since been agreed to by 
Mr. Head himself.' Prof. Hirsohfeld, 

without having seen the coin or asked 
any opinion about the reading, and 
without apparently even looking at (he 
fig. 317 in Head's Hint. Sum., rejects 
our reading in his review of my Hial. 
Geogr. in Bmi. Fhitot. Woch. 1891. 

' Pp. 17.30,21. 

' Hirschfeld observed these two 



LoQ alludes to the water of tlie Lidja (without 
stream ' rising ' at the foot of the hills, which, 

namiiig it) « 

a short way through the plain, falls into the Waeander immediately 
below the town' (p. 501}. 

§5. Ordas. Considering {i)the emphatic statement of Strabo, an 
eye-witness, that the Oi^as was a gentle and quiet stream flowing 
through the level ground, and (2) the existence of the modem village 
Norgaa, which obviously retains the ancient name', on the S.W. side 
of the plain, I see no room for doubt that the Orgas is the stieam 
which flows N.E. past Norgae across the level plain to join the 
Maeander. In the rainy season its course can be better traced, but 
the needs of irrigation and of water-supply for Norgas dissipate it 
during the summer weather. 

Its source is thus described by Mr. Watkins, Engineer of the Ottoman 
Railway. ' The three perennial springs at the head of Norgas-Tchai 
are situated from 50 to 80 yds. apart at the extremity of a picturesque 
glen {Dere). Two of the springs rise on the eastern slope ; the third, 
with a discharge of half the quantity of the others, issues from a mass 
of rocky stones terminating the glen rather abruptly. The three 
springs, uniting at a short distance from the head, form a stream 
3 to 4 ft. in width and about one in depth, running towards N. down 
the glen wilh a strong current and deafening roai', at an inclination 
of at least 1 in 20 for the first half-mile, then with an easier gradient 
(say I in 40) to the plain ^, In the summer time it is diverted from 
its natural bed just above the village of Norgae, to supply power 

arches ; but mistook them for two 
nichea for the two sources which he 
deacribes (but which I coald not dis- 
tiiiguiBhp.402): ein paar Quellen, irelrhr 
gam nah seinem AuHrittr jrl^ aiis zieei 
Bogmniathnt aufgpmdtlnd ahbald in ilm 
/alien, p. 2t. He calU these two sources 
the 'Laugher' and the 'Weeper' (gee 
p. 407), without proving in any reaped 
thesnitabilityof the names. Ittshiu^l; 
right to apeak of them falling into the 
Lidja; the water under the shallow 
arches is part of the small pool. 

' With''ljtnpui- 
Nikaria (i.e. [tit-^]B-'lKapiar). In Dio 
the MSS. read'0/>|3ar (one KopBar). In 
Strabothe naroeis'OpySr. Itisdifficult 
to catch the eiact pronunciation of the 
modern name, which seems to vary 

between Norbas and Norgaa (the trs- 
veller in Asia Minor Gnda many such 
cases of indistinct pronanciationi : the 
Railway Engineers give Norgas. Prob- 
abl; similar indietinctness in ancient 
time led to the variation between Dio 
and Strabo. It is therefore wrong 
method to alter Dio'a text lo suit 
Strabo (as Amim does in his recent 
edition, Berlin, 1893I. The Apamean 
coin reads OP, and leaves the point 
undetermined. Anatolian words were 
frequently subjected to great variations 
when spelt in Greek; and, particularly, 
attempts to get a form that seemed to 
he significant in Greek were common. 

' The source, with ita three foDnta, 
is called Haidarli (see no. 699 itott), or 

4. THERM A. 405 

to work a corn-mill and to irrigate a considerable extent of land 
in the plain. During winter the stream flows along a gravelly road, 
crossing the plain N.E., and discharges itself into the Sheikh- Arab- Su : 
this road is undoubtedly the natural bed, and must have been so from 
time immemorial, owing to its well defined higher level above the 
adjoining fields through which it passes — a well known peculiarity of 
the silting up of streams in this country/ The stream has a course 
of about three miles before reaching the Maeander. 

I visited Norgas in 1891, and was struck with the watercourse, 
but did not explore the sources. Then it struck me that this water- 
course had the appearance of a former river; and I remember that 
Mr. Purser in 1882 told me that Norgas-Tchai was the ancient Orgas. 
At that time I was under the impression that Prof. G. Hirschfeld must be 
right ; but years of study have justified Mr. Purser and the Bailway 
Engineers on this point, and I have come round to their view. 

Probably the Orgas carried a larger body of water in ancient time 
than at the present day. (i) The upper part of the Apamean valley 
and the adjoining hillsides were, probably, better wooded than at 
present : every one who has travelled much in Anatolia learns how 
many forest fires are caused by the carelessness of the nomad tribes, 
and how much valuable timber is thus destroyed ^ : the denudation 
would affect the Orgas far more than the other branches, (i) The 
drainage is bad, and the Apamean plain is very marshy in modem 
time ; in ancient time it was well cultivated and must have been 
well drained ^ ; and the Orgas would then be a fuller stream. (3) 
The silting up of the bed, described by Mr. Watkins, tends to deflect 
the water. 

None of the earlier travellers mention this stream. M. Weber 
alludes to it, but conjecturally identifies it with the Obrimas^ I 
think that M. Waddington perhaps anticipated this theory as to the 
Orgas ; but his words are brief and not quite clear, un ruisseau se 
jette dans le M^andre, pres de la viUe, aprh avoir traverse la plaine. 
He probably visited the site in the rainy season, when Norgas-Tchai 
was fuller. 

§ 6. Maeander is marked out by the statement of Strabo, an 
eye-witness, that the Orgas flowed into the Maeander*. Norgas-Tchai 

^ The goats prevent young trees from Dere is swampy in several places, 

growing, and the loss is therefore irre- ' On his map he makes it join the 

parable. A Yuruk would bum a tree Maeander a mile too low down, 

to get a pole ; and in summer this often * The error in M.Weber's map ob- 

causes a conflagration. scures the reasoning to those who keep 

' Mr. Watkins mentions that Norgas- their eye on it. 



flows into the stream which rises at Sheikh-Arab (behind a ridge 
protruding from Djebel-Sultan into the plain between Dineir and 
Dikeji). This branch issues from a lake which is described by 
Hamilton as ' nearly two miles in circumference, full of reeds and 
rushes, water-lilies and wild-ducks, and surrounded on almost every 
side by steep and lofty mountains ... no waters flow into it, and it 
is entirely supplied by subaqueous springs.' There is, however, 
a distinct fountain of considerable size close to Sheikh-Arab, which 
apparently has not been noticed by Hamilton ^ ; and in a rock beside 
it is the cell of the hermit Nikodemos (inscr. 398). 

This lake is 3060 feet above sea-level, and the considerable stream ^ 
that issues from it rushes down a ravine to the plain, descending 
100 feet in about \ mile (i in 40). Reaching the plain, it flows gently 
round the outer spur of the protruding ridge (described in the pre- 
ceding paragraph), and is joined by the Orgas. 

Arundel and Hamilton rightly recognized this stream as the 
Maeander. Hirschfeld, followed by Weber and Hogarth, make it 
the Orgas. Hogarth, though approximating to the obvious truth 
in the words, ' had he ever visited the spot, he would probably have 
been compelled in strict geography to recognize the Maeander in the 
eldest stream,' viz. Sheikh-Arab- Water, concludes that * the Maeander 
had in strict parlance no distinct source whatever, but was simply 
the united river formed by the junction of the Marsyas, Obrimas, 
and Orgas.' He recognized the obvious fact that Sheikh- Arab-Su 
is the most important branch and the parent stream ; but was tempted 
to follow Hirschfeld*s mistake about Orgas. 

The description whicb Pliny gives of the Maeander, as rising in 
a lake ' in the Aulokrene mountain, points to Sheikh-Arab-Su ; his 
account of the Maeander from source to mouth is excellent ^ and 
mu8t Ih) founded on a good Greek authority. 

8hoikh-Arab-Sultan, who gives his name to the sources of the 

* But lUmilton is very pnnrise and 
)HMiiti\*e; ami ho is the mo«t accurate 
of travellers in Asia Minor. Perhaps 
the lake was hijrher in level when he 
visited it. These lakes are liable to 
considerable chanpi^s in volume and 
level \st*e Hirschfeld /?riW^>«"*/ in /JrW, 

• Much of it is diverteil bv a I'anal 
which tlowis thn>U|srh Dikeji and then is 
used for irrigation purjHv^^s, 

' Probably he means the lake in 
which the continaons ri?er Maeander 
rises, viz. Sheikh-Arab lake among the 
hills, and not the lake on the plain 
Whind wheiv the Maeander appears 
for a brief space before disappearing 
below the mountain and reappearing 
on the opposite side of the ridge among 
the hills. 

* See p. 59S. 

6. MAEANDER. 407 

Maeander and his title to the mountain Djebel-Sultan^ is apparently 
a Turkish metamorphosis of old Marsyas. It was beside that 
lake that part of the story of Marsyas was enacted ; and the death 
of the Sultan was perhaps preserved in local legend, for Arundel 
seems to have heard the name as * Sheikh-Arab euldu' (* Sheikh- 
Arab is dead '}, which in his ignorance of Turkish he reproduced as 
Araboul-dou. See p. 408 n. 3. 

Xenophon mentions that there was a large park full of wild animals 
round the upper Maeander, whose springs rose from the palace of 
Cyrus in the park : Cyrus used to hunt on horseback in the park, 
when he wanted exercise. The country round Sheikh-Arab-Su suits 
this description, being well adapted for wild animals ; the park 
included part of the plain, and probably extended nearly to the city. 

§ 7. The Laugher and the Weeper. About half-way between 
the springs of the Marsyas and the Maeander is a source called Duden 
or Menderez-Duden by the natives, who regard it as the primary 
source of the Menderez^. The Duden is a small marshy pool, 
apparently deep in the centre, lying in a recess of the plain like 
a bay among the hills; it is the lowest of all the great sources^ 
(3865 ft.), and perhaps contributes a larger body of water than any 
of the others^, for a full, steady, stream issues from the pool, 
and, after a course of about 800 yds., joins the Maeander (elevation 
about 2850). This pool is chiefly supplied by sources at its bottom, 
which cannot be seen; but there are also two distinct sources, 
which fall into it and into the issuing stream. These sources present 
It special interest. 

The upper source is at the remotest end of the Duden. It rises 
under a low bank at the water s edge. I got off my horse at this 
point in order to observe whether any sound was audible, which 
could be taken as representing either laughter pr weeping. Stooping 
down towards the hole under the rocky bank, I sfl,w that the source 
is in a small cave not visible from above, and heard distinctly 
a low, continuous, but faint, murmuring or bubbling sound, varied 
at short intervals by what seemed like choking sobs as of a child 
recovering from a fit of crying. These were apparently caused by 

^ In 1 89 1, writing to the Athenaeum elevation. 

Aug. 15, 1891, p. 233, under the influ- ' Sheikh-ArabWaterisprobably larger 

ence of the local sentiment, I took the at its sources, but much is diverted from 

same view ; and so does M. Weber in it. The great springs of Geuk-Bunar 

his Dinair-C^Unea 1892, quoting my and Besh-Bunar (pp. 222, 228) perhaps 

view. See Appendix I. contribute more water than all the 

' Li4ja must be about the same Apamean sources. 



air struggling with the flow of water in a narrow passage. Mrs. 
Ramsay can also bear witness to the curious sound made by this 
fountain, and its striking resemblance to the sound of weeping. 
After making this experiment, we mounted again and rode round 
the pool to observe the character of any other fountain beside this 
branch of the river. The only other spring that can be seen is the 
one now called Indjerli-Su, which flows into the Duden-Su some 
little way below the pool. When we came within lo yds. of the 
fountain, we could hear the bright, clear, cheerful sound with which 
the ' Laughing Water ' ripples forth from a small hole in the sloping 
hillside and flows down a few yards into the Duden-Su. No one 
who goes to these two fountains and listens will entertain the slightest 
doubt that they are * the Laughing ' and ' the Weeping ' ; and when 
the city becomes a resort of tourists, the pair of fountains will be one 
of the recognized * sights.' 

The 'Laugher' and the * Weeper* are described only by Pliny \ 
who after mentioning the strength of the Marsyas source, says, ' not 
far from it are two fountains, called " Elaeon " and " Gelon " from the 
import of the Greek words ' : in this description the two fountains 
are distinguished from the source in which the Marsyas rises, and 
it is quite fair to look for them about a mile distant ^ The character 
and sound of these springs were long unnoticed by the travellers who 
have visited Apameia. It was only in 1891, when I resolved to 
go and test every spring at Apameia, that I discovered them. The 
sound of the W^eeping-fountain is so low, and its appearance so 
bumble and inconspicuous as it wells forth from under a shelving 
rock, that, without examining closely, one is sure to miss it. 

§ 8. Obrimas. Far more wonderful is it that the stream which 
flows out from the Menderez-Duden has been omitted by so many 
travellers and map-makers. Arundel is almost the only one who 
observed it 3. He says that 45 minutes after starting from Dineir 

^ TheophrastuB, whom he quotes in 
the preceding clause, about the Marsyas, 
is probably his authority for the two 

' So Livy speaks of *the Marsyas 
rising not far from the fountains of the 
Maeander.* Moreover Pliny is not giving 
a formal description of Apameia, but 
a scientific account of various kinds of 

' Every traveller who goes out from 

Dineir along the road to Dikeji and 
Ketchi-Borlu must cross it; a bridge 
containing many old stones carries the 
road over it. In the following quota- 
tion from Arundel, I have changed his 
nomenclature to make his meaning 
clear. He calls the Sheikh-Arab-Sa 
the Araboul-dou. [Perhaps * Sheikh- 
Arab olourdu * * it might be Sheikh- 
Arab * was the reply to some question 
of his: cp. Karadadiler marked as a 



* we crossed by a bridge ^ a river which I at first took for the Sheikh- 
Aitib Water, but it proved not to be so; this stream, which is 
a considerable one, must rise from beneath the hill on our left: the 
Sheikh- Arab Water .... flowed still on our right, parallel to our road, 
though occasionally hidden by the intervening elevations.' Arundel 
did not observe the Duden, which, in its low reedy pool, is not visible 
from the road. Hirschfeld visited Indjerli-Su, a fountain which falls 
into the stream of the Duden about 100 yds. above the bridge ; but 
in his map he omits the Duden, and represents the Sheikh-Ai-ab 
Water as flowing in a great sweep close to the edge of the hills round 
the Duden ^, and thus coinciding with the stream that issues from 
the Duden ^, Hamilton missed this branch, because he never traversed 
the road or crossed the bridge. Hogarth saw Indjerli-Su, but not 
the Duden. Weber gives the Duden; but indicates the course of 
the stream not quite accurately. In JHS 1893 p. 70* I suggested 
that this stream is the Obrimas ; and this theory still seems to me 
probable ; but there is too little evidence to prove it decisively. 

The Obrimas is mentioned only by Pliny, who says that it, like 
Marsyas and Orgas, falls into the Maeander in the outskirts of 
Apameia. As all the other descriptions omit the Obrimas, it was 
probably not very conspicuous. Now, when so many travellers, 
eager to examine and settle the topography of Apameia, have failed 
to observe this stream, it is easy to see why Strabo and Xenophon, 
describing the most striking features of the city, should omit it. 
It is however surprising that the Apamean coin of the four rivers 
should mention Therma and omit Obrimas, a far more important 
stream. Probably the sacred character attached to hot springs deter- 
mined the preference. Nonnus mentions the Obrimos, see p. 485. 

§ 9. AuLOKREN£. Alike in ancient and in modern times the local 
belief has been that the ultimate source of both Marsyas and Maeander 
is on the higher plain behind the ridge of Djebel-Sultan. On the 

mountain in the map of a modem 
traveller, in which Kiepert ingeniously 
recognized *Kara-Dagh daiorlar* (pro- 
nounced like dirler), * they call it 
Kara-Dagh.' But a more seductive 
hypothesis is stated in § 6]. 

^ In this bridge is inscr. 386. 

* See above p. 407. 

' Kiepert in his little plan of Apa- 
meia, founded on Ham. and Ar., gives 
the stream in its approximate position, 

^nd calls it Orgas. It is marvellous 
that Hirschfeld did not recognize his 
error, when he looked at Kiepert's un- 
pretentious little plan (Franz P'xinf 
Inachr.) and read Ai-undel's description. 
* I said * the stream rises in two large 
sources/ meaning Indjerli-Su and the 
Duden, and wrongly called the stream 
Indjerli-Su (that name is restricted to 
the fountain, which falls into Duden- 
Su). I also under-estimated the length. 



eaatern side of that plain rises a fine aeries of fountains called Bunar- ' 
BasM beside a clump of plane-trees ; these springs flow down a little 
way into a roarshy lake' that rests against Djebel-Sultan; and this 
lake in its turn is believed to feed tlie fountains around Dineir by 
subteri'anean passages. 

One lingers by this beautiful fountain, as loath to quit it as the 
traveller is to leave the shade of its trees and the murmur of its 
waters, and to go on over the shelterless plain on a hot day in 
summer. Hardly in Greece itself is there a spot more consecrated 
with legend. Here Athena sat on the rocks playing her newly 
invented flute and saw her distorted face miiTored in the water; 
here she threw away her flute, and Marsyas picked it up; here Mar- 
syas contended with Apollo, and on that large plane-tree he was hung 
up to be flayed ; in the plain below Lityerses was slain by the sickles 
of the reapers ; and so on. The physical features of the plain are 
80 remarkable that we need not wonder to find so many legends 
attached to it. 

Our best witness is Maxirous, who relates what he had himself 
seen and heard on the spot. ' The Phrygians,' says he, ' who dwell 
in the neighbourhood of Kelainai pay religious honour to two streams, 
Karsyas and Maeander. I have seen the streams. They rise from 
one fountain, which, flowing towards the mountain -ridge (Djebel- 
Sultan), disappears behind the city and again issues forth as the 
two (separate) rivers from the city, dividing among them both the 
water and the names ; one of them, the Maeander, flows away in 
the direction of Lydia, and the other dissipates its water there on 
the valley ^ The Phrygians sacrifice (at the common source), some 
to both rivers, some to the Marsyaa singly, and some to the Maeander ; 
and they cast the thighs of the victims into the springs, uttering over 
them the name of the river to which they offer them ; and the oSer- 
ings, borne away towards the mountain and sinking with the water, 
are found not to rise in the Marsyaa if given to the Maeander, nor 
in the Maeander, if given to the Marsyas ; and, if they be offered 
to both, the rivers divide the gift.' 

The point where the sacrifices took place can be seen. It is at the 
western extremity of the lake, close behind Dineirj overshadowed 

' Most of the lalie ia merely a, great 
reed-bed : a stream from the north 
flows into it. 

* This reference to irrigution is inler- 
eeting, but, as applied to Muisyas bj 

MaxiinuR, must be inaccomte (perhaps 
due to an error of memory, confascd 
with the irrigation works fi'om Orgaa 
nnd Maeander). See however the re- 
murks on p. 433. 



by the intervening ridge: from the ridge Arundel saw *a whirling 
round of the water, and on examination it proceeded from the sinking 
of the water through several holes distinctly visible at (he bottom.' 
Arundel even says that Hhe water divided into two currents, one 
flowing to the right, the other to the left, and each sinking into the 
earth, as if the sources of separate streams ^.' There are two distinct 
' swallow holes ' at the northern exit (to ArundeFs left), and one at 
the southern, i mile 3 furlongs distant ^. 

Pliny mentions that ^ the Marsyas comes again to light at Apameia, 
having risen and disappeared after a little where Marsyas contended 
with Apollo in the music of the flute, viz. at Aulocreni : that is the 
name of a valley about ten miles from Apameia ^.' Again he says, 
* a plane-tree is pointed out there, from which (say the guides) Mar- 
syas was suspended after being overcome by Apollo, and the tree 
was selected for the size which even then it had attained/ 

Strabo speaks of a lake behind Apameia which produced reeds 
suited for the mouthpieces of flutes, and from which according to 
the popular saying were derived both springs, of Maeander and of 
Marsyas. His account does not bear the stamp of personal know- 
ledge, differing in that respect from his vivid picture of Apameia 
and its rivers. This shows that he had visited Apameia on a journey 
to or from Nysa in Caria, where he studied*, travelling by the 
Eastern Highway^ which did not pass along the lake or the fountain 
of Bunar-Bashi (Aulokrene). 

Livy makes an interesting reference to the fountain of Aulocrene. 
He mentions certain fountains which in the MSS. are called Fontea 
Rhotrini : they lay beside the route of Manlius from the coast of lake 
Askania past Aporidos-kome ^ towards the plain of Metropolis (Tchul- 
Ovasi), and they were at the most convenient point on the line of 
march for sending away the wounded and the heavy baggage to 
Apameia. In every point this account suits Bunar-Bashi. The road 
in question passes the springs, intersecting exactly at that point the 
road from Apameia to ApoUonia (no. 352)® ; and there are no other 

* Seven Churches p. 245. 

* Perhaps Arundel means the two 
swallow holes of the northern exit by 
the * right ' and * left/ 

' The distance proves that Pliny means 
the fountain Bunar-Bashi, which by the 
road are about 9 Uoman miles from 

* See p. 167. 

' See pp. 325, xviii. 

* These springs are a landmark by 
the way; and any muleteer of the 
country would at once understand what 
place was meant, if he were told of 
a great fountain on the road from 
Tchul-Ovasi or Cassaba (Synnada) to 
Buldur-Lake (Askania) : JHS 1883 pp. 
68 ff. 

412 XI. A PA M EI A. 

springs on the line of Manlius*s march. The plain contained a village 
Aurokra or Aulokra ; and the lake and the springs were called Aulo- 
krene, which strictly was an adjectival form {AvXoKpr^vifi or AifpoKprji/rj, 
in Latin Rhocrlni Fontes), but was in Greek taken in the more 
significant form AiXo-Kprji/rij Flute-Fountain, in accordance with the 
general tendency to seek after forms with a meaning in Greek. 
Manlius, then, encamped at Fontes Rhocreni or Rhocrini ; and the 
MSS. have suffered the slight corruption of c to t See § 26 (a). 

The east end of the lake, near Bunar-Bashi, is 3319 ft. above the 
sea, and the west end at the Duden behind Dineir, 3315. The Marsyas 
springs are almost exactly 2 miles away from the 'Duden,' and 
the difference in elevation is 330 ft. (a fall of i in 33). Taking the 
Maeander springs in the middle of Sheikh- Arab lake, the distance 
from the southern Duden is 2 miles 1 furlong, and the difference in 
level of the two lakes is 255 ft. (a fall of i in 44). 

§ 10. Early History of Kelainai. The situation of the ancient 
city Kelainai is fixed by the testimony of Xenophon. He says that 
both the Marsyas and the Maeander flowed through the city in their 
course, but the springs and the first part of the course of both rivers 
were in the grounds of the two palaces. The testimony of Herodotus 
that the Marsyas rose in the agora of Kelainai cannot be weighed 
against Xenophon's ; and moreover, no one who has seen the source 
of the Marsyas could seriously think that the agora was situated 
there ^. Nor can the words of Strabo, that the Maeander rises in 
a hill called Kelainai, where once was a city of the same name, rank 
as equal in authority to Xenophon's account. Strabo obviously 
supposed that the city of Kelainai was beside the acropoUs^ and as he 
knew that the site had been changed when Apameia was founded, 
he concluded that Kelainai had occupied the southern slope of 
the acropolis stretching towards the springs of the Maeander and the 
Obrimas. His authority is conclusive as to what he saw at Apameia ; 
but not as to a matter of inference. 

Kelainai, then, was a town lying in the open plain; and its 
situation marks it out as a peaceful mercantile city. In such a 
position it can have originated only in a period when war was little 
dreaded, and convenience of situation alone was considered. Its early 
history can be restored in outline by the relation between the two 

' This is the one strong point of I do not think it actually was) ; but on 

Hirschfeld's theory : he saves Herodo- the whole his theory is more unfavour- 

tus's credit on this point, for the Agora able even to Herod, than our view : see 

might be beside the Therma (though pp. 11, 19. 



parts, the acropolis and the town. We may be sure that the original 
centre was the acropolis, whither in primitive time the agricultural 
people resorted in case of danger, and where the protecting deities of 
Kelainai had their home. It is true that, according to Xenophon, the 
acropolis was fortified by Xerxes ; but we should not infer that it had 
not previously been used as a citadel ^. The situation of the ancient 
Aeolic Smyrna was not unlike that of Eelaiuai ; it had a citadel on 
the summit of the lofty hill ^ and the town was situated at the foot of 
the hill beside the bay. But the site of Kelainai was more obviously 
double than that of Smyrna, for a considerable distance must have 
separated the citadel from the town ; hence the name was always 
a plural, Kelainai^. 

The situation of Kelainai may probably be taken as typical of many 
old Phrygian cities. Xenophon mentions Keramon Agora as a great 
city, and we distinguish there also a trading town and a citadel^. 
Again, we have seen in Ch. V § 5 that there was both a city Attouda 
on the higher ground, and a hieron and market of Men Karou in the 
plain below the city. These analogies throw light on the origin of 
the town Kelainai. There doubtless sprang up a market in the plain. 
But, in order that the market should be a safe resort, it had to be 
placed under the guardianship of religion. Thus arose an altar, and 
a cultus common to all those who frequented the mai'ket, guaranteeing 
their safety while they were at business ; and in this way intercourse 
and trade and interchange of ideas and products were connected with 
the cultus of the deity. Several other markets of this type have been 
already mentioned *, but their position in the history of the country 
was not fully brought out. The hiera of the country did not all 
spring up in places where there were manifest signs of the divine 
presence (as at Hierapolis, pp. 85 flF). Some of them originated in 

^ See p. 418 ncie. 

' This hill overhangs the N.E. corner 
of the gnlf, and at its southern base lay 
the town. 

• The explanation of the plural form 
from the union of various komai in 
a single city seems to me unsuited to 
the facts. Athens resembled Kelainai : 
there also two separate centres existed, 
the citadel on the acropolis and the 
commercial town on the sea at Pha- 
leron; and the plural name Athenai 
was always used for the united city. 
This explanation of the plural names 

of cities is inconsistent with the sugges- 
tion advanced by Johannson Bezz, Beitr. 
XIII pp. 1 1 1 fF, and approved by Brug- 
mann Griech. Gram. § 82, that city-names 
in -01 and -m have developed out of 
locatives, i. e. that the older forms AeX- 
<f>oty at Delphos, and *A^^va7, at Athens, 
being misunderstood in later times, 
were treated as plural nominatives, 
AcXc^oi and *A^^vai. This explanation 
would probably never commend itself 
to a historian or student of society. 

* See Ch. XIII § 13. 

* See pp. 128, 168, 254. 



human needs and human history ; and they sprang up where men 
congregated for a fixed market*. Hence we see why the hieron of 
Men Karou was not fixed at the hot springs of Karoura, where the 
divine power was most cleai*ly manifested, but at a central point 
where the whole of the lower Lycos valley (pp. 4 f) could meet more 
conveniently, and where the market was held until about 40 years 

§ 11. Historical Myths. Civilization is developed through com- 
merce and interchange of ideas. Hence this market, at the point where 
so many roads converge (§ 1), is also the home of most of those myths 
which preserve for us some facts about the beginnings of intercourse 
beside Phrygia and the Greek world. The Phrygian music, as used 
in the worship of the Great Mother, was learned by the Greeks, and 
the invention of the fiute, the Phrygian instrument par excellence^ was 
localized at Kelainai, and attributed to its river-god Marsyas. Marsyas, 
vain of his skill, challenged the god of Greek music, Apollo : he was 
defeated, and fiayed by his conqueror in the grotto &om which iasues 
the water of Marsyas : the Greek spirit overpowered the Phrygian. 

In the tale of Lityei*ses; son of Midas, a legend of the Adonis-type, 
embodying the idea of the vegetation and life of nature perishing in 
the heat of summer^, was developed in a peculiar form which is 
coloured by the facts of Kelainian history. Lityerses hospitably 
welcomed all strangers, but made them help him in the harvest, and, 
if they fell short in amount of work, killed them and hid their bodies 
in the sheaves. Hercules, however, the hero (or god) of travel and 
growing civilization, when he came to Kelainai, vindicated the privi- 
leges of visitors by slaying Lityerses and throwing his body into the 
Maeander. Thus the development of intercourse, and the guarantee 
for the safety of trading strangers, are worked into the old religious 
myth connected with the Lityerses-song, which the Phrygians sang in 
the harvest field. 

Hyagnis is another figure in Kelainian myth. Nothing is recorded 
about him except that he was inventor of the flute and father of 

' The worship of Hercules on the 
Ara Maxima in the Forum Boarium in 
the low ground below old Rome, had 
a similar origin. The cattle of the 
Roman shepherds, their hides, &c., were 
there bartered for the manufactures of 
the Tuscan artisans ; and the frequenters 
of the market were protected by par- 
ticipation in the rites on the altar. The 

cultus was confined to men, as women 
did not come to the market. A tithe 
of their gains belonged to the god under 
whose guard they met. 

^ With this is united the kindred idea 
that a human being must be killed and 
hid in the field in onler to give life to 
the next crop. 



Marsyas ^. The name is probably connected with Hyes, a name or 
title of Atys in the rites of the Great Mother. 

The musician Olympos is connected with Kelainai in legend. 
Olympos appeairs partly as a mythical figure, son of Marsyas, and 
a witness of his fate^ and partly as a musician, who naturalized 
among the Gireeks the Phrygian style of music, invented the en- 
harmonic rhythm, and composed the Harviatios nomoa, a mournful 
and passionate strain to which a chorus of the Orestes was set. 

The myth of Anchouros at Kelainai was similar to that of Curtius 
at Rome. A chasm full of water opened in the earth, and engulfed 
many houses and people. The king was instructed by the oracle that 
the chasm would close up, if his costliest possession were thrown in. 
Gold and jeweb were tried in vain ; but when his son Anchouros 
leaped in on horseback, the chasm closed up^ Midas dedicated 
a golden altar to Idaean Zeus on the spot. The myth seems to arise 
out of the local circumstances, as such abundance of waters flow forth 
from the earth, and Zeus the patron-god seated on his hill, the 
Acropolis, prevents the city from being engulfed in the underground 
water *» 

To the earliest period of Kelainian history we may attribute much 
work in the way of draining and irrigation and regulation of the 
water-supply. This lies at the beginning of organized city life ^. 

The fountains (tcheshme) which benefit and often beautify most 
of the villages of Asia Minor, are the most familiar object to the 
traveller. It cannot be doubted that the construction of such fountains 
has been practised in the country from the most ancient times. In 
the north of Phrygia, a citizen named Menelaos is praised as having 
made eleven fountains ^. At Tralleis, Molossos made a fountain adorned 
with a statue of Hermes, and dedicated it to the Demos and Hermes 
and Herakles and the Neoi ^ : evidently it was in the gymnasium of 
the NeoL At Branchidai we hear of the construction of fountains in 

' Plat, de Mus. 5, Aristoxenus ap. 
Athenaeum XHT p. 624 b. 

' He is also called father of Marsyas 
and inventor of the flute. 

* Plutarch paraU, 5 quotes the tale 
from the Metamorphoaea of Kallisthenes. 

* On the Kelainian myth of the 
Deluge see Gh. XV. 

° The Yast irrigation works at Ky- 
bistra Capp. seemed to me to go back 
to the oldest period of Asia Minor civi- 
lization : so also the aqueduct at Tyana : 

see Prthellenic Monuments of Capp, pp. 
5, 10 in Maspero's Recueil de Tfuraux 

• Waddington, no. ion, restores [f]v 
[ry aXati icaTC<nc€ua]a'€V KpffPat at tK twv 
IdimVf but eleven fountains in a grove is 
rather too much : one would rather 
expect €V raU nXoTtiais or tv t§ nSkti or 

eV TO x»P?- 

"^ BOH 1886 p. 520. Molossos was 
agonothetes at the time. 



front of [the temple ?] ^ Probably when we hear of the construction 
of water-courses or aqueducts, we may conclude that they were finished 
up with one or more fountains in the city to render the supply 
generally accessible. Similar fountains were doubtless constructed 
centuries before Xerxes came to Kelainai ; and the art of constructing 
a channel and fountain is almost the only piece of engineering skill 
that has been retained by the people of Asia Minor under the ruinous 
Turkish rule. 

§12. Kelainai under Lydian Rule. Topography and mythology 
alike mark out Kelainai as an old centre of commerce. It was created 
not by religion, like Hierapolis, but by the meeting of men at a common 
centre for mutual benefit and exchange. M. Badet, with true his- 
torical insight, has caught this character in early Anatolian history, 
and has described it in some of the best pages of his brilliant work on 
Lydia*. He has justly insisted on the significance of Herodotus*s 
statement that the Lydians were the first to coin money and the earliest 
* traders ^.* Now the word KapSloi, * traders,' here has probably some 
definite and specific sense : there was in Lydia a city Hermokapelia, 
and the word may well be a Lydian * teim adopted in Greek. The 
Kapelos practised trade in a fashion that was definitely Lydian ; and 
this fashion is connected by Herodotus with the use of coined money. 
M. Badet's argument that the old Phoenician trade was conducted 
by barter, and that Herodotus designates the Lydians as the first 
traders by exchange in money, carries conviction with it ^. 

From a very remote period ti-ado was carried across Asia by caravans, 
which came down to the great harbours, such as Sinope, Miletos, Cyme 
and Smyrna, in the early ages, Amisos and Ephesos in the later Greek 
and Roman period : there it was taken by the Greek shipping mer- 

* Wadd. 225. 

' La Lydie et le Monde Grec au Temps 
des Metynnades pp. 155 fF. 

' irparoi dc apSponrtop rStp ^fult idfjup 
poyiiaixa ;^vo'oO Koi apyvpov Koyfrafxtpoi 
t)(prjaapTO' irpoyroi bt icai KdnrjXoi tytvovTO 

I 94. 

* It is, undoubtedly, of Indo-European 
origin : Lat. caupo, Got. kaupon, Eng. 

* It is not so clear to me that he 
has right on his side in understanding 
KcinrjiXoi as keeper of a caravanserai or 
khan, and in declaring that Herod, here 
atlribue aux Lydiens Voureriure des pre- 

miei's carai?ans^rais (Lydie p. 160). The 
caravanserai is probably as old as the 
caravan-trade, which M. Radet fully 
acknowledges was not originally or cha- 
racteristically Lydian. His view seems 
to me probably right so far that la 
substitution de rhdtellen'e au regime <fe 
r hospitality est une innovatimx capitate, 
due to the Lydians, and made possible 
by the use of money ; but when he says 
that le KQirr^kt'iOv n'est pas un boutiquej 
c*est un caratanserail {Rev. des Univ, du 
Midi I p. 117), he carries his theory to 
an extreme and makes it too narrow. 
A khan is not a hotel. 


cliants and carried to the west. Kelainai was, doubtless, one of the 
caravan-stations ; and Herodotus knew about its remarkable natural 
features, not from sight, but from the report of the traders, who came 
down the caravan-road to Miletos, and whose bad Greek had been 
a subject of ridicule to Hipponax in the sixth century ^. 

It was the Lydians who first placed this traffic on a new footing by 
regulating exchange and stamping pieces of electrum with the symbol 
of a powerful monarchy, whose guarantee will carry far. A more 
elaborate and scientific system of commerce becomes possible, when 
money comes into use * : the merchant-prince is the result of this 
developed system of trade. The trade-guilds, united in the worship 
of some god, which existed at Apameia, were a Lydian institution 
(no. 309, 294, and p. 106). 

The power of Lydia was greatly extended by the Mermnad kings of 
the seventh century; and its rule over all Phrygia up to the Halys 
was recognized by the Medes at the peace of 585 b. c. That Kelainai 
continued a centre of trade under the Lydian domination is shown by 
the tale related by Herodotus VII 27-29 ^. Pythios, son of Atys, a 
Lydian, who dwelt at Kelainai, presented to Darius a plane-tree and 
a vine made of gold ; and afterwards offered to Xerxes in 480 b. c, as 
a contribution towards the expense of the Qi'eek war, 2000 talents of 
silver and 3,993,000 gold darics. The methodical enumeration of 
Pythios's property shows the careful habits of a merchant-prince, not 
the unordered profusion of a mere oriental territorial magnate. Com- 
merce on a great scale must have existed, and there must have been 
other merchants in the same place, before Pythios or his father Atys 
had been able by clever organization to make this great fortune. 

The names of these merchant-princes are interesting : they set before 
us in miniature the social development of Lydia dui-ing the sixth 
century. The family, originally Lydian, had adopted the Greek name 
and along with it doubtless something of the Greek civilization and 

* Kol rov9 (TokoUovs, fjv Xa3a>o'(, n^pvaa^v against him M. Th. Reinach maintains 
^pvyat fup h MiXrfTov aktfurtvaovTas fr, that the gifts of Gyges to Delphi (in 
36 (30), H%9t. Geogr, p. 37. The tale of Herod. I 14) are the Tuydday xP^aot^ see 
the Phrygians, Tottes and Onnes, who Rev, de Sociologie 1894 p. 116. 
introduced the mysteries of the Kabei- * While the tale has obviously been 
roi to Assesos and Miletos, points in the worked up by popular creative imagina- 
same direction (Nic. Damasc./r. 53). tion, its outlines may be taken as his- 

* M. Radet has probability on his side torical: and especially the Lydian origin 
in holding that Gyges first coined this of Pythios of Kelainai is not likely to 
Lydian money and that his money was be imagined. 

the Tvydtat xP^aos of Pollux III 87 : 

VOL. I. PT. II. F 


language ; the father is pure Lydian, Atys ; the son is the grecized 
Lydian Pythios ; and the family doubtless was characterized by 
a double share of commercial skill, Lydian trading instinct and Greek 
inventiveness and boldness. 

§ 13. Kelatnai under the Persians. When Asia Minor formed 
part of the Persian Empire, the central impoil^ance of Kelainai was 
recognized more and more as time progressed. It became the principal 
royal seat in Phrygia and a residence of the satraps ^. Xerxes passed 
through the city on his expedition against Greece ; and on his return 
seems to have resided for some time in it. . He built a palace at 
the source of the Marsyas, probably on the grassy slope north of the 
springs. The acropolis on the high hill which overhung the palace 
and the Marsyas-springs was also built by him ^. 

Kelainai was apparently a favourite residence of Cyrus the younger, 
when he was sent by his father Darius Nothus in 407 to govern 
Western and Central Asia Minor ; he built (or at least used) a palace 
at the source of the Maeander, and he had a large park round the 
palace, including a large extent of country, hillside and plain, full of 
wild animalS) and extending some distance down the course of the 
Maeander before it reached the city. Cyrus made Kelainai the 
gathering-place for his forces in 401 ; he halted there thirty days till 
his forces were consolidated ; and held his first review in the park, 
of course in the lower ground. 

After Cyrus's departure Kelainai was recovered by Tissaphemes, 
the representative of the Great King; and there he was beheaded 
by Tithraustes in 396, after he had been taken prisoner in Colossal ^. 
We do not again hear of it till Alexander marched north from Pam- 
phylia and laid siege to it*. The citadel was garrisoned by 1000 
Carian and 100 Greek mercenaries ; and it was so strong that, instead 
of assaulting it, Alexander made an arrangement whereby the garrison 
should surrender if not relieved within sixty days. 

The hill on which the acropolis stands is steep in most of its circuit, 
and rises even precipitously above the springs of the Marsyas ; but on 
the side opposite the Marsyas it is connected by a neck of land with 
the mountains to the east. Arrian's description ^ * precipitous on all 

* Caput Phrygiae Livy XXXVIII 15. * It is not mentioned by our scanty 
' There was doubtless an older forti- authorities during the great revolt of 

fication on the citadel ; but Xerxes built the western satraps 368-58, on which 

the later fortress (as Haase says p. 257). see Judeich Kleinas, Stud, pp. 193 fP. 

* Polyaen. VII 16 (less fully Diod. * aKpa irdvrrj dndrofioi Andb, I 29 : cp. 
XIV 80, Xen. Hell. Ill 4, 25). Q. Curtius III i. 


sides ' is therefore a little exaggerated (he was not an eye-witness)^ 
but the hill was capable of being made an exceedingly strong fortress, 
and it is not strange that Alexander, who was always careful of his 
troops, should prefer this easy and bloodless arrangement ^. After his 
long toilsome march through Lycia, Pamphylia, and Fisidia, the halt 
was not without its own value ; he could reckon with comparative 
certainty that no rescue was possible; and probably, as Hogarth 
remarks, he wished to avoid fighting to the death with Greeks (a desire 
which is apparent in his earlier policy up to his capture of Darius). 

due course surrendered at discretion; and from this time onwards 
Kelainai became the Greek capital of inner Anatolia, an honour for 
which its situation on the road towards the western sea marked it out. 
The conqueror created Antigonus satrap ^ of Phrygia and, apparently, 
overseer of Asia Minor in general ; and the new satrap, afterwards 
king, made Kelainai his ordinary residence. In 322, indeed, Antigonus 
was forced to abandon the western lands ; and Eumenes held Kelainai 
for a winter, struggling against Alketas, Polemon, and Dokimos. In 
order to provide pay for his troops ^ and to make himself popular, 
Eumenes had recourse to a device which throws some light on the 
state of the country. He sold to his captains the farmsteadings and 
fortified country-houses, with all their contents ^, and permitted them 
to use part of the siege-train of the army to capture the property 
which they had bought in this lawless way. The teim Tetrapyrgia 
in Plutarch shows that in the fourth century thei'e were in the country 
many quadrangular buildings with towers at the four comers ^ enclos- 
ing a wide open space (aiJX^). Demetrius I of Syria retired from 
Antioch to a royal residence in the country built in this form * ; and 
evidently the Kelainian Tetrapyrgiai were similar fortified residences 
belonging to great landowners. Such a state of things marks an 
artificial society, characterized by an old-standing civilization with 
a dominant caste amid a subject population. Great inequalities of 

* Hamilton II p. 366, owing to the ' Plutarch Eum, 8. 
ansaitability of Arrian's description, * ras Kara Tfjp x^pav f n-auXcir Ka\ rfrpa- 
believes that the garrison had fortified irvpylasj acafidrtav Ka\ Poo'icTj^Tiop yifiovo'at 
an isolated rocky hill about half a mile Plutarch Eum, 8. 

to the north. But Hogarth, who for- ' to ^aplov iv Ppax^i Tdxio'afifpos Kark 

merly made the same suggestion inde- t6 TiTpdymtvov ax^if^a leal ycaviif iKdaru nvp^ 

pendently, now agrees with Hirschfeld yov cV^c/xcvor, TtTpoTtvpyiav €lvai rr «cil 

that this supposition cannot be de- KaXtiaBat irtnolriKt Procop. Aed, IV i 

fended. p. 266. 

* On the use of the term satrap by • tU rtrpanvpyt.6v ri ^ao-iXciov Jos. Ant, 
the earlier Diadochoi see pp. 257 f. Jud, XIII 2, i. 

F 2 



rank and fortune are not often produced, except in a state of ' high 
development,' as in Relainai, where Lydians, Persians^ and Greeks had 
successively conquered the old Phrygian state, and great domains had 
been carved out of its territory and appropriated by individuals of 
the ruling people, who then founded aristocratic families. Thus 
Pythios the Lydian unites the characters of the Lydian merchant- 
prince and the territorial magnate, treating with princely hospitality 
and well-calculated prudence the despotic ruler of the new conquerors^. 
In 321 Eumenes regarded the territorial aristocracy as the supporters 
of king Antigonus, and tried to strengthen his cause by enlisting the 
sympathy of the lower classes, i.e. the native Phrygian villagers and 
the plehs of Kelainai, and by destroying the tetrapyrgiai and ruining 
the great nobles. That is the same policy which was carried out 
in the present century by Sultan Mahmud in Asia Minor ; and it is 
probable that the Pergamenian kings also gained their strength from 
the support of the humble native population against the aristocracy 
who supported the Seleucid sovereigns *. An aristocracy of this kind, 
resisting a foreign enemy and uniting in its defence pride and educa- 
tion, makes a country powerful in war ; but it is generally ready to 
make terms with a strong enemy in order to redeem its privileges and 
save part of its estates. The Persians ruled the countjry by the support 
of the aristocracy ; and so did Alexander, Antigonus and the Seleucid 
kings, whose satraps found the great landowners friends and associates. 
But Eumenes and the Attalid kings allied themselves with the people ; 
and appai^ently the great nobility was weakened or destroyed by them. 
Dio Chrysostom mentions the numerous villages of the great territory 
of Apameia^: it is probable that some of these had taken the place 
of tetrapyrgiai (as in modem Anatolia the country-estate, or tchifiik^ 
passes into the village) ; and so perhaps the tetrapyrgiai which we 
hear of in the Cytenaica*, in North Syria near the Euphrates*, 
in Cappadocia (Strategia Garsaouria), on the road between Ikonion 
and Pompeiopolis, and perhaps on the toad between Cybistra and 
Caesareia ®. 

§ 15. Kelainai and Apameia. In the spring of ^21 Antigonus 

* He proposed, after giving all his 
money to Xerxes, to live on his estates 
and his slaves, ifiol dnb dpbpatrddmv re /cat 
yfomcdio)!/ dpK€u>v cirrt pios Herod. VII 28. 

See p. 417. 

* See pp. 260, 355. 
^ See pp. 428, 448. 

* Polyb. 31, 26, II, Strab. p. 838. 

^ Between Soura (near Barbalissos) 

and Resapha-Sergiopolis, Hist. Geogr, 
p. 357, Acta SS Sergii Bacchi 7th Oct. 
pp. 842 f, -4 na/. ^o//ffwrf. XIV p. 385, Gelzer 
Georg. Ctjpr. pp. 150, 152. Tetrapyr- 
gium is the form used. 

« See Ptolemy and Tab. Pent. Tetra 
simply in the last case. Perhaps several 
of the last four should be identified, 
Hist. Geogr. p. 286. 


returned from the east and resumed possession of Kelainai, which 
henceforth was his ordinary residence. In 31 9 he selected there picked 
troops to operate against Arrhidaeus in Cyzicos ^ In the winter of 
314 he returned thither from Syria ^; in 312 he was still residing 
there ^ ; and doubtless it was from Kelainai that he and Demetrius 
advanced in the spring of 301 to prevent the junction of Lysimachus 
and Seleucus, when the campaign ended in- the fatal battle of Ipsos 
(near Tchai in Paroreios Phrygia). As the result of that battle Kelainai 
passed into the hands of Lysimachus ; but at the battle of Koropedion 
Seleucus gained possession of it. Seleucus and his successor Antio- 
chus Soter, 280-61, inaugurated a scheme for strengthening their 
hold on Asia Minor and consolidating their dominions there, by build- 
ing a series of garrison-cities at suitable points on the chief lines 
of communication and particularly on the great Eastern Highway. 
Naturally Kelainai was one of the first points selected by Antiochus *. 
That city consisted of two distinct pails, the dominating fortress built 
by Xerxes on the lofty hill to the east, and the open commercial town 
in the plain below. Antiochus moved the city away from the site 
of the old town, and placed it on the plateaux that lie on both sides 
of the Marsyas. The old town, deserted for the moment, became 
a suburb {irpodar^ioy) in later time, as the new city grew. The opinion 
of Hirschfeld and Weber, that the old acropolis also was abandoned, 
seems to me impossible : Apameia surrounded the springs of the 
Marsyas on all sides, and must therefore have covered part of the 
acropolis hill, which rises precipitously over the springs. In this 
position, dominated by the acropolis so that stones rolled over the 
slopes would crash through part of the city, it could have possessed 
no military strength unless the summit was included within the 
circuit of its walls. Moreover it is hard to see how Strabo's words 
could be true unless that hill were included in the city, for no city- wall 
could include the springs unless it ran over the hill^ 

No evidence is known as to the class or race of the colonists settled 
by Antiochus in Apameia ; and speculation is useless ®. 

^ Piodor. XVIII 52. 

^ Diodor. XIX 6 : in his first attempt 
to cross Taurus snow destroyed many of 
his soldiers. 

» Diodor. XIX 93. 

* Of the other important points on 
the Eastern Highway, Laodiceia ad 
Lycutn was founded by Antiochus II 
(261-46), and Lysias probably by Antio- 

chus the Great towards 200. Laodiceia 
Eatakekaumene is unknown; Philo- 
melion probably Pergamenian. 

* €VT€v6(v di dvacTriaa? tovs dv6f)Ci>irov9 
6 ^carrip ^Avrioxos cif r^y vvv ^hnafjAiav 
rrfi firirphs (fra>w/ioi/ rriP noXiP tntdti^ev 

ibpvrai dr 7 ^Anafuia M rait 

€KPo\ais Appendix I. 

• See p. 33. 


As to the dialect of Greek that was spoken in Apameia and other 
Seleucid colonies, hardly any evidence remains. In the colonies 
peopled by Macedonians, we should naturally expect that a dialect of 
Greek with some Doric forms was gradually merged in the general 
type {kolvti) of Hellenistic Greek. Even in Laodiceia there occur some 
names of Doric type^, though Macedonian settlers are not known 

Apameia had its legend of an attack by the Galatai and defence by 
its native deity : Marsyas protected them by his waters and the strains 
of his flute ^. Probably a Galatic legend was a proper adjunct to 
the history of every city of western Asia Minor ^, and few of them 
have any value beyond attesting the wide terror and destruction 
caused by the inroad *. 

One of the two palaces, probably that of Xerxes, which was 
within the fortified line of Apameia and therefore was a safer abode, 
continued to be the residence of the Seleucid kings when they visited 
this part of their dominions. There, in 193, took place the meeting 
between Antiochus the Great and the Koman envoy, P. Villius. But 
negotiations were only beginning when news arrived that the young 
prince Antiochus had died in Syria ; and Villius, seeing the palace 
filled with mourning, courteously retired to Pergamos, in order not to 
intrude at such a time ^ 

After his disastrous expedition into Greece, Antiochus returned to 
Apameia in the autumn of 191, and spent the winter in collecting 
a gi-eat army ®, and in the spring marched by the Lycos valley and 
Sardis against the Pergamenian capital. 

§ 16. The Pekgamenian and Roman Conquest. Late in the autumn 
of 190, Antiochus re-entered Apameia, after the crushing defeat at 
Magnesia. There he heard the news brought by successive couriers. 
The citizens and garrison of Sardis, disregarding Zenon commander of 
the city and Timon of Lydia, had surrendered to the Romans : envoys 
from Tralleis, from Magnesia Mae., and from Ephesos, had gone to 
place their cities under the Roman power ; all the cities of Asia were 

^ Compare Pamokrates and Labas released from the Seleucid rule and 

p. 39. garrisons and tribute. 

* Pans. X 30, 9. ^ Ne alieno tempore iucommodua obver- 
^ See p. 264. aaretur, Livy XXXV 15. Magni luctus 

* The terror inspired by the Galatai species regiam tenuit, ibid, 

is shown in Polyb. 22, 24: the peoples • Livy XXX VII 8 tpse m PAry^ fctd^r- 

of Asia Minor were more delighted at navit &c. ; 18 Antiochus ab Apamea pro- 

being freed by Manlius from fear of the fectus, . 
barbarian than they had been at being 



hurrying to follow their example. Antiochus sent to enquire about 
terms of peace, and learned that he must retire from the whole of 
cis-Tauric Asia ^ 

When Cn. Manlius Vulso in 189 passed through the valley of 
Aurokra behind Apameia, Seleucus, son of Antiochus, who had remained 
there when his father went home to Syria, came to meet him, provided 
him with guides, and took back the sick and wounded soldiers to 
Apameia '. These were the first Roman legionaries that entered the 

In the winter of 1 89-8 Manlius held a conference at a point eight days 
journey away from Apameia®. Musaeus was the envoy of Antiochus, 
and there were present also ambassadors from the Galatai and from 
Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia. In the spring of 188 Manlius came to 
Apameia, and after a stay of three days marched into Pamphylia. 
After an absence of about two months, he returned to Apameia, where 
Eumenes the Pergamenian king had now arrived. There the treaty 
between the Romans and Antiochus was at length completed. Man- 
lius took the oath on behalf of the Romans ; and ambassadors were 
sent to receive the oath from Antiochus. 

In the following half-century Apameia was subject to the Perga- 
menian kings. Coins with Pergamenian types, including cistophori, 
were struck until the time of Augustus. 

In 133 Apameia passed into the hands of Rome along with the rest 
of the Pergamenian realm ; and in 129 it was sold by M'. Aquillius, 
along with the rest of Phrygia, to Mithridates V, who ruled it till his 
death in 1 20. After this it seems to have been declared free ^ by the 
Romans ; but probably the freedom was more nominal than real, and 
it was certainly disregarded whenever any Roman general found it 
convenient to treat the country as subject*. In 88 the Roman ofiicers 
Cassius, Mancinus, &c. levied an army of Phrygians to oppose Mith- 
ridates ; and began to drill them beside Leonton-Rephale ®. But, as 
Mithridates's rapid advance was reported, and they despaired of doing 

* What precisely is meant by excedito 
.... a valle Tauri usque ad iuga qua ad 
Lycaoniam vergit is hard to specify, so 
long as we are ignorant what is indi- 
cated by vdlU Tauri Livy XXXVIII 38. 
There is a lacuna in Polybius 22, 26, 5, 
where the words should occur. It is 
clear that Pisidian Antioch and Apol- 
lonia were left free (not given to Eu- 
menes), and so probably was part of 
Milyas (pp. 285, 351) and the whole of 

Lycaonia (see Studia Biblica IV pp. 49 ff). 

« Livy XXXVIII 1 5. 

' Probably about Amorion: Livy 
XXXVIII 37, Polyb. 22, 24. 

* See the inscr. of Lysias published 
below, no. 710. 

* It is styled Phrygiam provinciam 
P. R. by Livy Epitome LXXVII in 88 ; 
but the provincial era begins only in 

* Six hrs. N. of Prymnessos. 



any good with an anny of raw recruits, they fled *. Cassius took 
refuge in Apameia ; but when he heard of the approach of the Pontic 
army, he fled westward, and Apameia was occupied by the enemy. 

§ 17. The Romans in Apameia. The city was still nominally free ; 
but already, no doubt, it was occupied by Soman traders ; and these 
certainly perished in the terrible massacre, which was ordered by 
Mithridates from Ephesus, as soon as he had gained possession of the 
Roman province '^. Roman trade followed the eagles everywhere, and 
even outstripped their progress ; and the thoroughness of the Roman 
conquest of the Mediterranean countries was due to the way in which 
a host of Romans was always ready and eager to swoop down on each 
new conquered region and settle in it. The analogy between the 
Roman and British empires holds in this as in so many other respects. 
The number of these Italian traders was enormous. They settled, for 
trading purposes or as agents of the great Italian commercial and 
financial companies, at suitable places in each province *. They 
farmed the revenues, they acted as money-lenders and bankers, they 
contracted for public works, they engaged in large commercial, agri- 
cultural, or mining operations, in the ports they formed shipping- 
companies ; and there were of course tradesmen on a smaller scale, 
who make less appearance in inscriptions. Many of them acquired 
considerable fortunes * ; and in all cases they were backed by the 
immense power of the great companies in the metropolis, even where 
they were only the slaves of their Roman principals. Apameia was 
probably their principal centre in Asia, not even Ephesus excepted. 

Often these traders preceded the Roman conquest ; in Delos, for 
example, a Roman name occurs in an inscription of 250 b. C. '^ ; but it 
was not until the country passed into Roman possession, either prac- 
tically (as was the case with Delos in 166), or actually as a province, 
that they swooped down upon it in their thousands. 

There must also have been a certain number of officials in Apameia, 

* Appian Mith, 19. 

' In the winter of 88-87 : 80,000 (Val. 
Max.) or 1 50,000 (Plut.) perished in these 
'Asian Vespers'; while 20,000 wpre 
slain in the Cjclades in Z7. 

^ On this subject see Mommsen Bom, 
Hist. Bk. Ill Ch. XII, Bk. IV Ch. XI, and 
above all the excellent study by M. 
HomoUe lea Romauts d Delos BCH 1884 
pp. 75 ff. The usual terms to denote 
these settlers are ot KaToiKoivT€s 'Pafiaioi 
(*lraAiicot), TrpayiiaTfv6fi€yoif fpyafo/xfvoi. 

(yyapovvT€s (only at Olympia), c/oropot, 
vavKXripoi (but the 'Pw/xaioi at Lagina 
BCH 1 88 1 p. 191 are merely visitors to 
the festival) ; and in Latin consistentfs, 
negotiatofea, qui negoiiantury aratores, 
mercaiores. They formed a convent ita 
C. R, in each great centre : see also my 
St. Paul pp. 125 f. 

* They were often paid by a share in 
the profits (partes, paiiiculae), 

^ BCH 1884 p. 81. 


which was probably a station for agents of the imperial treasury 
and for the customs levied on merchandise at various points 
of the interior as well as of the coast. The term poHoriuvi was 
applied to customs or dues levied on merchandise whether sea-borne 
(maritimv/ni) or land-borne (terrestre). The portoria of Asia were 
farmed by a company (pvilicanorum societas) called in a Greek 
inscription koivcopoI Xifiivcov ^Aaias^, They had a number of centres^ ; 
one was at Miletos ^, and another at lasos ^. 

The Roman residents at Apameia, a numerous and powerful body, 
ai*e often mentioned in inscriptions. Along with the Italians rank 
the Apamean families honoured with Roman citizenship, a continually 
increasing body of the noblest and richest citizens. The joint body 
was the aristocracy of Apameia, and must have exercised enormous 
influence : it was the Conventus Civiurn Ravuinorum Apameae con- 
(dttentiwm : from the republican period onward it had the rights 
of a corporate body, electing officials'*, selecting a patron for itself 
in Rome, having a temple and flanien of its own^. Strictly the 
Conventvs C. R, at Apameia was merely a guild of foreign tradei-s, 
standing outside the body of citizens ; and the relations between the 
two bodies are very obscure. The old Roman principle of absolute 
separation in law and in rights between Roman citizens and Apamean 
Greeks '^ could not be maintained strictly under the Empire, and was, 
in truth, essentially opposed to the imperial policy of elevating the 
provincials gradually to the Roman status. It came to be more and 
more the case that Apamean citizenship formed an inferior grade 
of Imperial rights and station, from which the prominent and deserv- 
ing were frequently elevated to the higher gi-ade of Roman citizenship. 
Of course, a great city like Apameia would not naturally entertain 
any liking for a section of the inhabitants, who were outside its 
authority and governed themselves. But the practical working of 
the double machinery of government was facilitated by several facts. 

^ Porlus, used (as often) for portorium^ 
seems here to be literally rendered as 

' Probably 44, correspondiQg to the 
number of districts of taxation : see 
Cagnat lea Impdts indir, chez les Bomains 
p. 79, Marquardt I p. 339. 

' CIL III 447 Felici, Pnmionis XXXX 
port, Asiae fnlic(i) Mil(eti) servOj also in 
Greek with olK{op6fiov) for vilici. 

* BCH 1886 p. 267 Iloif\)(€p KOivmvSiV 
X(/Mya»y *A(rias oiKovofios iv 'icur^ (found 

at Symi, which was therefore under 

^ One or more curatores cp. CIG 2930, 
at Tralleis a ypafifxartvi, 

• Mommsen in Hermes VII 1 873 p. 3 19: 
Cicero was patron of the Capuan con^ 
ventus, p. Seat, 4, 9. 

^ Roman (M*t7t7(M swamped and replaced 
every other kind of citizenship, as 
Mommsen points out in Abhandt, Sdclis, 
Akad, 1857 pp. 405 fir. 

426 XI. A PA M EI A. 

(i) Some of the Italian residents were settled iii the city for genera- 
tions and on friendly terms with it (no. 299, 305). (2) Some Romans 
held city magistracies and went through the regular career of 
Asian citlxens '. (3) In many cases a distinguished career in the 
service of the city was rewarded and crowned with Roman ^tizen- 
ship ' : a man who had spent his life Ber\'ing the city did not suddenly 
change into an opponent of her interests, when he was made a Roman. 
(4) Frobahly many Italians, as well as Apamean Romans, married 
into Apamean families : whether or not the strict Roman law per- 
mitted coiiulrium of a Roman with an Apamean woman, we cannot 
doubt that the imperial system allowed it, and regarded the children 
as legitimate. On this subject see no. 296. 

Apameia was, as its coins prove, the centre and meeting-plaoe of a 
body called Koivov 4>pvyias, of whose character nothing is known. It 
is mentioned only on coiDS, on which the names of three proconsuls 
occnr : M. Vettius Niger (Nero), Marius Cordus (Nero), and Plancius 
Varus (Vespasian). It seems to be implied that these three were con- 
nected officially with the Koinon Phryijiua ^. Perhaps the Koinoii was 
an association of the Romans resident in Phrygia, meeting at Apameia 
aa caput Phrygiae*. In that case the use of Greek on the coins 
mentioning it would be due to the fact that they were struck by the 
city, and would not imply that the Rumans of Apameia officially 
authorined the use of Greek. The city boasted of the fact that the 
Cam-mune V. R. in Phryijia nuii»istentium mot within its walls; and 
it recorded this fact in its own language. But evidence is wanting. 

Thus many signs of good feeling between the resident Romans 
and the cities appeal' in the inscriptions: the former are honoured 
by the cities as benefactors*: a mass meeting (iravSrjfttf) of Romans 


' See the career of Q. Pomponius 
Q. F. Flaccua at Laodiceia (p. 69 and tt.) 
giyen in full Alh.Mltth. |E9[ p. 145. An 
exact Apamean parallel ia wanting, but 
cp. iroXiTfuDfuvoi no. 305 : this term 
is important, it indicates not a mere 
residence as incola in the citj, but the 
performance o( the duties and offices 
of a voXiriis. At Ixaura 6 S. xm ol o-i-^- 
voXiTiu6iitrm 'Poifiaioi corresponds pro- 
ha.h\j to cites etBomani qui ibirrr^anlur. 

' This seemB to be the case with C. 
Julius, Niciae F., Fab. CalUphanca, a 
Cadjandian citizen BCH 18S6 p. 59: 
bis father Niciaa evidently had no prar- 

nomen. and therefore was not a Roman. 

' Ko proconsuls are mentioned on 
other Apamean coins than those which 
name the KoiHon. The Koin.n still met 
under Caracalla, Mionnet no. 353. 

' Compare dI urtro r^v 'Aoia* uuEovvnc 
'P«/iaioi at Epheaos, and oi «iri r^t 'Atri'ac 
'Vt>^\oi Kn\ 'EUijwt Aih. Mitlh. 1891 
p. 145. See no. 290. 

' So C. MsBOniuE Ruhjs mentioned 
without any title on Apamean coins of 
Aogustua (MG p. 393 1 ; see no. 298, 399, 
301. On Mom m sen's opposed view see 
no. 290, 296. 



and Apameans is mentioned no. 299, and probably in the many cases 
where the Demos and the Romans unite in a decree similar mass 
meetings were held. 

In the Apamean inscriptions the Romans are always mentioned 
after the demos. At Laodiceia ^ the Romans ranked above the denios ; 
and in one inscription of Assos that order is observed (though in 
several other cases the demos ranks before the Romans) ^. 

§ 18. Apameia under the Roman Republic. Li 84 Apameia 
was definitely incorporated by Sulla in the Roman province Asia ; 
and it became the seat of a conventus iuridicus. The strict but 
equitable administration of Lucullus as proquaestor inaugurated the 
Roman rule happily ; but the true character of the Republican ad- 
ministration as a highly organized system of plunder and extortion 
was soon manifested to the unhappy provincials. A tax was levied 
on every householder according to the number of slaves in his family^ ; 
the amount which each had to pay was settled by the magisti*ate8 
in concert with the Roman governor * ; and the collection of the tax 
was sold to the publicani *, who paid the Roman treasury and re- 
imbursed themselves by exacting pretty much what they chose from 
the people. Lucullus had imposed this tax® in order to make up 
the heavy contributions imposed by Sulla to punish the province 
for its share in the Mithridatic war. It seems to have been properly 
only one per cent. ; but in the hands of the pwblicani it became much 

^ See no. 2. It is not exactly the 
same thing, but bears on it, that another 
Lapclicean inscription begins o2 cV Tjj 
*A(r&9 'Pwftatot koi ^EXXijvcr K<Mi 6 drjfxos 6 
AaodtKf»v xtX., Ath. Mitth. 1891, p. 145. 

* Sterrett in Papers Amer, Sch, Ath, I 
p. 50 (but not pp. 30, 32 f, 46). 

' It was styled a tax on doors {oatiajt 
as each family had its ostium : ostiaria 
(iributa) Caesar Bell. Civ. Ill 32 : exac- 
tumem capitum atgtie astiorum Cic. Fam. 
Ill 8, 5. 

* Cicero Q. Fr. I i, 8, 25 ; SC de As- 
clepiade 22, 23 (Bruns Fontes lur. Rom, 
p. 158). The process is referred to by 
Cicero Att. V 16, 2 in the words imperata 
fniKtffxiXia, The rare word cViiec^aXtoy 
also occurs in a mutilated inscription 
of Lampsakos BCH 1893 P* 554* where 
a benefactor is praised as having di- 
minished by half the €niic€<fidKiov rrjs 

iroktios (perhaps by a successful embassy). 
The period is uncertain, but cannot be 
late, and might be even before Christ, 
if we may judge from the printed letter- 
ing. In his commentary on the inscrip- 
tion M. Legrand, following Marquardt V 
pp. 192-227, points out that a poll-tax 
in the strict sense never was a Roman 
institution ; the tax was always adapted 
in some way to fortune or income. 

' Venditio tributorum Cic. Fam. Ill 8, 
5, capas omnium venditas Cic. Att. V 16, 2. 
It is doubtful whether the whole tax 
was thus sold or merely the collecting 
from those who were unable to pay 
down at the moment of call. Probably 
the latter was legal, and the former 

* rcXi; cVl Tois Btpdnovai koi rait olKiais 
&piC(, He also fixed a contribution of 
one-fourth of the harvest. 



heavier, and in case of arrears the interest charged soon multiplied 
the debt enormously. When Cicero passed through Apameia on his 
entry to his province in 51, and stayed there three days, he heard 
nothing but complaints about the taxes, the taxgatherers, and the 
unspeakable conduct of the last governor {Ait. V 16, 2). 

In 80 the conventus of Apameia, Synnada, and Philomelion, along 
with the Boman parts of Lycaonia and Cappadocia and Pamphylia, 
were attached to the province Cilicia ; in 6a-6i Apameia was under 
the proconsul of Asia ; during 56-51 it was again attached to Cilicia ^ 
Julius Caesar finally placed the three conventus in the province Asia. 

§ 19. Apameia under the Empire. On the whole the cities of 
Phrygia under the Empire were in the happy position of having no 
history. In place of a history, we may quote the words which Dio 
Chrysostom ' used in a speech at Apameia. ' You take precedence 
of Phrygia and Lydia, and, further, of Caria ^ ; and other populous 
nations dwell round you, Cappadocians, and Pamphylians, and Pisi- 
dians ; and to them all you make your city a market and meeting- 
place. You have under your authority many towns unknown to 
fame and many prosperous villages *. The amount of your taxation 
is the greatest proof of your power, for, among cities, those which con- 
tribute most money in taxes are naturally the best. Further, the assizes 
are held among you in alternate years ^, and there is brought together 
an endless crowd of people, litigants, judges, lawyers, governors, 
under-officials, slaves, pimps, muleteers, traders, hetairai and artisans ; 
so that those who have wares sell them at the highest prices, and 
nothing in the city lies idle, whether two-horse carriages ^, or houses. 

' See pp. II, 341. 

2 Or. XXXV 14 ff., text of Von Arnim. 

• This refers probably to Apameia 
claiming the right to a place in pro- 
vincial assemblies above any city of 
Phrygia, Lydia, or Caria. The coast 
lands are excepted : Pergamos, Ephesos, 
Smyrna, ranked confessedly before 
Apameia ; see p. 429. With irpoKaBrjade 
cp. TT poKa$€Cofi€vrj applied to Tarsos as 
capital of Cilicia, Lycaonia, Isauria, and 
to Seleuceia as capital of Isauria (Wad- 
dington BCH 1883 p. 285). 

• Aurokra, Takina, Sanaos, Eharax, 

• If we can press the strict sense of 
TTflp' cTor, this would be a proof that the 
concenttis met alternately at Apameia 

and Eumeneia (p- 365). Cobet Misc, 
Cnt p. 148 states the strict sense 
(allowing that Libanius solecistically 
uses nap* rjfifpav in the sense of KnO* 
j)lUpav), as Mr. R. A. Neil points out to 
me ; but perhaps Dio might use nap 
fTOf, if the conventus met at Apameia 
only once in three years, alternating 
with Eumeneia and Akmonia. The 
extra expense of the Gymnasiarchate in 
a year when the assizes met (no. 294- 
297) implies that there were other years 
when it did not meet in Apameia. 

' As in Smyrna at the present day, so 
of old in Apameia, there were evidently 
many two-horse carriages plying for 
hire : the term t^vyt) has the same sense 
that we have argued for on p. 364 «. 3. 


or women. Now this makes for prosperity in no small degree. For 
where the greatest crowd meets together, there the most money neces- 
saiily results, and the place naturally flourishes .... Wherefore the 
privilege of having the assizes is considered- to contribute most to 
the vigour of a city ; and there is nothing that people are so eager 
for as this ; and the leading cities share in the privilege by turns in 
successive years ^. But they say that the assizes are going to be held 
at longer intervals, for people cannot bear the incessant journeys in 
all directions. And in fine you have as great a share in the temples 
of Asia and in the expense as those in whose cities the temples ai*e ^.' 

It is clear from the legend oil coins of Magnesia Mae., €BAOMH 
THC AC I AC, that there was a generally recognized order of pre- 
cedence among the cities of Asia^ in the Roman period. Apameia 
probably stood high in that order, for Strabo says it ranked next- to 
Ephesos as a commercial centre in the province Asia, and Dio Cliry- 
sostom gives strong testimony as to its importance in the province, 
and the wide extent of its authority. Considering these circumstances 
we must find it strange that it was never honoured either with the 
Neokorate of the Emperors or with the title of Metropolis, though 
those complimentary distinctions were granted to inferior cities *. See 
below, § ai, and Ch. XII § 10. 

The only alliance mentioned on coins of Apameia is with Ephesos. 
The alliances between Asian cities seem to have implied certain 
reciprocal rights in respect of festivals and games, as is shown by 

* This proves that the meeting of the 
Assizes was held in turns at the leading 
cities of the convenius: farther every 
city in which the assizes were held 
could claim the title of npim) r^y diouci)- 
o-(a>f, just as Smyrna, Pergamos, Ephesos, 
could claim the title of irp^rrj *A<rtar. 
So Philippi claimed the title irpoDTt} r^r 
luplboi Acts XVI 1 2, see my St. Paul the 
Traveller ]p. 206. 

' A clear proof that there was no vaos 
TTJs *A<rtaff in Apameia. Further the 
expenditure on the temples and the 
provincial cultus of the Emperors was 
maintained by an assessment on the 

' It was probably observed in the 
Koinon of Asia ; but doubtless varied 
a good deal according to the jealous 
pride of individual cities. We cannot 

say with certainty what six cities Mag- 
nesia acknowledged to be superior to 
itself, certainly Ephesos, Smyrna, and 
Pergamos (generally acknowledged to 
be the three most honourable cities), 
and probably Cyzicos, Sardis, and Apa- 
meia. Probably Trail eis was larger than 
Magnesia, but the latter no doubt vied 
with it as a neighbour. Laodiceia also 
was perhaps superior to Magnesia. In 
placing the title on its coins, probably 
Magnesia was contesting the seventli 
place with several cities, such as Miletos, 
Tralleis, Laodiceia, Alabanda, Aphro- 
disias, Philadelpheia. 

* See no. 284. Synnada became 
metropolis (probably not earlier than 
Diocletian) : Akmonia, Ahanoi, Hiera- 
polls, &c. were Neokoroi. 


an inscription of Poimanenon, mentioning * those who are in alliance 
in respect of participation in the Soteria and the Mucia/ i. e. who are 
in alliance with Fergamos^. So doubtless Ephesos and Apameia 
made an agreement about participation in certain festivals. 

Apameia ranked as a Greek city ; one of its citizens is mentioned, 
^^- 333y *^ delegate to the Panhellenion or general council of Hel- 
lenes, held at Athens. The Panhellenion seems to have been founded 
by Hadrian, in furtherance of a scheme for reinvigorating Greek 
feeling and love for Greek antiquities ^ ; and many of the great cities 
of Asia belonged to it, e.g. Aizanoi LW 867, Magnesia CIG 2910. It 
is clear that about Hadrian's time native feeling and national pride 
in the eastern provinces sprang into new and more vigorous life. 
He seems to have abandoned the earlier idea of romanizing the east, 
and to have treated the native sentiment as a useful element in 
a wider conception of the imperial unity of the nations. Now the 
name Kelainai seems to have been revived in the second century, for 
Dio Chrysostom, Maximus Tyrius, and Pausanias (two of whom at 
least had visited the city, while the third belonged to Magnesia Sip. 
and is full of accurate information about the cities of Asia), all use 
it and avoid the name Apameia ; and we are justified in regarding 
this revival of the old name as due to the reinvigorated national 
sentiment. The title Kelaineus was given to gods on the coins § 2i, 
the hero Kelainos was mentioned on them, and the old Eelainian 
myths were painted on public buildings and represented on the coins, 
§ 20. All this was quite consistent with the Hellenic claims of the 
city ; for the Phrygian Marsyas was treated as almost a Greek 
hero now. 

The powerful Jewish colony in Apameia is described in Ch. XV, 
and the early history of Christianity in the city comes under Ch. XII. 

During the second and the early third century there reigned 
a wonderful prosperity in Asia. The inscriptions show that there 
was a general spirit of content and comfort, and a great deal of 
money in the country. This was due partly to the long-continued 
peace, partly to the general feeling of security and confidence pro- 

^ ol iv rfi *Acrt<f irjfioi (cp. inscr. Ephes. M(m8. Smym, its). The Mucia at Per- 

BCH 1 88 1 p. 348) #cai TO €^i/»; Km al irdXtis gamos (Cicero II Verr, II 21, 51) were 

Koi oi KQT avdpa KtKpifitvoi iv rji npos roxfs instituted in honour of Mucius Scaevola 

'Pcafiaiovs <^tXtV (i. c «w amicorum formu- procoa. 98 B. c, the Soteria commemo- 

lam relati CIL I 203) koi tS>v aXXav ol rated Zeus Soter, the saviour from the 

Hvljmrovdoi y€]v6ix(voi rStv 2o>ri7pta>v koi ra v Gauls. 

Mov/cif tW Mordtmann in ^^/(. Jlfi^^. 1890 ' Bcor 'Adpiai'or IlayrXX^i/cof CIG 3832 

p. 157 (cp. a similar inscr. LW 1761 &, addy 3833. 



duced by the character of the imperial administration, and partly to 
prudent and skilful cultivation. It appears probable that the pros- 
perity of Asia reached this lofty elevation under Hadrian. An 
excellent example occurs at Magnesia Mae., where the officials of the 
Gerousia were paid by certain dues; and in the *most prosperous 
times' of Hadrian, it was found that their salaries were increasing, 
and they were fixed at 750, 500, and 365 denarii, while the surplus 
was devoted to the purchase of oil ^. 

This state of prosperity is indicated in many parts by the inscrip- 
tions, which record subscriptions and public gifts of all kinds ; and 
it seems to have lasted more than a century. In the middle of the 
third century a change began : the government was disorganized and 
enfeebled ; Asia Minor was ravaged by the Scythians, and even the 
heart of Caria was in dread of invasion ^ ; brigandage increased ^ ; 
agriculture deteriorated; failure of crops became frequent; and the 
price of provisions necessarily rose *. 

Apameia was exposed to earthquakes; and hence it worshipped 
Poseidon. A serious earthquake is mentioned in the time of Alex- 
ander*^, and another in the time of Mithridates, which is described 
with fabulous exaggeration by Nicolas of Damascus: lakes were 
formed and new rivers and springs, and the old ones disappeared^ 
and so much salt water overflowed the land that oysters and other 
marine shellfish were strewn over it^. In a.d. ^^ it again suffered 
80 severely that Claudius remitted its tajces for five years ''. 

§ 20. Public Buildings, (i) A stadium is mentioned in inscr. 
290, but no remains of it have been observed. 

(a) A THEATRE Can still be traced ; but was more complete in 
Arunders time {Seven Churches p. 108). 

(3) The Painted Stoa. The pictorial character of many Phrygian 
coins has struck M. Imhoof-Blumer ® ; and at Apameia that character 
is more than usually common. A coin of Severus represents Athena 

» BCH 1888 pp. 206 ff. With fvTvx€- 
(rraroi Katpoi cp. a similar expression at 
Laodiceia, p. 56. The officials of the 
Gerousia mentioned are Pragmatikos 
(no. 232), Antigrapheus, Leitourgos. 

' LW518, CIG2717. 

» At Stratonicea (BCH 1888 p. 102), 
at Eeretapa no. 133, in the Paroreios 
Sterrett E. J. p. 166. 

* At Stratonicea the stamnos of oil 
rose in price to 10,000 denarii in conse- 

quence of long-continued bad crops 
(BCH 1. c). The reference to *bad 
times* in no. 300 dates ^m the be- 
ginning of the change in Apameia, but 
the same phrase in no. 299 seems to 
belong to a much earlier period. 

^ Strab. p. 579 ; see no. 108, 109. 

• See p. 453. 

^ Ta«. Ann. XII 58. 

" Jahrb. des Inst, III 290, GM p. 206. 


sitting on the rocky hill above the lake of Aulokrene ; her shield is 
leaned against her rocky seat ; while she plays the double flute, she 
looks down towards the water, in which her face is mirrored ; and 
Marsyas peeps at her from behind a ridge at a little distance. The 
sc^ne here is shown so picturesquely and clearly, that one could go 
to the spot where Athena sat : it is near where Arundel looked dowti 
on Aulokrene ^ Marsyas goes up from his fountain on the other side 
of Djebel-Sultan and peeps over the edge of the ridge : he sees Athena 
throw away her flute, disgusted with the distortion of her face in 
playing, and picks it up, unconscious of the curse which she pro- 
nounced against the person who handled it after her. A coin of Corn- 
modus shows part of the same scene ^. It is therefore clear that the 
engi-avers of the two coins had before their eyes the same model ; and 
the character of the scene, which involves a considerable amount of 
perspective, proves that the model was a picture. See PI. I fig. 2. 

The coin representing the four rivers is equally picturesque (PI. I i). 
The Noah coins (p. 670) have the pictorial character even more strongly 
marked : they attempt to represent two different moments in one 
picture, and thus to set before the spectator the development of an 
action : moreover they are evidently derived from pictures known to 
us in copies or in the types of coins. Further, the Noah coins, struck 
under Severus, Macrinus^ and Philip, imply that a permanent model 
existed for engi'avers to copy. Other coins show a picturesque scene 
common on Lydian and Phrygian coins : the infant Zeus is carried in 
the arms of his nurse Adrasteia^, at her feet is a goat^, and three 
Korybantes grouped around clash their arms to drown the child's 
cries (PI. I 5). The legend of the birth of Zeus was known at every 
seat of his worship ; and the traditional type consecrated to the 
subject was repeated everywhere with slight variations *. 

That such picturesque coin-types were taken from models, i. e. from 
pictures in some public buildings, is confirmed by the fact that types 
occur which seem to be either pendants to one another, or scenes 
in a stbiy told by a series of pictures. Thus M. Imhoof-Blumer 
recognizes two pictures balancing one another on two Laodicean coins 
of Caracalla^. On one a kneeling woman (Rheia?) holds high an 

* See p. 411. * Called a dog by Mionnet no. 270. 

* Both coins Imhoof GM p. 206. * At TraUeis the nurse sits, at LaoUi- 
' The name Adrasteia was Phrygian ceiashe is running as if in alarm holding 

(p. 169) ; Amaltheia was a local variety the infant high. At Magnesia Mae. the 

of the idea. Adrasteia was originally infant is seated on a cippus and two 

a form of the mother-goddess, Roscher Korybantes dance in front of it. 
lex, 8. v., Tiimpel in Pauly-Wissowa. *' Jahrh, d, Inst, III p. 289 : he takes 


infant with both hands ; while on the left a mountain-god (Eadmos ?) 
looks on from a height down from which flows a stream, and on the 
right a woman (Adrasteia ?) runs towards the kneeling woman. On 
the other coin the Korybantes dance round Adrasteia, who runs, with 
the infant Zeus in her arms, between two river-gods (Lykos and 
K^apros, probably). The first of these coins seems to represent Bheia 
in dread of the fate that awaits her child, and Adrasteia coming to 
save it; while the second shows Zeus brought up in secret by 
Adrasteia. See PI. I 3, 4. 

These Apamean types are all scenes from Apamean legend. It is 
therefore probable that they were taken from a set of pictures on the 
walls of some public building in Apameia ; and, if so, the long series 
suits a Stoa best. This supposed building was erected earlier than 
the reign of Commodus, under whom examples of these coins 

This hypothesis, suggested by the facts as stated, is confirmed by 
evidence showing that such painted Stoas were common, not merely 
in the Hellenic period, but also in the Roman period (to which the 
Apamean Stoa would have to be assigned). In Dacia at Colonia 
XJlpia Sarmizegetusa we find in the second century the record of the 
painting of a portico ^. At Thyatira we hear of a Hekatontastyle, 
obviously a long Stoa with 100 columns, in which there were 25 
Erotes : these were probably a series of winged figures painted at 
regular intervals on the wall ^. Further, the influence of statues on 
coin-types in the Phrygian cities is often seen (see Ch. XTV § 2, 
XVI § 6). 

When pictures in the cities were models for coin-engravers, it is 
easy to see why picturesque types with very slight variations occur on 
the coins of cities which are not likely to have been in close relations 
with one another. For example, the battle of Zeus and the serpent- 
legged giants occurs at Brouzos and Akmonia, which were not in 
easy communication^. There was evidently a school of painting 

the originals to have been wall-paint- AEMiith. 1877 p. 122, CIL III 7960. 

ings in the temple of Zeus, which were '25 statues of Erotes can hardly be 

either painted or restored in the time of thought of: fpyfrnardrris ffmrav r&v cV 

Caracalla, on whose coins only they are r^ citaTovraoruX^ Kt' BCH 1887 p. 100 

copied. Many examples might be given: (probably second century). 

I prefer to take a recognized instance, ' See Ch. XVI § 4 : this subject seems 

to show that I am not pressing the to have been treated at Akmonia in 

evidence in favour of my theory. a picturesque reUef, a part of which 

^ Tib, CI. lanuaritis Aug, CoL, Pair, was seen by Hamilton and is reproduced 

dec, I (i. e. decuriae I collegii fabrum)^ below on p. 626. 
picturam porticus et accubitum {fecit) : 

VOL. I. PT. II. G 


during the second century in Asia Minor, whose subjects show general 
uniformity of style and treatment. 

The honorary inscriptions of the Mithridates family seem to have 
been engraved on the epistyle blocks of a Stoa, no. 296. This need 
not be identified with the Fainted Stoa^ for there were doubtless 
several stoai in Apameia, as in Greek cities generally. 

(4) Sepulchbal Monuments. A considerable number of the 
epitaphs at Apameia are engraved on Altars (Pod/jloi), and belonged 
to monuments of the same general type as those at Eumeneia (p. 367). 
But another style was more fashionable. Many of the most elaborate 
epitaphs are engraved, not on a bovioa, but on a large slab of stone, 
which, at a little distance, looks like the ordinary sarcophagus-cover : 
in the surface of the stone is a sunken panel, in which the inscription 
is engraved lengthwise ^ : there is often some simple incised ornament 
right and left of the panel Each slab seems to have formed the side- 
wall of a small heroon, in the shape probably of a tiny temple or large 
sarcophagas (each side of which was a single slab of stone). The 
centurion's epitaph, no. 329, was engraved on two blocks, which 
formed part of the side-wall of a larger heroon. 

§ 21. National and Imperial Cultus. About the religion of 
Kelainai we have little information. A god was worshipped in 
Eelainai, who continued in the later Apameia to be revered as Z€YC 
K€A€N€YC and A ION YCOC K€AAIN€YC ». It is highly probable that 
his temple was on the acropolis ; and on alliance coins with Ephesos, 
Apameia is represented by Zeus Nikephoros seated. The revival of 
the name Kelainai, which apparently was commonly employed in the 
second century (p. 430), was probably the reason why these epithets 
were placed on the coins. An eponymous hero Kelainos is mentioned 
on coins ^ ; according to Sti*abo, Eelaino the Danaid was his mother 
and Poseidon his father^; and by this fiction Kelainai- Apameia 
gained a mythological justification of its rank as a Greek city (p. 430). 
Kelainos was an eponymous fiction of a common type, like Xanthos 
at Xanthos in Lycia, Temenos at Temenothyrai, Alabandos at Ala- 

^ This panel looks at a distance like ' Imhoof GM p. 205, and Head, 

the hollow side of an inverted sarco- * So Strabo p. 579. Pausanias X 6, 3 

phagus-lid. makes Eelaino, daughter of Hjamos 

* Imhoof GM p. 205, Lobbecke Zft. [a Phiygo-Carian name], mother of 

/. Num. XV p. 49. I assume that the Delphos by Apollo. Another Eelaino 

two names represent different aspects of was one of the Pleiads, daughters of 

the same Phrygian deity, see pp. 356 f. Atlas. 


banda, Pergamos at Pe^gamos^ In Christian time such heroes were 
replaced by local saints, as Phokas of Sinope, Nicolas of Myra. 

Probably the form /f eXci'eiJy, which appears on coins, is nearer the 
native Phrygian word. We are thus led back to a stem Kelen-, which , 
may be identified with Klan- in the city-name Klannoudda ^ ; but the 
meaning must remain uncertain. 

The form Eelainai is apparently a modification intended to give 
a meaning in Greek ; but the word is pre-Greek. Hamilton says * 
* I looked in vain for any confirmation of the suggestion thrown out 
by Leake that the ancient name of Eelainai was derived from the 
burnt or blackened appearance of the rocks in the neighbourhood * : 
they are all without exception of a greyish white or cream-coloured 
limestone. The rocks belong to the great scaglia formation, the chief 
material of the Taurus range, of which indeed these hills may be 
considered a branch.' If the name were to be taken from the appear- 
ance of the country, green seemed to me a more correct description 
than black. 

Athena often occurs on Apamean coins, chiefly in scenes from the 
legend of Marsyas and the flute. In this character she is merely 
a hellenization of the native Cybele, in whose cultus the music of the 
flute was an important element. The native Phrygian goddess is 
often represented on coins, commonly as Artemis of a similar but not 
identical type with the archaic Ephesian image. On her head, above 
the usual headdress, she bears a tetrastyle temple. She also appears 
as CjQT€IPA the goddess of death, the triple-formed Hekate ^. 

It is, however, probable that a new foundation of the worship 
of Athena was made in Apameia, when Antiochus changed the site of 
the city. This goddess is represented on coins in the Seleucid style, 
wearing a Corinthian helmet (as distinguished from the Pergamenian 
Athena Nikephoros with her Attic helmet) ®. On one coin she perhaps 
bears a Victory on her outstretched right hand '*^. 

The dedication in gratitude to the Samothracian gods, inscr. 289, 

^ Wadd. 1259 (Xanthos), Cicero de mon suffix -assis. 

Nat, D, III 19 (Alabandos), Frankel ' I p. 500. He found nummulites 

Inschr. Perg, II p. 219 (Pergamos). and other fossils in the rocks over the 

' With Kelena-Elannoudda, compare Marsyas source. 

Attaia-Attoudda, Alia-Aloudda, Sala- * He derived the idea from one of 

Salouda, Sbida-Sibidonda, Alia-Ahnda, Strabo's derivations, p. 579, fj deck tS>v 

see pp. 144, 169 n, Hist, Geogr, p. 368. \i6av rrfv atr6 twv (Knvpa)(r€a>v fifXnviav, 

The Carian personal name Eeldnassis ^ See pp. 348, 100, and Head p. 5 58. 

(where d is euphonic), seems to contain * See p. 241. 

the same element Eelen, with the com- "^ Imhoof GM p. 205. 

a 2 


is merely sporadic. The veneration of these deities was widespread 
in the Roman period. I have copied a dedication to them on the 
rocks at Fassiller (Dalisandos ?) on the frontiers of Lycaonia and 
Fisidia ^. 

There was a priesthood of Rome at Apameia, founded probably not 
later than the time of Augustus, perhaps even earlier ^. A priesthood 
of the Sebastoi, probably the Flavian Emperors, occurs in no. 305. 
It may seem strange that the foundation did not entitle Apameia 
to be styled Neokoroa of the Emperors ; but the Neokorate was 
gained only £rom an exclusively municipal foundation, whereas the 
Apamean foundation was aided by the Eoinon of Asia, and therefore 
did not afford a valid claim to the title \ At the same time it' is clear 
that the foundation was not a * Temple of Asia in Apameia,' for Dio 
mentions that there was no such temple in the city ^. 

The relation of Apameia to the Eoinon is hard to understand. 
It is clear that the Eoinon intentionally passed over Apameia, for 
it had a in Upper Phrygia (perhaps at Synnada or 
at Akmonia ^) ; but the reason for this neglect of a city so important 
as Apameia is obscure. Apameia had a representative at the meetings 
of the Eoinon ; its representative promised at one meeting to make 
a dedication in the city ; another representative obtained a grant for 
the city from the Eoinon ; the city was assessed at a high rate to 
support the Eoinon ; Apamean High-priests of Asia are mentioned 
in inscriptions ® ; and there must have been a High-priest of Asia 
listening to Dio when he spoke at Eelainai, to give any point to 
his words § 10: *I do not address everybody, .... but those who 
are marked out to you as wise by a train of three or four long-haired 
pages, like the priests among you — I mean the blissful ones, the chief 
of all the priests (Archiereis)^ who take their name (Aaiarchai) from 
one whole continent of the two : for these are the things that make 
their bliss, the crown, and the purple, and the long-haired pages 
bearing frankincense '.' See p. 509. 

As the Asiarchate involved great expense, it was often hard to find 
suitable persons to hold office. Probably the duty of finding High- 

* Published Sterrett WE no. 277. p. 94 of second or later editions). Upper 
' See no. 302, 345, and p. 365. Phrygia in Arist. I p. 505 Dind. seems to 
' See no. 299 and p. 58. mean Akmonia : see no. 552. 

* See the translation, p. 428. • See no. 292, 293, 312. 

* Arist. XXVI p. 345 (I 531 Dind.), ctV ' On the crown see pp. 56, 44, Church 
♦/wyinv «vo). Apameia was in t§ Karto inEmp. pp.397, 426 : on the purple, see 
*pvyia (see Steph. Byz. s.v. Soyyaptoy, pp. 65, 44. Von Amim's text is fol- 
Strab. p. 49, and my Church in R, E. lowed. 



priests of Asia was imposed on the great cities as a burden, in case 
of difficulty. It was certainly felt to be an honour to the city 
itself, when one of its citizens filled the Asiarchate with distinction 
and liberality ^. 

If our restoration of no. 304 is right, there was a High-priesthood 
in Apameia, distinct from the High-priesthood of Asia which was 
often held by Apamean citizens ^. If so, this High-priesthood prob- 
ably belonged to a municipal worship of the Emperors, as almost all 
High-priesthoods in Asia did. Perhaps the Priesthood of the Em- 
perors mentioned in no. 305 became afterwards a High-priesthood. 

§ 22. Popular Assemblies, Societies, and Guilds. (1) Senate 
occurs often in common formulae ; and a Dekapbotos is once men- 
tioned. As has been stated ^ the Dekaprotoi in an Asian city fulfilled 
a different purpose from the DeceTnjyrhni in the Roman and western 
senates, yet they have the same origin. Both imply an arrangement 
of the senate in a list on the Roman fashion ; and both spring from 
the custom of delegating certain ceremonial duties to the first ten on 
the list as representative of the whole body. As the character and 
duties of the senate in the provincial towns changed with the develop- 
ment of the imperial idea and the growth of centralization^ so the 
dekaprotoi also changed. More and more the senate ceased to be 
a body in which the city arranged its own business, and became 
a body that acted for the convenience, and at the direction, of the 
central government. Then the dekaprotoi came to be concerned with 
the collection of taxes, and responsible for loss or deficiency ; and 
probably they ceased to be merely the first on the list, and were 
selected as men of property able to bear their burden of responsibility 
(p. 64). The expression used in no. 314 (PovXevTJj Kal SeKanpan-ai) 
probably indicates that the dekaprotoi were at the period in question 
still strictly the decern primi. 

(2) The Dkmos acts in accordance with the Senates decrees. 

* Similarly, in other provinces, it was 
probably the rule that the cities in 
rotation provided a Pamphyliarch (ASP 
p. 36, cp. Ath. Mitth. 1885 p. 337), and 
Kilikarch (for Tarsos boasts itself rcret/jii;- 
liivt) fi6if¥j ^rifxiovfyylais t[€ koi] Kt[A]t- 
Kap\iais €7rop;(iKa>p, implying that when 
the duty fell on Tarsos, it alone of all 
the cities in Cilicia had found an ex- 
praefedus-praetono [CIA III 48, 1. 23, 
LW 2760] to fill the office BCH 1883 

pp. 282, 287). 

* The distinction is common, e.g. 
LW 653 cLp\ifp€<ji>s 'Aaias vaS>v rSav iv 
^fxvpvfj Kal T^ff Xa^TTpoTaTrf^ irarpidof 

(Philadelpheia), Ch. XVI § 6 (Stektorion), 
&c. M. Aur. Alexander on coins of 
Philip was High-priest of Apameia. 

' See pp. 63 f. To the references there 
given add Dig. L 4, 3, 10, Marquardt I 
pp. 213, 521, BCH 1888 p. 91, Wadd. 
1 1 76, Humbert in Daremberg s. v. 



no. 304 ; and, even where no reference is made to the action of the 
Senate, it must always be understood that the act was initiated 
in the Senate according to the regular practice. A meeting of the 
entire population, i. e. both citizens and resident Romans, is mentioned 
in no. 299 ; and probably all decrees of * the Demos and the Romans * 
were passed in that way. 

(3) The Gerousta at Apameia was founded between 70 and 79 a.d.^ 
Taken in association with the foundation of the Gerousia at Sebaste 
in 98-9 A.D., this shows that a new step in the diffusion of the 
Graeco-Roman civilization in the great cities of western Phrygia was 
taking place about that period. The meaning of that step depends 
on the character of the institution which was thus naturalized in city 
after city of Asia*. This subject has already been touched on, pp. 
110 ff. 

A person who approaches this question from the point of view 
of Roman provincial administration can answer it only in one way. 
It is inconceivable that the Roman government should have permitted 
the formation of a new assembly exercising political powers in the 
cities of the East in the period 70-190 A.D. ; such a step is contrary 
to the spirit of its policy, which distrusted the popular assemblies, 
curtailed theii- powers, and turned them gradually into agents of the 
central administration. The Gerousiai which were founded during 
that period were not bodies exercising political powers of any kind : 
Waddington and Mommsen rightly stand firm on that ground, which 
their opponents do not venture to touch upon, but carefully avoid. 
M. L^vy in his review of the evidence, p. 235, concludes that during 
the second century the Gerousia exercised no administrative functions 
whatever ^ At the same time it is clear that admission to the 

* M. Levy points out in Rev. A. Gr. 
1895 p. 241 n. that no. 305 refers to this 
foundation and belongs to the latter 
part of the first century. I had written 
my argument to the same effect, but 
fixing a more precise date, before his 
article appeared. 

* M. Levy has treated the subject in 
a comprehensive and masterly paper, 
Bev, Et. Gr. 1895 pp. 231 ff. He quotes 
a paper by M. Fr. Cumont, NoU- sur un 
passage des Actes de S, Man (Rer. de 
rinstr. puhL en Belgiqiie XXXVI pp. 
373 ff '> expressing the same view as that 
stated in these pages : 1 have not been 
able to see this paper. 

' He has propounded a ver}* enticing 
theory (on which I pronounce no opinion) 
that the Gerousia originated at Ephesos, 
where Lysimachus instituted a body with 
large powers religious and political, in 
which the power of the temple hierarchy 
might operate in support of his policy. 
This theory does not affect our study of 
Phrygia ; M. Jj^vy's arguments are drawn 
entirely from the great cities of the 
coast-lands ; he admits that ' the sacer- 
dotal senate' (as he calls the Gerousia) 
was a failure, and that step by step its 
powers came back to the popular bodies, 
Ekklesia and Boule ; and there is nothing 
in his reasoning to prove that the 



Gerousia was an honour, that membership of the Gerousia is quoted 
frequently ^ as a permanent mark of rank, and that therefore there 
must have been conditions of entrance and, probably, restriction of 
numbers^. At Sidyma the Senate and Demos resolve to institute 
the Gerousia, and draw up the first list of members and officers ; and 
the proconsul approves and authorizes the foundation ^. At Apameia 
an embassy secured the permission of the Emperor. At Sidyma half 
of the first Gerousia of lOO members was chosen from the Senate, and 
half from the Demos ; probably co-optation came into play after- 
wards. The imperial Gerousia, then, was a high-class club : admis- 
sion was not easy to obtain, and involved great advantages to the 
members : the club became rich, partly because the city in founding 
it appropriated certain revenues or dues, partly because money or 
other property was bequeathed to it, partly, doubtless, by entry 
money and subscriptions : those who caricatured the Gerousia de- 
clared that the members did nothing but eat and drink in luxurious 
and elegant surroundings *. 

So far from the Gerousia being intended to perform political duties, 
our view is that it was one of the devices whereby the cities were 
seduced from their pride in, and love for, the exercise of their auto- 
nomous rights. It was the policy of the Emperors, alike in Rome 
and the provinces, to weaken the popular assemblies, and to turn the 
attention of the people in other directions than the exercise of political 
powers ; the Gerousia was encouraged by them, because it aided their 
policy *. 

Gerousia which was instituted at Apa- 
meia in the time of Vespasian retained 
the slightest trace of that ancient 
character. M. L«^vy with perfect justice 
blames the mistake of isolating the 
Gerousia in its later development from 
its earlier stages. Those who are dis- 
cussing the Gerousia in the province 
Asia must take note of his theory. But 
we, in discussing the Phrygian Gerousia, 
must naturaUy take the institution in 
the imperial form alone. 

* See no. 361, 364. 

' The restriction is certain in some 

* As a collegium, it required authori- 
zation from the imperial government : 
moreover revenues were, at least in some 
cases, appropriated to it ; and this also 
required confirmation. 

* According to the account of the 
Seleucian Gerousia, quoted by M. L^vy 
from Raabe Geschichte des Dominus Mdri 
1893 (also Anal, Bolland. IV p. 90 tria 
convivia, unum settum [Fcpovo-ta], aliud 
adolescentium [Neoi], tertium denique 
pueroinim [*E0f;5oi], &c.). 

* It is unfortunate that M. L^vy has 
not given any attention to this in his 
excellent discussion of the Gerousia : 
he gives too exclusively the impression 
made by the Gerousia on a student of 
Greek life, and seems to me not suffi- 
ciently to consider that the Gerousia 
must have been encouraged by the 
imperial policy. It shows, perhaps, 
disregard of Roman matters that he 
dates in 14-29 a.d. an inscr. GIG 3642 
mentioning Upfvs rS>v If^arwy : it per- 
haps belongs to the period of Domitian 



The Apamean inscriptions mention an Archon of the Gerousia, and 
an Advocate ; the latter is not an official, but a person who represents 
and speaks on behalf of the Gerousia as an act of kindness and 

It must not be understood that members of the Gerousia were 
necessarily old men in the modem sense. They were admitted at 
an age when they had still sufficient vigour to enjoy athletic exer- 
cises ^ ; they often had a gymnasium as their meeting-place (p. 112); 
and the gymnasiarch at Hierapolis controlled their funds (p. 113). 
In general, grown men were classed as Neoi or as Gerontes^; and 
those who passed out of the class of Neoi were qualified in age 
for the Gerousia. 

(4) Epheboi, Neot. The title Ephebarch no. 297 implies a college 
of Epheboi. The Neoi ai'e not mentioned ; but doubtless also formed 
a college. The college of Neoi never acquired the privileges, influence 
and wealth of the Gerousia, and hence it makes little show in inscrip- 
tions. The Epheboi are, in many respects, a much more important 
body than the Neoi. In the freely developing Greek cities, the 
system of education was organized as a primary care of the state ; 
and Epheboi required and received much more oversight than Neoi. 
The educational system is the finest side of the Greek city constitu- 
tion ^ ; and we do not find any proof that it received as much attention 
in the Roman period, while we find clear proof that ease, comfort, 
and luxurious surroundings received then more attention from the 
cities. The defect of the Roman imperial system was its disregard 
of the duty of educating its subjects. It devoted all its care to the 
work of amusing, and feeding, and managing the business of, the city 
population; but it left all provision for education to the municipal 
government, and, as home-rule in the cities decayed, the educational 
system decayed also. 

(5) Guilds. Tribes are not mentioned in the inscriptions. The 
reference to Shoemakers' Street, no. 294, suggests that the different 
trades were apportioned to special streets ; and it is possible that 

and Julia Augusta, if the time of Cara- 
calla be too late. 

^ ytpovTiKT) n-aXaicTTpa BCH 1 88 1 p. 48 1. 

^ In some places an intermediate class 
of Hvhpa was distinguished ; but this was 
less common. 

' See p. 1 1 1. A charming example is 
found at Teos in the third century b. c. 
Polythrous left 34000 dr. to educate free 

children of both sexes : literature, music, 
and athletics are all regulated in the 
interesting inscr. BCH 1880 pp. 112 if, 
the salaries of the teachers are fixed, 
and examinations prescribed, the Gym- 
nasiarch and the Paidonomos survey 
and direct the conduct of teachers and 



the population was divided not by tribes, but by trades or guilds 
(pp. 105 f). A guild, the head of which was called an EmporiarcheSy 
is mentioned no. 309 : its members were called aviiPmrai^ and the 
term is suitable, if there was a street bearing their name. 

The classing of trades to streets was not the universal rule in 
Apameia. One street was called Thermaia, evidently because it led 
to the Hot-Springs. Another probably was called the * Sacred Street ^' 
The last name may be compared with the * Golden Street * of Smyrna, 
which ran across the city from the hill on the west side crowned with 
a temple (probably of Zeus Akraios) to the hill of Tepejik, crowned 
with the temple of Meter Sipylene * before the city *.' 

§ 23. Magistrates and Officials, (i) Strateqoi ^ According 
to our interpretation of inscr. 290, the supreme board of magistrates 
in Apameia consisted of five persons. The generic term, ip^ai/rey, 
which is there used, does not necessarily imply that the title archontes 
was proper to them ; but it is possible that that name was sometimes 
employed *, though from no. 300 we see that Strategoi was the title 
used in the third century. The inscriptions throw no light on the 
titles and duties of the individual members of the supreme boaid (see 
p. 67). 

(2) Grammateus. The Secretary to the supreme board of magis- 
trates had the same importance at Apameia as elsewhere. On a coin 
of Elagabalus, L. Ma(nneius) Sev(erus), Secretary for the second time, 
is mentioned; and the office is mentioned in the curaus honoi^vi 
no. 302, 333, in a manner implying that it was honourable and 

(3) Argyrotamias of the city, no. 281-283 is not the same officer 
as Tamias, who is much more frequently mentioned ^. According to 

* See no. 303. 

' Arist. I p. 426 Dind. i xP^^°^ ^' 
tiroawfjLOi Koi Upatv 6doi : the stl'eet 
'beautiful beyond its name' described 
in I p. 375 is certainly the Golden 
Street. It is highly probable that this 
street ran from the Ephesian to the 
Sardian Gates (compare the description 
of M. Weber in Sir C. Wilson's Handbook 
to Asia Minor, Murray, p. 73). The sites 
of these two temples were discussed in 
a memoir on Smyrna, which I wrote in 
1 88 1, but have never yet found time to 

' Mionnet no. 265 gives an archon 

Aur. Anteros, son of Zoticos, on a coin 
of Otaciiia ; but the coin is certainly 
misread, and must be assigned to Appia, 
for Waddington Voy, Numism, p. 13 
publishes a coin of Appia, struck under 
Philip, bearing the same magistrate's 

* See no. 472, Ch. XIII § 10, X § 5. 

* The distinction is clearly brought 
out in an Elatean inscr. tS>v afyyvporafU' 


1886 p. 372 (M. Paris) : at Aphrodisias 
rap,las CIG 2782 and apyvporayJias CIG 
2787. The latter is found at Tralleis 
CIG 2930 and Ath, Mitth, 1883 p. 329, 



M. Paris, the Argyrotamias superintended the debts due to the city, 
like the curatores kalendarii in the west ; and, though there is not 
sufficient evidence to prove this theory, it has probability in its 

(4) Panegyriakch is mentioned on coins a. d. 239-259. This 
official would be needed only in cities ^ where some important Pane- 
gyris took place. Doubtless the Panegyriarch, besides directing it, 
generally was responsible for part of the expense. Thus at Mitylene 
he was appointed solely for the Panegyris at Therma, at Pergamos for 
the shows connected with the Asian temples of the Augusti^, at 
Branchidae for the great festival Didymeia, at Nysa probably for 
the festival at Akharaka. There is no evidence of the nature of the 
Apamean Panegyris, but the Agonothetes who is mentioned on 
coins ^ and in inscr. 300 probably presided at games held in connexion 
with the same festival. A Panegyris, strictly, was a national gather- 
ing ; and the name would hardly be applied to an Apamean festival, 
unless people flocked to it from a much larger district than the mere 
territory of the city. This suggests that the Koinon of Phrygia, 
mentioned on earlier coins, is the Panegyiis of later coins ; but^ at 
present, there is not evidence to prove this theory. 

(5) Seitontks. It must have been a difficult thing to keep sufficient 
supply in stock to feed the population of the large cities of Asia. 
Means of transport were no doubt highly developed *, but without 
the use of steam the problem must have been a hard one, when the 
harvest of the neighbourhood was bad. The office of Seitones is often 
mentioned in the Asian cities ; and may be assumed at Eumeneia 
from no. 203. But from the language of that inscription it would 
appear that at Eumeneia the office was only occasional, a person being 
appointed to manage the purchase of corn when need arose. In 

perhaps at Ilium CIG 3631, at Akmonia 
no. 549, at Sebastopolis Car. Sterrett 
E. J- no. 25, at Nysa BCH 1883 p. 273 ; 
also in Athens, Nikomcdeia, Nikaia, 
Palmyra. The Argyrotamias of a city 
must be carefully distinguished from the 
Argyrotamias of Asia, p. 188. 

' A Panegyris is mentioned at Nysa 
BCH 1883 p. 272, 1886 pp. 455, 520, at 
Pergamos ib. p. 416, at Mitylene CIG 
2187, at Branchidai 2885 r, at Aphro- 
disias 2758, Aizanoi 3831 a 15, Phila- 
delpheia 3418, Sardis 3462, Cnidos 2653. 
In many of these it is known that 

strangers from other cities went in 

' iravr)yvpiap\r](Tavra vaSiv tS>v tu tiJ 
XafxnpOTdrjjTltffyafiriv&v firiTpo7r6Kti, These 
Naoi were the temples of the imperial 
cultus (from which Pergamos derived 
the triple neokorate) ; and the expres- 
sion suggests that the office was con- 
nected with the Eoinon Asias. 

» €ni . ArnNoe€TOY . ar- 
te ma • r (i.e. Artemas tris, not 
agonothetes tris) under Severus, p.6oon. 

* Strab. p. 577 on the transport of 
Docimian marble. 



ordinary years the immensely fertile and highly cultivated valley of the 
Maeander produced sufficient grain for Eumeneia. Similarly at Apameia, 
which commanded a wide territory ^ there was perhaps not a regular 
seitonea but only an occasional officer (as seems implied by no. 299 f ) *. 

The name Eutheniarch was used in some places, apparently as 
almost equivalent to Seitones ^ ; he was apparently the chief of a staff 
of officials who regulated and provided the supply of corn (evOrjvia) *. 

Sitodotes and Sitometres^ who are occasionally mentioned, were not 
officials^ but persons who made a distribution of corn to any body of 
citizens *. 

(6) Gymnasiarch. The most important duty of this official was to 
arrange for the distribution of oil. It is difficult for a northern race 
to understand the importance attached to this by the Greek cities ; 
but oil was in them regarded as practically a necessity of life, and the 
inscriptions of Asia are full of references to it^ A decree of the 
Gerousia of Magnesia Mae. is instructive in this connexion"^: after 
referring to the extreme usefulness of oil for the physical well-being of 
all, and specially of old men, it enacts that, beyond the allowance 
of six choe8 given by the state to each individual, the revenues of the 
Gerousia shall be charged with a further distribution (probably to 
members only). The allowance made by the state to all citizens was, 
doubtless, managed by the Gymnasiarch. The system of exercise in 
the Gymnasia involved the use of great quantities of oil ; and hence 
the Manager of the Gymnasium gradually came to be really an official 
charged to provide oil for the whole population ^. 

In Apameia the state paid to the Gymnasiarch 15,000 denarii to 
meet the expense of providing oil®. But it is clear that this sum 

^ The plains of Apameia and Aulokra 
(Dombai-Ova) are both very fertile and 
of considerable extent (though not like 
the Eumeiieticus campus), 

^ The term afirmvia occurs at Lagina 
(BCH 1887 p. 32) in a difficult phrase, 
which perhaps indicates, not an office, 
but a single donation of money for 
purchasing com. 

' tv3i)viapxTjK6Ta iv (Trfvo\(&ip<o Kaip^ at 
Stratonicea, about the early part of the 
third century BCH 1888 p. 86. fV*- 
fifXf/r^f fvdr}ifias has the same sense CIG 
1 1 86. 

* Hence annona is rendered fvBrjpia 
in the title €nap\os €vBTjvias pr(iefeciu8 
annonae CIG 5895, 5973, Kaibel 917. 

" cr€iTo/Li€rpi;y Wadd. 1228, i266h, BCH 
1886 p. 58, Aristotle Pol. IV 15, 3; criro- 
doViyy CIG 2804. 

• LW 1602 o, Le Bas-Fouoart 120, 121, 
243 rf, 237 rt &c. Tacitus Ann, XIV 47 
gymnasium eo anno dedicatum a Nerone, 
praebitumque oleum equiti ac senatui 
Graeca facilitate. See BCH 1888 pp. 91 f. 

^ BCH 1888 pp. 206 ff. See above, 

p. 113 w- 
^ At Colossai this duty was performed 

by an cVt/wXiyT^f r^y rov tXaiov 6€<t€<m>s 

LW 1693& ; see p. 212. 

* At Magnesia Mae. t6 dMufvov napa 
rrjs noXfios €(f} iKdaTrj rffiffH^ tXaiov i^dxovv 
proves that state money was appro- 
priated to the purchase, and we gather 



was far from sufficient ; and the Gymnasiarchate could hardly be held 
by a man who was not prepared to spend his own money. Thus, in 
no. 297 Ti. Claudius Mithridatianus was prepared to spend I9,cxx) 
denarii in the second half of his year of office ; and his expenses in the 
first half must have been much greater, for it was a year in which the 
conventus met at Apameia^. 

The Gymnasiarchate, in its original conception, was an office of far 
loftier type. The Gymnasiarch in the older Graeco- Asiatic cities ^ 
was commissioned, along with the Paidonomos, to superintend the 
educational system which the city maintained; probably he was 
especially concerned with the gymnastic side of education ; but the 
physical and intellectual sides of education were never divorced 
among the Greek races. Nothing could better illustrate the deteriora- 
tion in moral fibre of the Graeco- Asiatic dties than the the trans- 
formation of the director of education into the purveyor of oil. 

(7) Ephebarch. I adopted too hastily on pp. iiin, 212 n, the 
alluring suggestion of M. CoUignon and M. Th. Reinach that Ephebar- 
cho8 was merely a title of honour, corresponding to the Latin princeps 
iuventutis^. But this view cannot be maintained for the Asian cities, 
in the face of many cases where Gymnasiarch and Ephebarch seem to 
denote magistracies of similar character. In no. 297, the ephebarchate 
and the gymnasiarchate held by Mithridatianus must be understood 
as offices of the same type. Mommsen points out that the two offices 
were sometimes held simultaneously by one person * : Th. Reinach 
shows that the son of a gymnasiarch at lasos sometimes was styled 
Ephebarch, though he was a mere child not old enougli to enter the 
college of Epheboi *. Dittenberger has observed that the Ephebarch 
was a magistrate subordinate to the Gymnasiarch ®. 

(8) Other Officials. Eirenarch, Paraphylax, Record-Keeper 
(XpeQ)0i5Xa^, p. 368) and Agoranomos'' are mentioned. The Erg- 

from the Apamean analogy that the 
money was expended by the Gymnasi- 
arch : BCH 1888 p. 206. 

' The crowded slate of the city during 
a conventus is described by Dio Chryso- 
stom (see above p. 428). 

^ See an instructive example in the 
inscr. quoted p. 440 n. 3. 

^ Bev. Et, Gr. 1893 p. 162. 

* Eph. Ep, I p. 438. It is however not 
probable that they were conjoined in 
Apameia, for Granianus bears only one 
title 294, 296, while his father has both, 

295, 297. 

** Magistrates' titles were borne by 
infants in other cases besides this. 

• SyUoge Inscript, no. 246. 

' See pp. 68, 629. Eirenarch pp. 68, 
450, no. 300. Besides the cities quoted 
p. 68 II, Paraphylax occurs at Ephesos 
Br. M. DLXXIX, Sebastopolis Car. St. 
EJ no. 25, Kadyanda BCH 1886 p. 54, 
Colossai Wadd. 1693 b (above p. 212), 
Eumeneia no. 88. On Tralleis refer 
also to Ath. Mitth. 1883 p. 329. 


EPISTATES, or Overseer of public works, no. 333, was probably named 
for each special occasion ^. 

§ 24. Apameia in the Byzantine Period. When the province 
Asia was divided by Diocletian, Apameia would naturally form part 
of Phrygia Pacatiana ; but there is no evidence. In Hierocles Apameia 
appears in Pisidia ; but this aiTangement is not likely to be so old as 
Diocletian. In 371-2, Pisidia lost a considerable territory, which was 
taken from it to be part of the new province Lycaonia ; and it is 
probable that some territory on the west, including Apameia, was then 
added to it in order to maintain its importance as a province. We 
may probably connect this transference with the honour paid to 
Takina by Valens, 364-378, who granted it the title Valentia. The 
Byzantine policy was to break up the territory of the great cities like 
Apameia ; and moreover the causes described p. 369 must already 
have affected the prosperity of the city, and benefited some of its 
dependent villages such as Aurokra. It is probable, therefore, that 
Valens divided the huge territory of Apameia, cut from it the city 
Valentia on the one side, and the bishopric Aurokra on the other, and 
attached the diminished Apameia to the province Pisidia. 

In the Byzantine Period Apameia practically disappears from history, 
and seems to have sunk into a third or fourth rate city. Its decay is 
a proof that no roads retained any real importance in that period 
except such as radiated from Constantinople ; for any importance that 
attached to the great highway between the Aegean coast and the 
interior is concentrated at Apameia. Of the five routes that con- 
verged at the city in the Roman period, three ^ form part of the system 
of roads connecting Constantinople with the southern districts ; but 
these three run more conveniently along the plain of Aurokra, on the 
upper plateau ; and, though Apameia was so near that energy and 
resource in the inhabitants might have enabled it to keep its hold on 
the line of communication, yet these are the qualities which were 
lacking in the Byzantine cities. Municipal enterprise and initiative 
were discouraged by the whole character of government ; and the cen- 
tralized ecclesiastical system tended towards the same result. Every 
one looked to Constantinople for guidance and protection. 

As the three roads henceforth passed through Aurokra, it may be 
expected that it should grow in importance ; and, even amid the 
obscurity that envelops this region in the fourth and following 

* See p. 70 and BCH 1887 p. 100 yuyylov, 
ipytiriaraTfiv 'Epwrcav . . . . ual oIko- * Those numbered (2), (4), (5) on 
/SacrtXiicoO , , . . xai napaT€ixia'fJuiTos vdpa- pp. 396 f. 


centuries, we can see that as Apameia decayed, Aurokra grew 

(§ 25)- 

Moreover Apameia had not the military chai*actcr that was needed 

in the Byzantine administration. Like Laodioeia and Colossai, it was 

capable of defence with carefu] fortification, good soldiers, and vigilant 

discipline ; but what was needed in the troubles of the Byzantine period 

was a fortress that was by nature almost impregnable against a sudden 

raid without much skill or care among its defenders ^. Such a site 

was found at Khoma-Siblia ; and later history shows that that fortress 

became the centre of administration for the district under the system 

of Themata. Accordingly we find that the military capital, Siblia 

or Soublaion, attracted the roads ; and in later centuries, though we 

hear often of marches and military operations on the line between 

the Lycos valley and the inner country, Apameia is never mentioned, 

but only Lampe or Siblia or Khoma. The name Ehoma was applied 

both to the whole military district which had Siblia for its central 

fortress, and to the fortress itself. Thus everything points to the 

commanding importance of Siblia, and to the insignificance of Apameia. 

See pp. 220 f. 

The only interesting figure in its later history is Eonon, a bishop of 
the fifth century, who, on the outbreak of the Isaurian revolt against 
the Emperor Zeno, joined the insurgents, and deserted his Apamean 
flock. When the rebels had been defeated at Eotiaion, and their 
leader Ninilingis slain, the wai*like bishop helped to lead the relics of 
the insurgent army to Isauria, and three years later he perished when 
besieging the Isaurian capital Claudiopolis ^. 

Apameia still appears as a bishopric in 787 and 879, when its 
bishops attended the Councils held in Nicaia and Constantinople : its 
existence as a city continued unbroken, as we cannot doubt, down to 
the Turkish conquest. 

During the Arab wars, Apameia cannot have sufiered so frequently 
as the cities on or near any of the direct roads towards Constanti- 
nople. But the Arab raids were extended over all the country towards 
the west. In 713 they took and pillaged Antioch of Fisidia, and 
Apameia probably met the same fate either then or later. 

§ 25. The Turkish Conquest. In the earliest inroads of the 
Turks into Asia Minor, Apameia passed into their hands. Already in 
1070 they swept over the Lycos valley. In the arrangement which 
they concluded shortly afterwards with the Byzantine government, 
Apameia formed part of the territory ceded to them ; and the frontier 

* See pp. I4« 213. * Theophan. p. 138. 


seems to have been situated between the Turkish Apameia and the 
Byzantine Siblia^ When John Comnenus advanced to Sozopolis- 
Apollonia, and recaptured it, Apameia perhaps reverted for the time 
into the Emperor s hands ; but his lordship could have only been, at 
the best, very uncertain. Sozopolis, a very strong fortress, could be 
held better ; but Apameia, open and defenceless, must have fallen an 
easy prey to the nomad tribes, who gradually spread over the country 
and reduced it to a state of primitive barbarism. The Pisidian hilly 
country remained permanently in Turkish possession from 1072 
onwards (pp. 299 ff) ; and Apameia would share the fate of Fisidia. 
In 1 1 46 Manuel Comnenus, returning from an expedition against the 
Turkish capital, Iconium, took the road by Bey-Sheher lake '^. When 
he reached the open plain along the lake, probably about Selki-Serai, he 
felt free from urgent danger ; but it was not until he reached the great 
springs which feed the Maeander in the Siblian country that he con- 
sidered himself safe from the enemy's attacks ^. Yet, even here, when 
he went out from the camp a little way to himt, he came upon 
a Turkish encampment. Siblia is here the frontier of Byzantine terri- 
tory, and the country to the south of Siblia is reckoned as Turkish. 
The modern name Geiklar ^, * the Gazelles,' is perhaps due to the fact 
that the country round was depopulated, and became a resort for wild 

The change of religion is entirely obscure. Probably the Christian 
population dwindled or fled. The Christian village Lampe near the 
head of Lake Anava, on the road between the fortresses Siblia and 
Ehonai, probably attracted many of them ; and the error of Nicetas, 
who identifies Lampe with Kelainai, is more easily explicable, if the 
bishop of Kelainai had migrated with his flock to Lampe. 

§ 26. Territory op Apameia. (i) Limits. The valley of Apameia, 
lying round the various branches which unite to form the river, is 
a comparatively small oval valley 2,800 feet above sea-level in the 
centre, about 8 miles long (N. to S.) by 3 broad. It is shut in on 
S. by a mountain chain (with passes over 4,000 ft), stretching across 
from Ai-Doghmush to Yan-Dagh, and dividing the basin of Lake 
Askania from the Phrygian country proper ; and on E. by Djebel- 
Sultan, stretching N W. from Ai-Doghmush to Ak-Dagh. On W. a low 

^ See pp. 15, 16 note. tive. It is clear that Manuel marched 

' Called Skleros (the more ancient by the Duz-Bel route, and encamped 

Earalis) and Pasgousa (or Poungousa) near Sungurlu below Duz-Bel. 

Hi€t. Geogr. pp. 359, 389. ^ This name is used alongside of the 

* The passage of Ginnamus p. 59 name Dineir: the latter popular, the 

(quoted in part p. 454) is very instixic- former official. 



broad ridge protrudes north from the southern chain, and forces the 
Maeander away towards NW. A few miles down, the Maeander enters 
a narrow pass, foimed by this protruding ridge W. and Djebel-Sultan 
E., after traversing which it enters the Siblian country (p. 222). 

The beautiful peak Ai-Doghmush, * the Rising Moon,' 5,790 ft., is 
thus the dominating factor in the geography of the district, visible 
from a great distance in many directions ^, and a centre from which 
radiate these two mountain chains and also that fax loftier chain 
which runs to E., bounding the Apollonian valley on the south (being 
one of the great parallel ridges of Tauros). The name Ai-Doghmush 
describes well the appearance of this peak, as the trasreUer sees it 
rising above an intervening ridge : the name is one of the very rare 
examples of the imaginative interpretation of nature in Turkish, and 
may probably be a translation of an older name ^ 

Mona AvXocrenvs is given as the ancient name of Djebel-Sultan by 
Pliny, whose Mons Signia must be a single peak in the chain, close to 
Apameia. We should naturally conjecture that Signia was the acro- 
polis-hill, but Strabo p. 577 says that that hill was called Kelainai, 
and the Sibylline oracles agree with him (p. 454). Signia, then, is 
probably Ai-Doghmush. 

The Apamean country is described as very large by Dio Chrysostom 
and Strabo ^ containing subject towns as well as villages. The 
boundary on the side of ApoUonia is marked by inscr. 352. On the 
side of Stektorion, the limit was in the rising ground, north of Bei- 
Keui and Dombai. On the side of Siblia it was probably the narrows 
of the Maeander, on the side of Colossal between Graos-Gala and 
Eharax, and on the side of Keretapa the rising ground west of the 
lake of Yarishli*. Apamean territory touched the Askanian lake, 
and probably included the entire lake of Anava. On the frontier 
towards SE. see inscr. 352. 

Among the towns or large villages were Eharax p. 229, Anava 
p. 230, Lampe p. 227, Takina p. 295, Aurokra, Samsado-Kome. 

* I have taken readings to it from 
a point several hours west of Ushak, and 
from the south-west part of the Kylla- 
nian region. On £. a peak which I took 
for it was visible from some parts of the 
Apollonian valley : everywhere it seems 
' the Rising Moon.' 

* A Seljuk general named Ai-Dogh- 
mush is mentioned by M. Huart Inscr. 
Atnbes en As. Min, p. 25. 

' See the quotations pp.428, 297. 

^ Strab. p. 631 says that Milyas ex- 
tended /i(;(pi SayaXacrcroO ical r^r 'Arraficcov 
X^pas: this proves that the territory 
stretching from the S. end of lake 
Askania (about the village Deuer, which 
was Sagalassian) to Keretapa (which was 
an independent city) must have been 
Apamean, see p. 297 and no. 165-167. 


(2) AuROKRA, according to the strictest local form of the name, was 
a long narrow plain ^, about 15 miles by 4, stretching nearly N. to S., 
behind and above the valley of Apameia, and separated from it by 
the ridge of Djebel-Sultan, which is the outer rim of the great plateau 
(pp. 236 f). The plain slopes gently downwards towards a point near 
the southern end, where the stream that flows from several heads in 
the northern hills ^ meets the water running from the fine fountains 
of Bunar-Bashi under the mountains on the east; and their union 
forms a lake and a marshy reed-bed^ stretching across nearly the 
whole breadth of the plain. The western end is a small lake, which 
discharges its water through a pair of holes at the NW. comer, and 
a single hole a mile further S.j under the ridge of Djebel-Sultan, to 
rise again in the various fountains which feed the Maeander arms. 
The water level is 3,340 ft. above the sea, while the northern end of 
the valley rises to 3,600 or 3,800 fb. This Aurokran lake and fountain 
had the name modified by the grecizing tendency to Aulokrene, the 
fountain of flutes. 

The chief ancient centre was probably at Bei-Keui on NE. (no. 
350 f) ; Porsama which lies opposite on the W. side of the valley 
bears a name that is probably an ancient word, but friends who 
explored it for me saw no traces of ancient life there. Dombai, which 
bears the same name as the whole valley Dombai-Ova, and Yerik- 
Euren, show no ancient remains : Dombai means Buflalo. 

Probably in 371-2, Aurokra was separated from Apameia, and 
formed into a bishopric. The new bishopric seems to have included 
only the northern half of the valley, with the populous centre at 
Bei-Keui, while the southern half, containing the fountains which 
were so closely associated with Apameia, remained attached to that 

In the later Notitiae, which gives the ecclesiastical arrangement, 
as it was remodelled by Leo VI (886-911), when the empire was 
recovering from the devastations caused by the Arabs, Aurokra does 
not occur ; and it would appear that the town had sunk into decay 
in the troubled period of the Arab incursions, and was no longer 
suitable for a bishopric. Moreover Southern Phrygia and Pisidia 

* On Aurokra see Appendix III. bridges miles lower down the valley. 

■ Prof. Kiepert makes this river flow There is a marsh in the north, but the 

into a second lake at the north end of river does not flow into it ; the marsh 

the valley, near Bei-Eeui ; and so discharges into the river. In summer 

M. Radet shows it in his work En I have ridden over the ground of the 

Fhrygie 1895 (see his Map II). This is marsh without difficulty, 
an error : I have crossed the river by 

VOL. I. PT. II. H 



suffered just in proportion as Northern Fhrygia and Qalatia flourished 
under the Constantinopolitan regime ^ ; and Aurokra could not main- 
tain its importance. 

(3) Samsado-Komb should probably be included among the villages. 
Samsun-Dagh is the name given to a part of Djebel-Sultan. . Now 
Samsun has the look of an ancient name ^ In the Acta SS. Tryphonia 
et Respidiy the saints are said to belong to Samsado-Kome in the 
territory of a city named Apameia : in some extant forms of the Acta 
this Apameia is conceived as being the Bithynian city ; the trials 
takes place at Nikaia, and Caesareia is the scene of one incident. 
But in the old Latin version given by Ruinart, no mention is made 
either of Nikaia^ or of Caesareia, and the saints are said to be 
Phrygians (genere Phrygios). Now it is common to find in the later 
versions of Acta that an obscure city is mistaken for a more famous 
city of the same name ^. I conjecture that this has happened in the 
Acta Tryphonis ; and that Samsado-Kome ^ was a village of the 
Apamean territory. In that case it must be sought on the skirts 
of Samsun-Dagh. The village was near a lake and a high hill ; and 
geese were tended in the neighbourhood. These particulars suggest 
that Samsado-Kome was beside the fountains and marshy lake of 
Besh-Bunar, where it is represented on the maps in vols. I and IL 

The martyrs were arrested by Fronto, eirenarch of the city of 
Apameia (see no. 300). 

* See my Hist. Geogr, p. 74. 

* Compare Samsun, the ancient Ami- 
808. In the following notes on the Ada 
Tryphonis, I am much indebted to com- 
munications from Rev. H. Thurston in 
1 890 and 1 891. 

* The martyrs are conducted in civi- 
iatem Meetem for triaL 

* Compare Acta S. Theodori Strate- 
latae, where the scene lies at Eukhaita, 
and yet Herakleia and Nikomedeia are 
introduced as cities reasonably near 
Eukhaita. M. Doublet quoted the Acta 
in support of his contention that Euk- 
haita was situated at Safaramboli (BCH 
1 889 pp. 297 ff). In Hist. Geogr. pp. 3 1 8- 
323 1 argued that Eukhaita corresponded 
to Tchorum, 160 miles further SE., and 
that these Acta were late and valueless. 
Recently Mr. Conybeare has published 
Monuments of Early Christ, pp. 220 ff 
an Armenian version of the Acta, earlier 

and better ; and there Nikomedeia is not 
mentioned, while Herakleia is called 
* a city of Cappadocia.' It is therefore 
clear that Herakleopolis-Sebastopolis, 
a city adjoining the territory of Tchorum 
(Hist. Geogr. p. 326), is meant. This 
Herakleia was in later forms of the 
Acta understood as Herakleia Ponti, 
and Nikomedeia was introduced. Finally 
Bishop Macarius in his Travels (transl. 
Belfour II p. 424) speaks of Ponto- 
Herakleia as the place of Theodore's 

* Viciis Sansorus in Ruinart, who 
quotes Campsade as the form in the 
Acta publ. by Surius [Sansadocume in 
the Bollandist Catalogue of the Hagio- 
graphical MSS. in the Bibl. Nat. Paris 
I pp. 284 ff: Kamsadon in Vincent of 
Beauvais, which I quote from Mr. Thurs- 
ton's letter]. 



It will be convenient to collect the important evidence. 

Herod. YII 26. KeXaivds tva iniyal ivabtiovai, Maiivipov 

TTOTaiwv Koi kripov ovk iKacaovos fj MaidvipoVy r<p oivopM Tvyxav€L ibv 
KaTa^firJKTriSi hs ii airrjs rrjs ayoprjs t&u KfXaivioiV ivarikkoDV is rdv 
MaCavbpov iKbiZoX, iv t^ koL 6 tov ^iXrjvov Map<rv€U) iaKbs iv rfj 7r6Ki, 
ivaKpi^iarai (the skin of Marsyas, according to Xenophon^ in the cave at 
the source of the river). 

Xen. Anab. 1 2,y. ivravOa Kvpif^ fiaa-CK^ia fjv xal irapibfLaos ^liyas iypCcav 

6T]pla)v irX'/jpTjs, h iKelvos i6rjp€V€V iiro tinrov hia p-iaov h\ tov 

TTapabtlaov p€l 6 MaCavbpos irora^os' ai ii mjyal airrov elcrlv iK t&v jSact- 
Xflf^v' pel 5c Kal hia ttjs WAccus. 8. lari bi koL /xcyciAot; fiaciXiois fiaalX^ka 
iv ^XaivaXs ipvp-va iiii rals TTrjyals tov Mapaniov iroTapiov inrb rfj dxpoTrJAct* 
pel b^ Kol ovTos bia rrjs ttJAco)? koI ^/x/SoAXet €U rbv MaCavbpov tov bi 
Mapavov t6 €vpos ^Ikocti Kai TrivT€ irob&v. ivTavOa XiycTai 'AttoAAcov iK- 
bilpai MapavaVi viKrja-as ipC^ovri ol Trepl ao<f>las Kai to bipp.a Kp^p.iL(rai iv 
T<p ivrpij^, oOfv al TrqyaL ivTavOa H^/>^s, St€ iK ttjs *EXXibos . . . ^Tre- 
X(ip€i, XiyfTai olKobofirjcrai, TavTi re to. ^oxtCX^ul koX Tr\v ReAati/ttr dxpJ- 


Livy XXXVIII 13 (from Poly bins). Maeandrum . . . Euius amnis 

fontes Celaenis oriuntur. Celaenae urbs caput quondam Phrygiae fuit. 

Migratum inde haudprocul veteribus Celaenis novaeque urbi Apameae nomen 

inditum ab Apama mrore ^ Seleuci regis, Et Marsuas amnis^ haud procul a 

Maeandri fontibus oriens, in Maeandrum cadit Maeandcr, ex arce 

summa Celaenarum ortus, media urbe decurrenSy per Carasprimum etc. 

Livy XXXVIII 15. Agrum Sagalassenum .... Progressus inde ad Rho^ 
trinos ^ Pontes ad vicum quern Aporidos Comen vocant^ posuit castra. Eo 
Seleurus ab Apamea postero die venit. Aegros inde .... cum Apameam 
difnisisset, prqfectus eo die in Metropolitanum campum processit. 

' This should be uxore: she was unquestioningly by Hirschfeld, is an 

daughter of Artabazus. arbitraiy and indefensible conjecture. 
' Obrimae for Rhotrinos, accepted 

H 2 


Pliny V 1 06. Sita est \Ap!\ in radice mantis Signiae circumfusa Marstui, 
Obrima^ Orga, jluminibus in Maeandrum cadentibus, Marsuas ibi redditur, 
ortus ac paulo mox conditus, ubi certavit tibiamm caniu cum Apolline^ Aulo^ 
crenis : ita vacatur canvallis X m. p. ab Apamea Phrygiam petentibus. 

PliDjr V 113. Amnis Maeander ortus e lacu in mante Aulacrene 

Apamenam primum (p. 236, n, a). 

The mountain^ obviously, must be Djebel-Sultan (in the midst of which 
is Sheikh- Arab lake), as the localities, as well as the words of Max. Tyr. 
(quoted below), prove^ Hirschfeld understands that the lake on the plain 
of Aulokra is meant ; but that lake could not reasonably be said to be in 

Pliny XVl 240. Regianem Aulacrenen diximus, per quam Apamia in 
Phrygiam itur. Ibi platanus astenditur ex qua pependerit Marsuas victvs 
ab Apolliney quae iam tum magnitudine electa est : {pependerit is the account 
given by the guide who pointed out the tree : electa est iam tum implies 
that there was a clump of trees when Pliny's authority visited Apameia 
(as there is now), the largest of which was shown as Marsyas*s). 

Pliny XXXI 19. Ait Theaphrastus Marsuae fantem in Phrygia 

ad Celaenarum oppidum saxa egerere. Nan procul ab ea duo sunt fontes, 
Claeon et Gelon ab effectu Graecorum nominum dicti, 

Strab. p. 57 7> 57^' tfi/wrat bi fj 'ATrd/xeta irrl rais iKfioKah rov Map" 
aiSov TTora^ov, Kal pel bia ixicrrjs rrjs Tr6X€a>9 6 'iroTapL69, rhs ipxas iird r^? 
TToXecDS ^ i\(M)V KaT€V€\6€is y iirl rb Trpoiarciop cffiohp^ kolL KaTa)<f>€p€i t^ 
p€ijixaTi avixfiiXXei irpos rbv MaCavbpov 'rrpocr€i^rj<f>6Ta Kal iWov TroTajjLOV 
*Opyav bC o/xaAoO <f>€p6pL€vov itp^ov Kal piaXaKov, ivT€v0^v 6' 7)577 y€v6pL€vos 
MaCavbpos ricDs piiv bia ttjs ^pvylas t^^perai, liriira bioplC^i rriv KapCav koI 

rriv AvbCav ktX ip\€Tai bi iirb KcXatrcui/ X6(f>ov rivds iv <{> iroXis fjv 

dpdvvpos ry X6<f>(^' ivT€v6€v 5' avaarrjcras Tois kvOpditov^ 6 Scor^/) 'Ain". ktA.. 

v'rripK€iTai bi jcal XCpLvr) <f>vovcra Ki\ap.ov rdv els Tcis yXdrras 

tQv avXQi; iTrin/jbeioVy i^ fjs v'noXeifiea'Oal <l>acri ras Tnyyas rrjif re rov 
Mapavov Kal riiv rod Maidvbpov. 

Dio Chrysostom XXXV 13. t&v t€ itorapJiiV ol p.iyiaroi koX woXvo)- 
ifiOii(TTarok r^r ^px^^ ivdivbe Ixovaiv 5 T€ Mapanias oiros bia p.i(n\s t^s 
^J\€a>s vp.<av pifov 5 T€ T^pfias ^ S t€ Malavbpos Tr6Xv irdvTaiv iroTapiQv detJ- 
raros Kal <ro^(£raro9, bs iXCrrayv pvplas Kapiiris ktX, 

Pausanias V 14, 3^ irX^iaTOi piiv virb Maidvbpov p-vplKai Kal pLdXicrra 

Paus. X 30, 9, ol bi iv KcXaivais 4>pvy€s iOiXovai piv top iroTapLdv hs 
bU^fiaiv avTols bid ttjs iroXecos, iK€iv6v Trore eirai rov avXrjTijv <f>aa'i 

^ Hirschfeld is probably right in accepting aKponokfots from Kramer. 
' See p. 404. 


h\ tt9 KoX Txiv TaKaT<av iirdaaivro arpaTidv, tov Mapcn/ov <r<f>C<nv iirl tovs 
fiap^ipovs HbarC re iK tov TTorapLov koI /i^A.€t t&v avKQv ifxiSvavTos. * 

Paus. II 5, 3^ Maeander communicates its water to Asopos (Sicyonian 

Paus. II J, 9. Of the flutes the Sicyonians say tov Trora/iii; tov 
Map(riav KaT€V€yK€w avrois is tov MaCavbpov, and thence they were borne 
into Asopos. 

Pseudo-Plutarch de Fluviis {Mae. Mars,) is valueless. 

Nicolas of Damascus ap. Athen. VIII p. 332. ircpX 'ATrdix€Lav Tifv 4>pv- 
yiai^v Kara Th MiOpibaTiKii aeiaiJMv y€jH)ixiva>v &v€(f>dvria'av irepl ttiv xiipav 
aifT&v Xl^vai t€ irpoTcpov ovk ovcrai koX irora/xol xal iAAai irqyal vird ttjs 
Kivrj(r€(iis ivoi\d€icrai, TtoWal bi xal fi(l>avCcrdrjcraVy tocovtov t€ SXXo ivifikv- 
<r^v aifT&v iv Trj yfj iriKpdv re koI yXavKOV {I5a>p . . . &aT€ SarpioDV TrXrja-Ofjvai 
rbv irkqaCov tottov Airavra koX l\Sv(t}v t&v T€ iXKtav 6aa Tpi<f>€i fj OdXacra-a. 
Probably the bitter water is merely an exaggeration of the fact that all 
the springs but one are undrinkable (p. 400). As to the colour ykavK6v, 
cp. Curtius. The fishes are perhaps an exaggeration of the statement of 
Paus. IV 34, 1, that sea fishes ascended Maeander, Rhine^ and Famisos. 

Curtius III I. Media . . . moenia interfluebat Margyas amnis .... Fans 
eius ex summo mantis cacumine excurrens in subiectam petram magno strepitu 
aqunrum cadit: inde diffuses circumiectos rigat campos^ liquidus ei sua^ 
dunUaxat undas trahens. Itaque color eius placido mari similis^ locum 
poetarum mendacio fecit ; quippe traditum est Nymphas amore amnis retentas 
in ilia rape considers Ceterum quamdiu intra muros Jluit, nomen suum 
retinet ; at cum extra munimenta se evolvit, .... Lycum appellant. 

The statement that the Marsyas was diverted for irrigation is repeated 
by Maximus of Tyre ; but it cannot be true literally, for the Marsyas 
could not be brought to the fields without being taken over the Maeander. 
Owing to the situation only Maeander and Orgas can be diverted for 
irrigation purposes. 

On the other hand the Marsyas water was probably drawn off to flow 
through the streets of Apameia : this practice is still a favourite one in 
Asia Minor, e.g. at Denizli: it may be seen in some streets of Cam- 

Maximus Tyr. XIII 8. ^piiyes ol wept KeAatvd; v€p.6pL€voi npLOvai, 
iroTafJLOvs Svo, Mapavav Koi Malavbpov. ftbov tovs iroTapLOVs' i(l>CYicriv av- 
Toiis irrjyr) jjiCa, fj 7rpo€\0ov(ra iirl t6 opos i^artferat Kara vdrov ttjs woXecos 
KavOis ^Kbiboi iK TOV &(rT€OS bi€\ovcra rots Trora/iots Kal Th Hboap kqI tA 6v6' 
fiara* 6 jjikv iirl AvbCas pet 6 MaCavbpos, 6 bl avTov ircpi ra ir^bCa ivoKCa-KCTai, 

Compare Nic. Damasc. 


Like Pliny^ Maximus understands that ^ the mountain ^ is Djebel-Sultan. 
On irrigation from the Marsyas^ see Ql Curtius, and ep. § 5. 
Lib. Sibyll. I 261 fE. 

loTt hi Ti ^pvyCrjs M fjiTfCpoio ReAaii;^; (or iitkaCvrjs) 
rjXCfiarov Tairi^r\K€S Spos^ ^Apapcir bi KoAetrai, 
Mapavov ivOa <l)\ip€S fxcyikov irorafioto 7r^<f>vjcav. 
Tov b^ Kifioards ip.€iv€v iv vyjrqXolo Kaprjvtf^ 
kq^ivToav ibirtjiiv. 
Nicetas Chon. p. 231. it6\kv KcAoirds, hOa tov }Aaiivbpov €la\v al iK^ 
b6(r€is Kal 6 Map(r6as p€i ^orafAos iij,fidXXa>v €h MaCavbpov. This has the 
appearance of being a merely learned allusion^ founded on books, not on 
description by witnesses \ 

Cinnamus p. 298. 6 bl ^v dXCyois tAs M AdpLirris bicXOiiv irebiibas, 
(l>po6pi6v ri Tr€pl Trpdras irov tov Maiivbpov Ibpviiivov ^KfioXcis (2a6fikaiov 
ivoyia avT^) xp6vi^ ireirTCDKhs iLV€y€Cp€i. I have pointed out p. 228 that 
this proves Cinnamus to have followed the opinion (entertained still by 
some of the population) that the Maeander rises in the enormous marshes 
and springs of the Siblian district. His description of the Siblian 
country is very good pp. 59, 63, ^irel bi irepl Tiva x^pov iyiv€T0 oS bii 
MaCavbpos ttiv iK^oKriv iroieirai, l^o) t&v iroXtfJiloDV rjbri y€y€vrja'dai vop.Uras 

. . . KVirqyea'Cuiv iviaei, 7r6vovs Tovs iK TrJ9 fJ^d-XV^ TsapapivOwOai rjd€X€ 

After the hunting party rd orpaToirebov d^tjci/€trai Trpds Tois Mcuivbpov 
iKpoXai9 Ibpv^ivov, Ivda iroXv re koX ififTpov Hboip pcT fJL€v iK t&v KaTci ttiv 
vTrdpciav irerp&v &s iK fxvpCcav ivabibo^ievov oTO/idrcoi;, tov bi irapaKcliACVOv 
iKTTcXayovv x^P^^ ^^ Xlyivqv pkv ri irp&Tov fvi/forarai, i^s bi Trpo'ibv 
bidpvxi T€ fiaOfiav TijiveL koI iroTapibv ivT€v0€v ^rotct. 

Immediately below the vast marshy lakes the Maeander has cut that 
deep-lying channel^ which is described on p. 236. The whole passage 
describes so accurately the Eumenian and Siblian district as to constitute 
a conclusive confirmation of the situation we have assigned to Soublaion. 
The description of the hunting party is too long to quote ; but evidently 
Manuel went towards Apameia. He stood to watch the Persians either 
on the mound at Tchandir (ad Ficum p. 223) or more probably on the 
mound of Boz-Eyuk p. 225; and he pursued the Turkish freebooters 
to the pass dividing the Siblian and Apamean plains, p. 222, where the 
main body of the Turks met him. See p. 447. 

The positive reasons for identifying Dineir-Su with the Marsyas are 
so overwhelming, that Hirschfeld's error in calling it the Maeander is 
hardly comprehensible. He recognized the Marsyas in the modem Lidja 
(' Warm-Springs '). To this identification there are the following ob- 

^ Nonnus mentions both Obrimos {sic !) and Orgas, see p. 485. 


jections : (i) Lidja is a slow^ gentle stream : (2) it contains little water : 
(3) its breadth is 3 to 6 feet : (4) its springs issue quietly with hardly 
perceptible sound : (5) it rises at the foot of a bare gentle slope : (6) it 
does not rise under the acropolis of Kelainai ^ : (7) in order to make it 
flow through the city, and rise from the Acropolis, the topography of 
Kelainai and Apameia has to be utterly distorted (Apameia has to be 
extended into the open plain, all the ancient names have to be crowded 
together^ and yet two acropoleis have to be distinguished, etc.) : (8) the 
Lidja is evidently the Theima of Apameia : (9) Hirschf eld is forced to 
conclude that both his Maeander and his Marsyas flow through the 
middle of his site for Apameia, whereas Strabo implies that only Marsyas 
flowed through the city. 

The only positive reason that Hirschf eld assigns for identifying Dineir- 
Water with the Maeander is that it carries ^ by far the largest body of 
water ^.' This statement is erroneous: I doubt if Dineir-Su carries 
more water than Menderez-Duden or Sheikh- Arab-Su. 

Dineir- Water is divided almost from its source into two branches^ 
which run on opposite sides of the glen. This is merely a modem 
arrangement^ to suit the needs of mills on both sides. It has, however, 
misled Prof. Hirschfeld, who speaks of the two arms as a fact of ancient 
times ; his further error in speaking of two sources of the Dineir- Water 
probably took its origin from this mistake about the two arms. There 
is only one source : ^ il ny a quune source jaillusant au pied d'un enorme 
rocher * (Wadd. Voyage Numism. p. 1 2). Huda-verdi is not a source of 
the Marsyas ; and Hirschfeld is mistaken in thinking that name is given 
to Dineir-Su (p. 400). 

Hirschfeld^s identification of Sheikh-Arab-Su with Orgas has proved 
tempting to many. I long clung to it : as did Hog. Web. This water 
flows through the low level ground for about two miles before joining 
the stream from the Duden, and thus fulfils Strabo^s description literally. 
But in that case (i) the most striking characteristics of Sheikh-Arab 
Water are neglected. (2) There is only a short stream left to bear the 
name Maeander ; and Hogarth, who evaded this difficulty by supposing 
that there was not any branch called Maeander, but that the ancients 
applied that name only to the united stream, now recognizes that it is 

The view taken with regard to the Maeander and Orgas by M. Weber 

^ Hirschfeld says that Xenophon's ander, which rises from the palace. We 

words must be taken in eticas weiterem are bound to take his words strictly. 

Sinne. But Xen. an eye-witness dis- ' Der bet weitem icasserreichste FIusb 

tinguishes Marsyas as the stream which ist p. 20. 
rises under the Acropolis, from Mae- 


in his Dinair-CSlines 1892 agrees exactly with the view stated by myself 
in a letter in the Athenaeum 15 Aug. 1891 p. 233. I at first clung to it, 
trying to save Hirschf eld's Org^s ; but in the closer study required for 
this book^ I had to abandon it. This view is that the Orgas is (as 
Hirschfeld believed) Sheikh-Arab-Su^ and that the Maeander is the 
short arm, which popular sentiment among the natives of Dineir now 
selects as the 'Menderez-Duden.* Considering the permanence of popular 
sentiment in Asia Minor^ the modem belief has some force as an argu- 
ment. But probably popular feeling has changed^ as the city has shrunk 
to a village : Sheikh- Arab- Su^ though near Apameia, is far from Dineir, 
for the sluggishness of the Turks is hopelessly cut off by two miles of 
rough uncultivated hillside from the Sheikh- Arab source. Hence they 
call the nearer source Menderez-Duden ; and some of them have never 
seen the other far more beautiful and impressive source. The following 
reasons show that the Menderez-Duden is not the source of the ancient 
Maiandros. (i) It is clear that Pliny (or Theophrastus) did not think 
the Laughing and Weeping Fountains were at the source of the Maeander : 
this is in itself a strong (though not conclusive) argument, for Pliny, 
though not an eye-witness, has used an excellent authority. (2) Sheikh- 
Arab is the nearest source to the acknowledged ultimate common fountain 
of both Maeander and Marsyas at Bunar-Bashi : therefore it would be 
unnatural that the connexion of Sheikh-Arab with Bunar-Bashi should 
be disregarded in ancient belief. (3) Livy says that the Maeander rose 
from the acropolis of Kelainai [ex arce 9umma Celaenarnm) ; and Strabo 
also says that the Maeander rises from the hill of Kelainai. Now the 
Duden rises absolutely in the plain, and has in no sense the character of 
rising from the hill : whereas Sheikh-Arab rises out of the back of the 
Acropolis hill. (4) Sheikh- Arab-Su strikes the spectator as the river : 
see Hogarth's words quoted p. 406. (5) The park of Cyrus, with its 
wild beasts, is likely to have included much of the hills ; and his palace 
is far more likely to have been near SheikhrArab in a higher and cooler 
position than in the bare, unpleasant situation at the Duden. (6) Room 
is wanted for the different sites, which are specified and distinguished, 
the two cities, the two palaces and the park. M. Weber finds it neces- 
sary to conclude that Apameia and Kelainai had the same situation [occu- 
paient le mime nte p. 27) in spite of the positive statements of Strabo and 
Livy that Antiochus moved the city to a new site. 

The following statistics of published opinions may be found convenient. 
The identification which has been given in these pages of the Marsyas 
agrees with Ar. Ham. Wadd.\ Hog. Web., of the Maeander with Ar. 

Waddington quotes Arundel, and therefore evidently agrees with him. 


Ham. Wadd.^, of the Orgas with no one ^, of the Therma with Hog. 
Web., of the Laugher and Weeper with no one ^, of the Obrimas with 
no one, of Aulokrene with every one, of the Rhocrini Pontes on the route 
of Manlius with Hog. Web.* Contradictory identifications have been 
proposed for Marsyas by Hirschf., for Maeander by Hirschf. Hog. Web. 
(all disagreeing with one another), for Orgas by Hirschf. Hog. Web. (all 
agreeing with the identification originated by Hirschf.), for Therma by 
no one, for the Laugher and Weeper by Hirschf., for Obrimas by 
Hirschf. Hog. Web. (all disagreeing with one another), for Aulokrene 
by no one, for Manlius's Fontes by Hirschf. Ar. Ham. Wadd. agree, so 
far as they go, with the views which we have expressed. No identifica- 
tion has been proposed for Orgas by Ar. Ham., for Therma by Ar. Ham. 
Hirschf. Wadd , for the Laugher and Weeper by Ar. Ham. Hog. Wadd., 
for Obrimas by Ar. Ham. Wadd. 



281. M. Berard BCH 1893 p. 313. UkonT^lvav 2e[j3a<r]TV h j8. 
KaX 6 5. KaO^Upoaa^V iTtiyL^k^Oivros MapKov 'Amikov ipyvporaixelov rrjs 

This inscription was probably erected in a.d. 105, when Plotina was 
styled Augusta, and when (as is argued by Cavedoni) the same title was 
conferred on Marciana the sister of Trajan, and her daughter Mattidia 
(no. 28a, 283). On Argyrotamias see § 23 (3) and no. 551. 

282. (R. 1 881). CIG 3958. MapKlav 26)3a<rrV f^'r>^' (as ill no. 281). 
The engraver, or the official, has erred in the name of Marciana. 

^ Hogarth, who inclined to this opinion ' Weber quotes my opinion, and ap- 

on the spot (see p. 406), writes ' I quite parently accepts it, but has not verified 

agree that Sheikh- Arab-Su must be the it by actual hearing. 

Maeander/ * M. Radet seems to regard this 

' Mr. Purser held all along the view identification as certain En Fhrygis 

I adopt. Wadd. probably is to be under- map III. 
stood in the same sense. 



283. (E. 1881). CIG 3959. MamWoj; SejSaor^i; ktA. (as in no. 
281 and 282). 

284. M. Doublet BCH 1893 p. 304. r^v [0]€O^ik€fTTiTr\v KopvriKCav 
DaXcuj/cii^cu/ SejSoar^r yvvaxKa rod KvpCov fjimv UoTrkCov AikwvCov TaXXtJivov 
X€fia(rr[ov] ff Xafimpa t&v ^AirofUoav iroXis. No. 284 is a pendant to 285, 
286^ where her two sons are honoured. 

285-6. (R. 1 888). Weber p. 46 : cp. no. 286. 

Tov] ^co<^iXc(rrarov Kcuotzpa 

Tov 0€o<fMX€<rraTov Kaurapa KopvrfXtjov 

Auc?] '2,aXu}V€lvov OvaXxpiavov 

SoAxumvov OvaXc/ocavov Scj^oordv, 

Scj^OOTOV, vlov ToO KVpCoV 

vibv TOV Kvpiov •^fiSiv TaXXirprov Scj^oorov 

•^/lioy TaXXirp^ov Scj^oorov 

^ Xafiwpa Tiay *Aira/xc(i)v 

^ Xafitrpa Ttov 'Aira/xcwi' ttoXi?. 


The exact names of the two sons of Grallienus are uncertain^ and were 
probably not known even to the Apameans. Mommsen CIL VIII 
p. 1051 no. 2383 lays down the rule that the younger son did not use 
the name Yalerianus till after his brother's death in 259^ and that the 
elder never used the name Saloninus. This inscr. and CIL III 6956 
disagree with other authorities and with one another. The elder son was 
associated to the Empire in 253, the younger not later than 257. The 
title Augustus is given them in other inscr* also. 

These inscr.^ dating soon after 253, show that Apameia had not then 
been styled metroj)olis ; probably it never received that honour. 

287. Wadd. 1 701, CIL III 364. Dedication to Maximianus^ 305-11 ; 
doubtless this was one of a group, like no. 281-3, and 284-6. 

288. (R. 1881). CIL III 7054. Dedication to Jovianus, 363-4. 
There is an unusual number of dedications to the late emperors. 

289. CIG 3961, where it is misunderstood. "Lrpirtav "Apxpvros ctodOcU 
Kara 0dX[a(T]a'(Uf 0€Ots [M]€[y]aAois ^^p]60f[a]^iv xaipta-nipiov. 

See p. 435. Probably Arundel miscopied x'^P^^'^P^ov. The Great 
Gods of Samothrace, the Kabeiroi, are here and often elsewhere confused 
with the twin-gods, the saviours of mariners in peril, the Dioskouroi, who 
also bore the same title. A temple AioaKovpoDv^ KoXovpJvoDv be &€<av 
MtydXoaVj four stadia from Kleitor, is mentioned Paus. 8. 21. 4. 



290. (E. 1891). BCH 1893 p. a47 S part in Ath. MUth. 1891 p. 148. 

hri^kov Tov * kitayiiuiv KaOUpaxrav 
Ae^Kios Movvdrios A€VkCov vlb[s] Ka/xiXr^ T4f)Tic{i, 
AciIkios ^AtCKios AcvkCov vlds UakaTivq IlprfKXoy, 
IToTrXto; Kapovlktos MdpK[ov] vld9 KoWti;^ ITcoXA^a)]/, 
Mapjco9 OvLKKios MipKov vlos Trjprjrlvf^ 'Pov<l>oSj 
MipKos TlopKios *Ovr]cnpLCa)Vy 
ip^avT€i iv r^ A^ Koi p In *Fa>fJLaioi, irpdrtaSf iK t&v lbCa}v iafi(m\<rav. 
A.D. 54-5. 

This remarkable inscription was published from my copy by Mommsen 
in Eph. Ep, YII p. 442 ^. He considers that the five Romans (the last 
a freedman) are curatores of the conventus Civium Romanorum ; that the 
conventus was instituted for the first time in a.d. 55; that the resident 
Romans paid a large annual sum {iitt^rniiov inscr. 297) to gain the right 
of forming such a corporate, self-governing body ; that the Apameans 
regarded with hatred the existence in their midst of such a body; and 
that they seized the opportunity of a munificent donation some years 
after to sacrifice this annual income from the Roman residents and rid 
themselves of this independent body^. The following difficulties tell 
against this view, (i) Roman officials, making an official dedication in 
honour of their first year of corporate rights, would not use the Greek 
language and the purely Greek formula (ip^avrcs). (2) The donation in 
no. 296 was given by a Roman *, son of a Roman, in order to free the 
city from the iinCrifjLiov ; but it is improbable that a Roman would give 
34,000 den. to the city to prevent the Romans from being independent of 
the city. (3) The impression given by inscrr. is that there was no such 
serious hatred of the Romans by the Apameans, as Mommsen supposes ^. 
(4) The body of resident Romans continues to be mentioned in the same 
way in no. 300, which is clearly later than no. 297. (5) We can hardly 
believe that the Romans derived their rights to corporate government 

' MM. Legrand and Ghamonard's in- 
dependent confirmatory reading of a 
rather difficult text is very welcome. 
My copy differs slightly. The engraver 
made an error in the eighth word, read- 
ing viov : this I noted carefully. BCH 
has TipTTos for T<prio[r], Kapovidtos for 
KapoviXior, noXXia>i^ for IlcaXXiov, and 
rcov as second word (Weber confirms t6v). 

' Not observed by M. Legrand. 

' In Ephesus np C, R, consistefites are 
mentioned in the inscriptions; and 
Mommsen understands that the city 
was rich enough to do without the 

* Ti. Claudius Ti. F. 

° Mitteis Beichsrecht und VoUearecht 
p. 150 agrees with our view that the 
resident Romans were in accord and 
amity with the Apameans fp. 425). 


from the Apamean state^ and had to pay for their right ^j con3idering that 
the Jews before a.d. 70 had the right to choose their own archons and 
administer their internal affairs by their own laws, in spite of the strong 
desire of the cities to take the .right away from them^. 

What then does the inscription mean? It appears to me that the 
meaning, which the Greek words conveyed to me when I first read them, 
is the correct one. The five Romans hold a Greek office {iLp^avr€%), as 
the supreme board of magistrates (p. 441) in the city; and they mar^: 
the fact, that for the first time ^ in the history of the city the whole board 
has been composed of Romans, by this dedication to the Demos, amid 
which they hold office. Only in this way does it seem possible to 
account for a board of five Roman officials using Greek forms and 
language. The inscription n^krks an interesting period in the romaniza- 
tion of a Phrygian city. 

Schulten, in his excellent treatise de conventibus C. B. ^. 32, inclines 
to this view of this difficult inscr. The only difficulty is that the 
Apamean Italians are not found actually holding magistracies in no. 
298, 299, 305, though Apameia is called their palris, and they serve it 
in various ways (see p. 426). An exact parallel to no. 290 on this 
interpretation is found at Ephesos, where Mr. Hicks restores no. 517 
very plausibly as a dedication of the Metropolis Ephesos by [ol Kara ttjIv 
^AaCaif oIkov\vt€S 'Pwjutatoi], who presumably met in Ephesos as the Com- 
mune C, R in Phrygia met at Apameia, § 17. 

The spelling Act/icio; here (also no. 298) and Aovxio? in no. 305 is 
characteristic. M. Foucart considers that Aevicioy vHa gulre permie 
audelh du, regne iVAuguBte (BCH 1887 p. 93); but M. S. Reinach more 
correctly dates the change about the middle of the first century after 
Christ. See also no. 552 and Dittenberger Hermes VI 282 ff. 

291. (R. 1891). M. Berard BCH 1893 p. 305. Senate, Demos, and 
Romans honoured Sossia PoUa, ffpcotba, daughter of Q. Sossius Senecio, 
twice consul (99, 107), grand-daughter of Sextus Julius Frontinus, thrice 
consul (74, 98, 100), wife of Q. Roscius Pompeius Falco, proconsul of 
Asia (c. 128). Their son Q. Pompeius Sosius Prisons cos., and his 

^ M. S. Reinach remarked lea Apami- Jews of Asia could meet and present 

otea ne se seraient jamais permis cTagir common resolutions to a Roman go- 

atissi cavaliirement envera leur Rontains vernor, just as the Romans of Asia did 

(Chrxm, (TOrient), (see p. 426 note), 

' See Mommsen in Hiator, Zft, 1890 ' npa>Tc»s has a similar sense in the 

pp. 425 f and * the Archons of the Syna- inscr. published in Benndorf Ltfkia I 

gogue' in Expositor April 1894. The no. 51. 



daughter Sosia Falconilla^ are mentioned (OIL YIII 6066). Alexander^ 
son of Attains^ superintended this statue. 

%()2. M. B^rard BCH 1893 P- 3^^- Statue of Sossia Polla; Ai/aor?]- 
(ravTos Tov ivbpiairra iK t&v Ibiatv KXavblov MiOpibirov ipx^icpitas rrjs ^Acrlas 
KaOiiS iv r<p kolv^ fiovkCif t^ rrjs 'Acta; iv MiXijr^ vir^p rrjs iroTpiboi 
vTfifryjETo. In a meeting of the Koinon of Asia held in Miletos c. 
A.D. 128 Mithridates promised this statue on behalf of his city. The 
Senate and Demos ratified his promise in this inscription. Miletos was 
not hitherto known as a meeting-place of the Koinon^ see Monceaux de 
Camm, Asiae p. 38. 

293. CIO 3960. 6 d^/xo9 6 ^ kttoKkaiViaT&v r&v iiro 'PvvbdiKOV ireCfiriaev 
Tipdpiov KKavbiov Tt/Scptov vldv Kvp^lvq MiOpibdrriv apx^fpia ttjs *AaCas 
t6v iaxrrQv vpoaTirrjv koL €if€pyiTriv ktK., superintendent Xenon son of 
ApoUonius. The date is about 128 (no. 292). 

294, 295. (R. 1887). Mommsen UpA, Up, VII p. 437, Weber p. 45. 

17 PovXrj K[al 6 ^fios KOL 

[ H fiovXri Kai S^fios K(u ot 

ot] KaTOiKOv[yT€^ 'Pwftat- 

KarotKOvvrcs 'Pw/iotbt ^ci/xiy<rav] 

OL €T€ifirf<ra[v Tji^cptov 

Tt. KXavSiov Tt. KXavSiov [Mt^pt- 

KXavSiov Ti^c/9iov KAav- 

Sdrov vov Kvp€iv(jL ITctorctfi'a 

5 3tov UcarcDvof Mi^/x- 

5 MiOpiBaTiavoVy Upta 3ta fiCov 

Sariavov vov Kvp€LV(jL 

Atos KcXoti'cois, i<f>rfPap)(T^avTa 

Tpavuiyov, yvfivaxriap- 

Kol yvp.vaxriapxflO'avTa kclL dyopa- 

\ovvTa St' dyo/xua9 iK 

vop.rjo'avTa 3ta dyopcuas koI v^rco*- 

Twv iSifov T^ yXvKvrd' 

XqfUvov wrkp tov vlov KXavSiov 

10 Tiy irarpCSi Si\a tov wd- 

10 Tpaviavov yvpyaj(Tiap\iav St' dyo- 

pov TOV iK TOV hvjpxxrUA) 

paxaq iK ru)v tSaov St;(a rropov tov 

hthopxyov' TTjv &vdj(r~ 

Sij^ofjxvov iK tov htipjoaiov &qva» 

Toxriv iroirfo-afiivtav 

pCfoy /JLVpitav TTCvraK. )(€iXuov' 

€K TiJDV 101Q}V TdiV €V Tj; 

Tfjv dvaoToxriv votrfcafi^ytov 

15 %KVTiK^ nXarci^ T€;(V€t- 

15 iK Ttav tStcuv tQv €v tq "Skvtlk^ 


nXarcta Tc;(vctTa*v 

*ETrifi€\rj$€VT(ov Uawiov Ac 

tSo TOV Al8ov)(ov Kol Tvpdwov Mvra 


w "AvOov Kol TpvifHovoi Atoya '. 

^ I could not attain certainty about 
the name Albovxov. On a coin of Sio- 
charaz, the name ^tXiVicov AlKovxov is 
read (p. 633) ; but M. Doublet BCH 1893 

p. 304 confirms Albovxov in this in- 
scription. I read Actd.i with much 
hesitation, but M. Doublet's A«(da is 


The stemma with approximate dates (no. 292) is 
Ti. Claudius ? 

Ti. Claudius Mithridates natus c. 80 (no. 293). 

Ti. Claudius Piso Mithridatianus n. c, 105. 

Ti. Claudius Granianus n, c. 130. 

The different trades resided apparently in different streets of the city, 
e.g. here ff o-kvtik^ irXarcid. This ' Shoemaker Street ' is a guild with 
revenues of its own, erecting honorary statues at its own expense. In 
several other cities of Asia Minor a division according to trades instead 
of tribes is observed : in all cases the basis of the division is no doubt 
locals founded on the fact that special streets were appropriated to special 

The conventus {rj iyopaiosy cp. Act, Jpost. 19, 38, Strab. p. 629, procos, 
op. Joseph. Ant. XIV 10, 21) met at Apameia not oftener than every 
second year, probably more rarely (as was contemplated when Dion 
wrote), § 19. In the crowded city^ as described in § 19^ the expense of 
the Oynmasiarchate was increased (which proves that something was 
done for the comfort of the strangers who came). 

The name Mvras occurs no. 302 (Molras no. 78), and Albas at Julia- 
Gordos BCH 1884 p. 382 (M. Paris). 

The Zeus of the ancient city of Kelainai, beside Apameia, is known 
from coins with the legend Z€YC K€A€N€YC. The early Christian 
Churchy whose ruins are still seen on the summit of the citadel, has 
perhaps taken the place of the temple of Zeus (p. 513). 

296, 297. (R. 1890, 1 891). Hogarth and Headlam 1890. Mommsen 
from our copy in EpA. Ep. VII p. 436, M. B^rard BCH 1893 p. 308^, 
Weber p. 45. These two inscriptions are engraved side by side on a large 
blocks not on different faces (as M. B^rard wrongly says : M. Weber is 
right). A. 'H )3. Koi 6 5. kcX ol kqt. 'Pco/maioi irelfMrja-av Tipipiov K\avb[i,o^ 
TififpCov KKavbCov Il[€l<T(»i]vos MiOpibaTiavov vlov Kvp[E]ivq Fpaviavov, yv/m- 
vaaiapxovvTa bC iyopaCas iK r&v Ibiiav Tjj aefxvoraTri Trarplbi bCxa tov Tt6pov 
Tov Ik tov br}fxo(rlov bibopiivov brjvapCuiV pivpiayv ireirraKia^^iXloiV' rriv iviara- 
<nv iroLTja'apLivaiv iK tQv IbCoDv r&v iv rfj ScppiaCq FIAare^a. ^ETTipLfXTjOivrcav 
MipKOv MipKov TOV OvikkIov ^ koI AapLOL ^ApaaKiirrov Kai Tpvifxovos 'AAefciy- 
bpov T&v ivbpiivTcav. B. *H )3. koI 6 b, Koi ol KaT0iK0vvT€S 'Pco/xaloi iTfC- 

* M. B^rard has not observed the engraver for the proper Latin form, 
previous publication by Mommsen. Mapxov Ommdov MdpKov vlov (cp. no. 290, 

' This is perhaps an error of the Greek which is about a century earlier). 


lirj<ravTt,fi4pL0v Kkavbiov Tifieplov KXat^Cov MiOpibiTov vlov Kvp€lv(^ Ile^coi/a 
MiOpibariavivy Upia bia pCov Aid? Kekaiviios, yvixvaaiapxrja-avra bC iyopalas 
fcol iyopavofxrj(T(un-a bC iyopalas, Koi iff>r\Papxri<TavTa koX vTro(r)(6[jL€vov virip 
KXavblov rpaj^iavov rod vlov' yvfivaa-iapxCav bi iyopalas Ik t&v lbla>v, Kal 
Xapi,<rifi€VOV tjJ iroXci rbv if lOovs bMfievov xm avrris t<^ yvyLva<nap\c^vTi 
ir6pov brjvipia p.vpui ireirafcto-xc^ta, kcX rrj fiiv irpdrp k^a^rfivi^y iv fj Kal fj 
iySpaios rJxOrjy Oivra to fXaioVy virip bi t&v koiir&v fj[q]v&v if Sedcaicrfro 
KaOiiS fj irdkis rj^laxrev brfvipia fxtipia ii/oucto^eiXia, &aT€ TtpofmOivra kcX 
rovrov rhv itipov vols pvplois ttci/tokktxc tXfoiy bt\vaplois o'cSfccr t6kov bpax" 
lucuov €ls rb tC^v K0vpaT6pa>v iiri^^fiioi; rb Kara fros vtt' avrQv bi,b6fX€vov, 
&ar€ Tov XoiTTOV \p6vov fiqKiri cTx/cu Kovpiropas^ fca^Q>9 fj tt6\is i\lni(f>l(TaTo, 
bC oAov TOV alQvos. Trjv ivdaraauf iroirjo'afjL^Viov iK tQv Ibltav t&v iv Tjj 
&€pimlq UXarela, 

No. 294 and 296 were eng^ved during the gymnasiarchate of 
Granianus^ 295 and 297 after the father's gymnasiarchate : clearly all 
four were erected at the same time. The stone on which 296 f are 
engraved formed part of the epistyle of some buildings doubtless a Stoa^ 
as is proved by the lacunaria on its under side. Probably this stone^ 
along with 294 f^ was placed in the front of a stoa, which ran along 
one side of a street in Apameia ; the stone was exposed to view on the 
under side^ and must therefore have stood immediately over the supporting 
columns. The ceiling of the Stoa was cut in deep panels ; and it is not 
impossible that the paintings described in § 20 adorned the wall at the 
back. It is probable also that the Stoa was long^ and that many other 
inscriptions besides these were engraved in front of it : the situation is 
conspicuous and honourable ^ ; they must however have been so high that 
the man in the street could not read them^ but probably nobody ever read 
honorary inscriptions. 

There was another member above the block containing no. 296 f ^ as is 
shown by the dowel holes in its upper surface ; and perhaps the names of 
the persons honoured in the inscriptions below may have been cut in larger 
letters on the upper stone. 

Had Granianus filled any office in the state before he became Oymna- 
siarch, this would have been mentioned in the inscriptions : probably he 
was still under 25 at the time^ and, if the stemma no. 294 is dated nearly 
correctly, his gjnnnasiarchate was in a.d. 155. 

Some difficult questions with regard to the constitution of Apameia 
turn on no. 297. Mithridatianus ^ engaged that, if his son Granianus 

* fV ry ffVti^ayraTcSr^ r6irtf. They show that there was keen com- 

' Such promises made to secure elec- petition for municipal office in the 
tion to an office are often mentioned, middle of the second centuiy. 



were appointed Gymnasiarch^ he would not take advantage of the allow- 
ance of 15,000 denarii for expenses made to the Oymnasiarch by the state. 
For the first half of his son's office^ Mithridatianos gave oil to the citizens 
at his own expense^ and for the second half^ at the request of the city, he 
gave 19^000 den. to the city (instead of spending it on oil)^ so that the 
state thus gained 34^000 den. through his generosity. This capital sum 
yielded at 9 p. c. ^ 3060 den., which was to be devoted to the penalty 
(^TTiC^fAioi^) of the Curators. What^ then^ was the kitiCriixiov ? Mommsen, 
carrying out the theory from which we dissent (no. 290)^ understands 
that the penalty was paid by the Curators to the city Apameia '. This^ 
though the simplest construction of the Oreek words^ seems to me inac- 
ceptable. It seems too awkward to understand ds rb imCrjixiov ^ to enable 
the city to do without the penalty V It seems to me necessary to sup- 
pose that the interest went to make up the annual penalty. For some 
reason Apameia was burdened with the payment of an annual sum (^tti- 
&ifiiov) : a curator^ (or curators) was appointed by the emperor to control 
the revenue of the city^ but there was a provision that, if the state could 
devote a certain capital sum towards this annual burden^ curators should 
no longer be imposed on them, and the state should resume unfettered 
control of its own finances. 

The Apamean curators^ then, are officials of the same class which have 
been already described^ see p. 370. 

298. (R. 1891). Dikedji. 'H )3. k. 6 [6. k. ol] Kar. 'Pa)[/utatot] irfCfJiria-av 
AevKiov 'PovT€[Ckiov] A€VkIov vlov OieXti/a IIp6kXc[v] ivbpa Kokbv koI iyaOdv 
Crj(rav[ra] KoafiCuis Koi (r<»i<l>p6vu}s Koi ifi ircarrl Kaip^ irpos rriv vaTpCba <;(>iXo- 

The spelling AevKios indicates an early date^ no. 290 : so also does the 
assimilation ifx iravrL 

299. M. B^rard BCII 1893 p. 314. [fj fi. koI 6 8. Koi ol Kar,] 'Pco/uwlot 

^ Mommsen explains r6Kop dpaxpiaiov 
as interest of one dr. per month on 
100 den., i.e. 12 dr. (9 den.) per annum 
Eph, Ep. VII p. 439. 

' vfT* avrmu dMfjAVOv: (i) does this 
mean *paid by the curators* or *paid 
by the Apameans ' ? Grammatical ease 
suggests the former, but probably the 
latter was intended, avrcav being used 
for the idea latent in the sentence ; the 
city made the request to Mithridatianus, 
and the penalty was paid by the citizens 
to the curators. That ir6\t£ should be 

resumed by avrSnf is quite in accordance 
with the style of municipal deeds, and 
might be paralleled from even higher 
kinds of Greek. [It seems hardly allow- 
able to render, * devoted regularly by 
the Curators towards outlay due by the 
city' : this, if allowable, suits our theory 

' Schulten de Conventibus C. JR. p. 31 
makes the same criticism. 

* The use of the Latin term may at 
this period be taken as a proof that the 
office was Roman and imperial. 


iT€Cfiri<rav UpSKkop ^ Mavvrfiop UoirXCov 'Pco/uitAf^ 'Porfo-cai/a, i,yofj.4jrr}s irarSi}- 
fjLOV iKKkqaCas, Hvbpa iyaObv koI fi€yaX6<f)[po]pa bi,(a) re Tcis iK Ttpoy6vQiV 
avTov KoX ras Ihlas €ls r^v irarpCba avvKplrovs €V€py€(rCas, Opiy^avri, re tt\v 
7t6kiv iif bva-xfiTjoTois TToXkiKis KaipolSf Kol TTp^ixpeva'avTa irpds Tohs ^tfiaa^ 
Tovs Trepl T&v (Tvvff>€p6vT0iv TtpayixAroiv^ Koi i'niTv\6vTa ras irapa rQv dp- 
X^pioDV (f>i.Xobo<rCaSi [virip] T€ ttj^ ttoXccos iv iravrl [Kai,]p^ br^p.o(l>€k4(os^ 
y€v6[jL^vo]Vi Koi (rvvav^aavTa ras [brifi^pa-Covs TTpo<T6bovs ' ivaa[Tr}](rdvT(av 
rbv ivbpiivra t&v iirl rrj^ GcpfiaCas UkareCas ipyaarQv, vird iiriixikeiav 
^iffidvo^^s] Aiow(rCov Koi 'lovA. AovPaa-a-Cuivos ^, Kara Trjs irJAecos V^^io-fia. 

The name Manneius is not uncommon in Italian inscriptions. The 
family was probably settled at Apameia ; M. Manneius, named on coins 
of Livia Augusta, may perhaps be grandfather of P. Manneius Ruso ; 
cp. \' MkvvrJLos SEY^/505 rPA*TO«B on coins of Elagabalus. The 
inscr. seems not to be late in style; and the Augusti are perhaps 
Vespasian and Titus*. The embassy to the Emperors is perhaps con- 
nected with the next item, the liberality of the Archiereis. The latter is 
a difficult, and perhaps unique expression : the Archiereis are implied to 
be a body possessing control over money, and making, on the request of 
Manneius^ a grant to Apameia ; M. B^rard is clearly right that they are 
'Apx'^P^^J ^y 'Acr^as. We must, therefore, understand that there was 
a Coimcil of High-priests of Asia, controlling funds belonging to the 
Koinon, and empowered to make grants to Asian cities ^. This Council 
of Archiereis must be distinguished, probably, from the general meeting 
of the KoinoUy at which representatives of the cities (sitting in an order 
of precedence p. 429) were present. The Council of Archiereis or Asiarchs 
must be alluded to in Acts XIX 31, where it is implied to be assembled 
in Ephesus ; but there is no evidence whether it always met in the capital 
of Asia or alternately in the great cities. A grant from this Council 
could hardly be for any purpose outside of the Imperial cultus : probably, 
therefore, Apameia was proposing to erect a temple to the Emperor (if 
our dating is correct, the Flavian Emperors). Manneius obtained the 
consent of the Emperors and a grant from the Archiereis. If this theory 
is right, the priest of the new temple is mentioned in no. 30 j. 

^ As the Roman nomenclature is ^ noW6xi,s cV bvaxp* KoipoTs perhaps 

otherwise correct, this is probably an points to the third century, § 19; but 

error for UdnXiop: perhaps the en- the tribe would hardly be mentioned 

graver's copy had TT., which he expanded then, 

wrongly. ' The income of the Koinon was 

' Another engraver's error : bTjfio<f>€\TJ managed by an Argyrotamias Asiae no. 

and drjfMo(f>f\&s were both in his mind. 345, probably in the way described no. 

' Perhaps an engraver's error for 549. 
*IovX tov Bouro'tttvor. 

VOL. I. PT. II. I 


Manneius^ an Italian^ not an Apamean Roman, has not engaged in the 
ordinary service of the Apamean city. Probably he was often in Rome, 
and therefore no stress is laid on his undertaking the embassy at his own 
expense, as is the ease with L. Atilius Proclus^ a resident no. 305. 

300. (R. 1 891). M. Doublet BCH 1893 p. 303 with differences, fi p, 
Ki 6 5. fc^ ol fcar. 'Pco/uiaioi ireCfxria-av reus ipCarais reifiai; M. Avp. 'Ap^orcoi/a 
EvKXiavbv ^ ivbpa iyaOdv Koi iK itpoyovmv eifffyyirqv y€v6p.€V0v r^s irarptbos 
K^ iv vaai brjfioa(l)€\rj Kk Ophfravra rriv ir6\iv Iv bva-xprjarois * Katpots crefrov 
T€ ff[p(t]<rci^ Kol rfj Xoiirfj evvoCt^ yjpr)(TiiJL€Vov WtoAc^irrcos *, <rrparriYq<FavTa 
y * hyvm^ &y(»ivo6€Trj(ravTa <pi\oT€CfX(»)S, €lprivap\rj(ravra Kocr/ifco;, ipyvpora" 
fAievaavra iria-Tm, k€ iirl rrj irpoaipiati tov filov iTtaiv€6ivT(u 

M. Aur. Ariston Euklianos is clearly an Apamean Greek, who either 
inherited or himself acquired the dvitas. He probably belongs to the 
early third century. 

On a€iT(ovCa p. 70. The repeated reference to times of need (no. 299) 
points perhaps to the disorganization of the third century (p. 431). The 
supreme board, arparriyoC, comes first among the magistracies proper. 
ipyvporapiCas no. 281, €lprivap\Ca p. 68. 

301. (R. 1888). fj fi, fcal 6 b. Koi ol fcar. *Pa)fAatoi ir€lyLr\(rav 'lovA. 
Alyvv rbv KpdrKrrov nil • €V€pyiTrjv ttjs iroXeo)? iTTipLtkrjOivros rrjs ivaario'ctas 
M. Alk, ^epyC(i, * AiroXkivapCov ypafjifxariais tov brffxov, 

M. Aelius ApoUinarius is mentioned on a coin of the elder Faustina ab. 
140 A.D., where M. Imhoof-Blumer GM p. 205 reads €01 M ? TT • AIA • 
ATTOAAINAPIOY, but his reading must probably be corfected from 
another coin published by the Prince of Saxe-Coburg with the reading 
€niM- M . AIA • AOOAAINAPIOY^. We may probably infer that 
€niM€AT;^€Wo9 on the coin does not refer to his holding an office styled 
iTnix€XrjTrJ9, but to his superintending some work at the order of the 
senate, whose name and effigy appear on obverse. He is called M • AIA • 
KPA(r^oTov, monogram) ITlTriicoi} ACldpxov on an aufon, coin in Br. Mus. 
See no. 304. 

Julius Ligys was an equestrian primipilariuSy if we are right in taking 
nn in that sense. This would suggest that the inscr. is of the third 
century, when the centurionship was the first grade of equestrian service, 
and the primipihtus formed a step towards the procuratorial office. 

* lE.vKKaicivhv in BCH * peut-§tre EincXa- ' BCH in place of y (thrice acting as 
biav6sj of. Pape : EuieXadioff.* strategoa) reads an otiose f. 

« AY[:XEP[:inBCH,withtheneeded • Rev, Numism. 1892 p. 82. He read 

correction in transcript. €01 • M • M A I A, but the photographic 

' T€ iiT[}bo](T€i in BCH. reproduction Bbows a stop after the 

* AEITGJC in BCH. second M. 


302. (R. 1887). 'O 5. KcX ol KQT, *Pft)/xatot h€lfiri<rav Mvrav AiokX^ov; 
Up4a 'Pctf/xTj; Koi ypaynxaTia bifjfJLov yvfivcurLapxria'avTa KaX&s Koi ^iAo5((fa>9. 

A priesthood of Rome simply is rarely found after the early times of 
the empire : afterwards it was usual for the provincials to address their 
worship to the Emperors personally. Mutas^ son of Diokles^ cannot 
therefore be identical with Mutas^ father of Tyrannos, in no. 294 
(see no. 199). 

303. CIG 3960 b, 'A/orfis ^ApT€fX(Z(ipov fi€T& Triaas ipxas Koi XtTovp- 
ylas Koi to, Ipya iv t<^ orodty (reXibiav bvo N AC • • • N ^ rdi; ivbptdvra rfrj] 
UporiTji (sic I) iT\aT[(^' iinfi^XrjOivTcov ttj[s] ivaaria-coi^ M€V€KXiovs lLlpa6' 

kXoV * TOV *ApT€fllb<ipOV KoX M€V€K\ioVS TpV^ODVOS T&V iLV^yjfl^&V aVTOV. 

iv^ylfiSs is used in the later sense of nepAew, as appears from the 




Alias Proklofl Tryphon 

I I 

Menekles Menekles 

Probably (rckCboav is an error of copyist or engraver for yjf^kCbcav, The 
Pselides are explained by Waddington 1586 as the vomitoria, the arched 
passages by which spectators entered or left the theatre and the stadium. 
The form yjraXk is regularly used in literature* 

Perhaps^ as is suggested in CIO 3960 d, the Platea bore the name 
HierfttatS; but the possibility must be left open that this inscription 
stood in a street, whose name is not mentioned, being obvious to the 
spectator^ the adj. being used as in UpiaTarrj fiovXi/j. 

304. M. B^rard BCH 1893 P* 3^9> restores differently. [Karci rh 5<5y- 
fi]a[r]a rrjs po\^\rJ9] 6 XafiTrporaTos brjpLOS iT[€Cfi}q(rav tovs evyevtardrovs [koI] 
i^LoXoyoorirov^ vlovs [Ilp?]oKXiavov Tpv(l>(ovos [iLp\i]€pia)s Ka[\] AJX[t]ai{^s] 
• Prj[y]€(i{7y5 ^A](rlas ipxifpimv^ iyy6vo[v]s ^ ttjs iLp[xi€p]€Crj9(?)y M. Avp. ^Avrdviov 
Tpv(f><$>vos ['PT/yjctvor Koi M. A[xji]p, ^Avrdviov 'I[pv(l)oDVLav]dv ^AiroWivipiov. 
The text is very uncertain, as here restored ; and two lines remain in which 
the copy is unintelligible. I restore on the supposition that Tryphon and 
his wife were high-priest and high-priestess of Asia^ as is customary ; 
bat the wife's second name is doubtful. She was the second wife of 
Proklianos, see no. 334. M. B^rard saw that no. 304 and 334 mention 
the same person, and his observation is confirmed by the restoration of 
the wife's name in our text. 

^ Perhaps dv€[0TjKf]v, supposing the ^ Probably Up6KKov, 
copyist has transposed A and N. ' Cp. t/yopop apxntpi^p no. 306. 

I % 


Aeliana Regina belonged to the family of M. Aelios ApoUinarios no. 
301 ; for her second son was called Apollinarios ^. Her eldest son formed 
one of her names into a cognomen^ and her second son revived a cognomen 
of her family. 

A person named Aelios Tryphon, thrice Asiarch^ is mentioned a. d. 
247-8 in no. 312 ; and the same person occurs on a coin of Gallienus 
€ni • TPY(j>[Xl]NOC A.D. 253-68. His name shows that he belonged to 
the family of Proklianos Tryphon and Aeliana R^ina; but he is 
evidently not the same as either of the two sons here mentioned. He 
may have been either a grandson or a third son ; and in the latter case 
all three sons took cognmnina from the mother's &mily. 

The stemma may be conjecturally restored 

M. Aelius Apollinarius epim. c. 140 (na 301). 

[Procla?] = [Antonius Tryphon ?«] [Aelius Apollinarius?] == [Regina?] 

natus 0. 140 

Proclianus Tryphon = Aeliana Regina 

n. c. 165 

naia 0. 165 

M. Aur. Antonius M. Aur. Antonius Aelius Tryphon 

Reginus n. c. 190 Tryphonius Apollinarius n. c. aoo ter Asiarcha ante 247 

305. (R. 1891). MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 1893 p. 247. 
0[l r]4povT€s iTifirja-av AoiUkiov ^Arlkiov AovkCov vldv HaXarCvq, np6KXc[v 
V€(ir€pov, Up4a t&v a-epaar&v^ fpikoyipovTa koX (f)i\6TraTpiv, 'np^c^^vcavTa 
Tspbs Tovs (T€fia<n'ev9 b(iDp€^ ^ VTr€p T<av eZs ttiv ktCo-iv bia(f)€p6vT(aVy Iv T€ rats 
Xowrais r^s TroAewy koL rrj^ yepovalas )(j>€Cais hyv&s koI bLKaC(as iK Trpoy6vaiv 
iroXiT€v6iX€VOVy crvvrjyopov rrjs yfpovaCas. 

L. Atilius L. F. Pal. Proclus was son of the L. Atilius mentioned in 
no. 290. It is not possible to identify them^ both because this one is 
distinguished as v^dr^pos, and because the spelling (AoHkio^^ but AevKios 
290, 298) shows that this inscription is later. The change probably 
occurred in the middle of the first century. Hence the Augusti here are 
probably Vespasian and Titus. Between 70 and 79 a. d. Atilius, being 
then an elderly man, and a member of the Gerousia, acted as envoy to 
Rome on some matter connected with ' the foundation ' (obviously of the 

* The practice was widespread that In the eastern provinces examples occur, 

the second son took as cognomen either as here, where all the children share in 

the gentilidum or a cognomen of his the names of both parents, 

mother s family ; and we have seen ' Antonius seems needed in order to 

already p. 289 a case in which a child introduce the name, 

revived a name belongingto the mother^s ' bi»)pfa\y\ BCH against the epigraphic 

family but not actually borne by her. text. 


Gerousia)^, giving his services at his own expense. The Gerousia of 
Apameia^ then, was founded 70-79 a. d., which represents an important 
stage in the hellenization of this Phrygian city ^ : I assume that Krlaa 
here may be pressed in the sense of the founding of the Gerousia, for 
if some refoundation or rebuilding after the earthquake of a.d. 53 (p. 431) 
had been meant, it would have been more clearly defined ^. L. Atilius 
Proclus, whose name is purely Italian, belonged to a family that was 
settled for some generations at Apameia, which is his irarpls. He, like 
his ancestors, performed his duty as a citizen *, whenever either the city 
or the Gerousia had need of him ; but he had apparently not held any 
magistracy. The interpretation of no. 290, therefore, as indicating that 
his &ther had served on the supreme board of magistrates (crvvap\Ca) in 
45-6, is in general agreement with what is here recorded of the son, 
though it goes beyond what is recorded. 

The avvriyopos was a ' itorte d' amhaniadeur chargS i oiler dSfendre au de^ 
hor9 le% inter els de la corporation^ (L^vy B,ev, tit. Gr. 1895 p. 249).- 

Ambassadors were sent by Asian cities to the Emperors, sometimes on 
municipal business (cp. no. 299, perh. 138), but often on formal and 
complimentary duties, such as on the occasion of important events joyous 
or sad in the life of the emperors : cp. the condolence of the Coroneans 
to Pius on the death of Hadrian, BCH 1881 p. 455, the congratulation 
of the Aczanitae to Septimius on the elevation of Caracalla to the rank of 
Caesar (LW 874). The Emperor s rescript often contains a permission 
to pay the ambassador's expenses {i<f>6hiov)y ^ provided he did not promise 
his services free' (BCH i88x p. 454). 

A singular proof of municipal vanity is the embassy to inform the 
emperor of the liberal conduct of Sempronius Clemens to his native city 
Stratonikaia «, BCH 1888 p. 96. 

306. (R. 1888). Hogarth's copy, 1887, was compared by me with the 
stone ; and the archon's name, though much defaced, seemed clearly not 
to be <l>oj{T]aj/ov. A text differing in many respects is published by 
M. Doublet BCH 1893 p. 301. [rh (T{^vSj\a\T\(^v <rvv4bpLo]v rQv y€piS[v' 

^ It eannot be maintained that the ' It is of course impossible to take 

KTi<ns is the foundation of the temple icriais in the sense of Kritrfia, ' the insti- 

of the Sebastoi : it must be connected tntion ' : it must mean ' the act of 

with the donors, the Gerontcs. See founding.' 

M. L^vy Rev, £t. Gr, 1895 P« 241. * iro\ir€v6fitvov is emphatic. See no. 

' The Ge rousia of Sebaste was founded 290 and pp. 425 f. 

99 A.D. (no. 475), that of Sidyma not " Other Stratonicean embassies BCH 

until the time of Commodus (Benndorf 1887 pp. 155 f, LW 525, CIG 2719, 2721. 
Lykia I pp. 71 f). 


r\»)V [Tt)3j^pioi; AlAioi; 2)a[ro]vpv(ri{o]v Ma/)€4[vta]i^oi; Tbv l^iov [icrj^onyi;, 
iyyovov ip\i€pi<av, Kai inrariK&v <rvvy[€v]rj, iTniX€\ri6€VTos Ttjs di^oordo'ea); 
MipKOV <Pc[p]Piavov ip\oirros tQv y€p6imav ^. ^oi^iavos for ^dji^iavos is 
perhaps the true text ; the upper part of the letter is destroyed. 

Ti. Aelius Satuminus Marinianus probably belonged to an Italian 
resident^ not a Greek, family. He had done some benefit to the Gerousia^ 
and therefore ranks as kiUies. 

The elaborate title given to the Gerousia here is probably later than 
the simple title ol yipovr^s in no. 305. The title ' archon of the Gerontes ' 
is unusual. The president^ here lLp\<av ^, is perhaps to be identified with 
the Trpooriny? elsewhere'. On the nature of the Gerousia see pp. 110, 
438, M. L6vy Rev, £t Gr. 1895 pp. 231 fE. The oflSce of the Gerousia 
most frequently mentioned is the ypapLfxaTvis* 

307. (R. 1891). [riXov ^kvritmov TcDJiov vlbv Ovirtpa [t6v kaxrr&v^ 
biKaioTa ?]tov iraTp&va [Mi^<r^^tAos • 'ArrdjAov koX ^CkiaKos koI [AiokX^s 
AioKk]4ovs MrjTpoito\lT[ai]. [C. Anti8]tium C. P. Veterem [Mnesi ?]philus 
A[tt]ali F. et [Phili]scus et Dioel[es] Dioeli F. [Met]ropolita[e]. .. . . 

Three natives of Metropolis place this inscription in Apameia (as the 
meeting-place of the conventm, Pliny V 106) to a Roman official. Vetus 
was a cognomen of the gens Antistia ; though the restoration Antistius 
must remain uncertain. Consuls C. Antistius Yetus are known in 
B.C. 30, 6, A.D. 23, 50, 96, and L. Antistius Vetus a.d. 55. This inscr. 
can hardly be placed later than the first century. See no. 329. 

308. (Hogarth-Headlam 1890). M. Berard BCH 1893 p. 320. Aip. 
*Aftfa Av^dvovros to her husband Aur. Auxanon : fine payable to tameion*. 
Auxanon and Amia are very common names : cp. 312^ 320. 

309. (R. 1881). 'Att^^o TlaTrlov pirJTr^p 'H(n;x<j> iviropiipxri T^xry Kal 
alavrrj iitotqa-c t6 fip^ov iK t&v IbioDV, aTTovhaaivruiv Kk tQv avvpKOT&v k^ 

The avfxfiioDTaC were the members of a avp-pCiacri^, an association of 

* M. Doublet omits (rtyLvirarov, reads ' Miletos CIG 2881, Prousa LW 11 12, 

[TiV]©!^ for [Ti/3]epioi^, 2a[To]pi^€tX[io]i', Ancyra (Mordtmann Marm. Anc. p. 

reads ^ouiavov (nom inconnu, peut-Stre 16). 

alt^re), and omits much of the relation- * Tentative restoration to show length 

ship of Marinianus. of lacuna. 

' apx<ov at Sinope CIG 4157, three at " The first half of the name is un- 

Erythrai LW 53 and at Tralleis BCH certain. 

X 517, ap(a£ rov irptafivnKov at Chios • The last line mentioning the fine is 

CIG 2220, 2221. tacitly omitted by M. Berard. 


IfiTTopoi, the head of which was Hesychos, son of Apphia (see pp. 105, 
441). airovbiC^iv op, no. 60, CIG 9898. 

M. Foueart, Assoc. Relig, p. 113, appears to consider <n;/utj3i(o<rets as 
purely religious associations; but probably they were usually trades 
associated in the worship of a deity. They are most commonly found 
in Lydia^ the country of trade and trading societies § 12. The old 
Lydian name seems to have been hovixos (grecized as crviip. or avv^pyaa-Ca 
or ipy.) LW 668, 667 (CIG 3439, 3438). A avfip, tQv xakKioav CIG 3639 
(Ilium) ; cp. 3304 (Smyrna), 3540 (Pergamos), 2339 b (Teos). Societies 
of porters ^Aa-KXrjinaaraC and of iv^irai Kopris iMvarai, at Smyrna belong 
to the same general category [Amer. Journ, Arch. I p. 140, Alh, Mitt A. 
1889 p. 95). See the list of trade-guilds given by Oehler in Eranos 
Findob. p. 276; some of them, from their names, were united in the 
worship of some god, and we must suppose that all were so united. 

310. (R. 1882, 1891). Avpi\, ^AprifKav bis EvKapircvs oIk&v iv *A7ra- 
lielq. C^v iTSob](T€v rd fjpf^v iavT<^ Koi rrj yvvaiKl fJLc[v] Koi toIs riKVois airov 

Artemon, a citizen of Eukarpia, had settled as an incola at Apameia. 

311. M. B^rard BCH 1893 p. 321. D.M. M. Aur. Athenio vete- 
ranus ex leg. IV Fl(avia), ex-b(eneficiarius), sibi vivos et coniugi suae 
Aur. Ammiae sarcofagum posuit in aram quam ipse construxit, in quo 
iam positus est filius eorum ; alter enim non ponetur in eum [nijsi ipse 
con coniugi sua ; si quis atferitaverit ^, inferet poenae nomi[ne] den. duo 

Legio rV Flavia was formed in 71, styled Felix by Hadrian. It was 
stationed in Moesia. 

Athenio was proud of his citizenship and his Latin, but had learned 
the language imperfectly. 

312. (R. 1887). "Etovs rk^. ToOro to fip^ov itrriv kv^avovros rov koX 
^EXkahloVy TTpayfiaTevTOv Al\, Tpv<l>(avos ^A<n(ip\ov rpCs, h iirolr^atv fwv lavrcS 
Tc Kol Tjj yvvaiKl avTov 'ATrdftj; Koi Tjj firjTpl airris 'Aftftt[^]* d hi iTnrqb€V<T€L 
tT€pos V€Kp6v iv0db€ Oiyjfaif b(i(T€i els rdv (fylaKOv brjvipLa ^elkiay k€ x<^p'^? 
Toiroiv rifjf O^hv] * K€yo\fayiivov [^fet], C^p.€v. 

Aelius Tryphon, here mentioned as thrice Asiarch in a.d. 247-8, is 
probably the same person that is named on a coin of Gallienus (253-68) 
with legend €ni TPY(j>[Xl]NOC (type Zeus Nikephoros, Imhoof GM 
p. 206) ; and he was related to Proclianus Tryphon no. 304 and 334. 

On the curse at the end see Zingerle Philol, 1894 p. 344, Cumont 
p. 51, Sterrett E. J. no. 211 (cxot, which was perhaps used hexye). The 

^ Indicated as doubtful in copy. ' rhv Wiva Cumont. 


name 6^6v was not engraved on the stone, being omitted bj an engraver's 
error^ as I saw on re-examination in 1891. Perhaps Chr., pp. 498 ff. 

C^yi^v : when the body of the inscription does not expressly mention 
that the persons who have prepared the tomb are still living and are 
therefore masters and legal owners of it, a statement to that effect is 
often added. So we find d^yi^v added later and in different lettering from 
the main inscription at lasos (BCH 1889 p. 36): ^ and d^ai occur in 
the same sense, e.g. in the musical inscr. of Seikilos : xaip^^ C^, twice 
BCH 1884 p. 443. 

313. (R. 1881, 1888). irov^ TKl/f ii(rivbs) r( y k, Avp. rd'Co9 Zwo'i/jwu to 
my wife Aur. Tatiane : fine payable to tameion 500 den. a.d. 240. 

314. (R. 1 891). Dikeji. "Etovj tkti, fi(r]vhi) 5' rj\ Avpl^AiOi Aifias Ki 
'M€V€KpiTris Kk 'AptoTa>[y] 'Ep/x^inr^ irarpl povkevrrf koI dcKaTr/xircp 'A7raft[^a)]y. 
A.D. 244. On h€KiTrp(DTos pp. 63, 437. 

315. (R. 1 88 1, 1888). Ai,6<l>avTos TXvKfavos iiroCriatv rd fxvripLclov ^avrcp 
Koi rrj yvvaiKi avrov 'lovorfXp koI et rivi crwx^P^^^^* '"f? ^'^^ ^^^ afftaroy 
avrov* cl bi rty iT€pos ^TTinySctJo-ci, 0rj<r€i U rd ra/xeior brjv, jol. Jewish 
origin may be suspected, no. 394. 

316. (R. 1888). CIG 396a c. Avp. *ETrdya0o9 'i2<^cXfou Av^Jlvovtos 
tTToCr](ra rd ffp^ov ifiaxrrf^ Koi rri yvvaiKl fjLOV koX roi9 t^kvols' Is 6 Irtpos ov 
TiSfj ^? €l bi ri (I) iiriTTibevaei, Orja-i Is to rafiiov briv. <f>\ 

317. (R. 1888). CIG 3962 d, *E(l>€(rCa Kar€[crK€iJa<rc] rd fjpi^ov kawlff 
Koi] r<j) ivbpl AlK. 'AAK[^r^ k^] toXs t4kvois' [els h It^^os ov reOrj ' el 5' [o5i^, 
6ri<Ti\ els Tov <f>i(TKov 8t|I'.['] Evypaffa \€pe Koi fxrj ^/x)i{Tife] ^. 

Perhaps reOrj, intended as a warning form in bad Phrygian Greek, 
should be read here, no. 316, 391, 395, 399 bis. Eugraphis is the pet 
name of Alketas. The ethnic Ephesia has here become a personal name. 

318. (R. 1 891). Dikeji: Avp, Zdaifxos Arj^rjrplov fwi; iitorjcra to ffp^v 
ilJLavT<^ Kol TJj yvvaLKl TaTiq Ke r<^ v^ ZaxTt/mo) k€ ry OpeiTT^ Av^ivovrt, p.,\. 
Over the inscr. are two busts. The relief does not correspond to the 
inscr., but this is very common and arises from gravestones being 
purchased with reliefs ready cut : sometimes there is utter discrepancy, 
e.g. Reinach Biblioth. des Mon. Figures I p. 114 and pi. 130, 2 III p. xv, 
Kaibel Eja. e Lapp. no. 133. 

' Probably ox^btXt] rt6i][(r€r€\ was in- no. 317, 391, 395, 399. 

tended, and the engraver omitted C€T€ 'Hamilton reads <t>PONT, while 

before €1 A€ (as he has engraved Tl€ I have 4)P0NI : the stone has suflfered 

for TIC6); but ov r^dri is certain in since Hamilton copied it. 


319. M. B^rard BCH 1893 p. 319 with different restoration. [6\ 
Avpfqklov Zaxrlfiov TtpayyLOTtVT^s, iiroitfa-a rd i^Kobofxr^rov koI rbv Prnfidv 
riKVi^ \pv<r4p<aTi aidpt^ ii,.\. At Aizanoi the same description of the 
tomb occurs (Wadd. 921) : it probably implies a similar monument to 
those at Eumeneia p. 367. aimpos is probably a local Phrygian pronun- 
ciation of a(t)po9 ; it occurs also in no. 670. Another steward of a wealthy 
Apamean no. 312. 

320. M. B^rard BCH 1893 p. 320 (omitting wife's name). 

Aur. Zosimos to his wife Pe[ljag[ia] : fine payable to tameion den. 500. 

321. (B. 1888). Avp, &€ob(ipa ^i\abi\(l>ov iirolriaa rd ffpi^ov ipLavrrj 
Koi r^ avbpC fiov Aip, AiKa^cp Koi rols t4kvois [moV els h irepos ov T€6rj(r€Tai' 
65 b* hv iinx€ipi^(r€i, iin(f€V€VK€(i)v nvd, 0rja€i cly rd Updrarov Tafi€iov 'Am- 
Kcty (f/, ^Eyhero Itovs tkC, firj^phs) /, t'. A.D. 243. 

The fine is payable in Attic drachmae, as at Thyatira BCH 1887 p. 481 
and in the neighbouring parts of Lydia ib. 397. The names are sugges- 
tive of Chr. origin. 

322. (R. 1882, 1890). Dikeji: letters faint and worn. KA. *'TAas 
i7roCrj(ra rd i\p^oif ipuxxrri^ k€ tjI yXvKvrdrp crvvfil^ fxov ^AypiinrCvri rJTis, 
icar(a)(rTpa<^[^]s (I) Tyxovaa, avvr6pLa)s l\v(r€ rbv [yjifxov ^' irQv y{o)p ovbi 

Tpl&V GVj{€]fila)[(Ty fAOl XP^^^l^] » "^^ ^^ '^^'"^ 6KT<ai^€]b€Ka€TrjS iv6ib€ • €h 

Tovro rd flf{fpov iT€pos ov Ta(l)ria€T€ ' hs [8' hv] KaKOVpyoas iiTipovKevalri T<p] 
rJTTcp, rafi((p bdai brfv. ^'. 

Agrippina was married at the age of 15 to [Ti. ?] Claudius Hylas; 
and in the third year of her married life she died suddenly. KaTaaTpo<f>ri 
(read by Hogarth very ingeniously *) is common in the sense of death. 
l\v(r€s (fyios (on the analogy of piov kij€iv) at Cyzicos Ati. Mitt A. 1881 
p. 129. 

323. (R. 1888). 'Ap. Koa[}jL(a r<p ivbpl K]al ifiavrfj [iiroCria-fv 

€l] bi us (T€pos ^mTryScvcrct T€0rj[vai^ $rj]a€i, Is rdv <f>i(TKov 6rji;. if>, \tov\tov 
iiVTlypa(f>ov aiter^Ori Is r]d iipyjElov' Itovs (rori\ ixr)(vds) )3', a'. A.D. 1 93. 
The abbreviation 'Ap. also in no. 332. 

324. (R. 1891). [ ] AoifKios np[ct/utov?] Kol 'A<^^fa Aibi[fxov CQv]r€s 

[iTroCrjaav] rbv piapibv K[al riiv iirl] airrov aopbv' [els h lrc]po9 ov T€6r^<r€Tai, 

It€i] Tlb\ A. D. 229-230. 

325. (R. 1888). Bev. jSt. Gr. 1889 p. 35. Aur. Mordios to his wife 
Artemonis : fine to tameion 500 den. 

* M^hov JGCAnderson. « K Al;PACTPA<t>EC in our copy. 


Mordios as a personal name seems to occur only here : it is connected 
with Mordiaion^ the old name of ApoUonia Pisidiae. Morzios and 
Morzeos^ which are found in Asia Minor, are variants of Mordios ; cf . 
Nazianzos and Nadiandos (Philostorg. HM, Eccles, YIII ii)^ ZiCifiripifi 
and Aivbvfirivri as epithets of Cybele (Hist, Geogr. p. 227 n^ Ath, Mitth. 
1888 p. 237). 

326. (R. 1 891), M. B^rard in BCH 1893 P- 3^°- AvpryX^a Nwa to 
mother Satoumina and brother Auxanon : fine payable to tameion 
500 den. 

327. (Hogarth- Headlam 1890). M. B^rard BCH 1893 p. 320. 
Xenon to his father Graios. 

328. (R. 1888). CIL III 7055 1. L. Fario L. F. Fab. Maximo L. 
Farius L. F. Fab. Maximum pater (ceniurio) leg{ionui) FII Cl(audiae). 

This inscription must be later than 42 when legio YII received from 
Claudius the titles Claudia Pia Fidelia, The legion was stationed in 
Moesia from 71 onwards. Yarius Maximus was probably detached on 
some special duty and stationed at Apameia^ perhaps to be at the orders 
of the fiscal officials. 

329. (R. 1888). CIL III 367, 7056, omitting the Greek text (which 
At. puts on the wrong side). (A ) [OvdKipios 'lovXtovds 'lovXioi; Tpv xal 
[Rao-o-^ KovapTtiva fj yvvri airo^u (&i{t€S koI (fypovovirres ^avrots] iitolria-av 

[rd Tjp(^ov KoX KoX] TTiv KaTi[yaiov KOfiipav €]ls fjv f[T€pos oif TcOrfcreTai' 

i]av hi ris ^T€pov irTQfia €l(r€vivKTi^] 6rj(r€i Is [rbv KaCaapos (f>C(rKOV brjv. (f>'. 
iypiii^r] lr]€t cn/e'. 

(B) D.M. CasJtiaM, [F.] Quartina vi[an]t annosTiXY. Falerius Jul[VflnM 
(centurio) Leg. YII CI. coiu[gi\, H(ic) 9{ita) e{st). 

The Latin inscription is the work of an uneducated person, who could 
not use the formulae correctly; and the letters are rudely eng^ved. 
The letter F was omitted by the engraver in the first line ; and parts 
of vixit and Julianus were omitted. In bilingual inscr. the Latin gene- 
rally comes first ; another exception occurs no. 307. 

Here again as in no. 328 we have a centurion detached from legio YII 
and residing with his family at Apameia. 

This bilingual inscription was engraved on two blocks of limestone in 
the wall of a heroon. The Greek inscription was engraved in long lines 
extending over one stone and encroaching on the next« It is dated 
A.D. 170-1, and was composed when husband and wife were both living ; 

Less correctly CIL III 366. 


owing to the loss of the left-hand stone the names are uncertain. I have 
restored it approximately on the supposition that the Latin inscription 
was composed by the husband after his wife died, and was placed along- 
side of the older joint inscription : this seems probable from the arrange- 
ment on the stone, which seems to mark the two texts as companions. 
The date a.d. i 70-1 71 is an important adUition. 

330. (R. 1890). C. Vennonio C. L. Eroti heredes ex testamento. Tal(^ 
Ov€vv(avC(j^ "EpoDTi KKr]pov6\ijoi Kara biaOrJKrjv. 

Eros was freedman of a resident Italian. 

331. (R. 1891). Avp. IlaTtiai^ri] JJairCov [icare<rKct;a<r€]v Td flp<^o]^ 
ipLavTji [koI] t<^ ivbpC fAov ZcoriK^ [koI] tois riKvois fifi&v ' e2 bi ris &AA.09 
^irirrySciJcrt, Orjai h t6 rafuov {br}vipia) (f)\ 

33a. (Hogarth-Headlam 1890). Dikeji. A?, Uoktfxp^iVios] n^ ykvKV- 
rdrcp [vly] FIoAvxpov/iip T[dv] ^(Ofihv fi}<ram I[t?j] 6' Kai fiyiipas TTVSEINAIAY; 
JANE AIACTO h$ V hv aKvkfi bda^i r<p [UpidTirif^ ra^^l^ \br\v.f See 
no. 661. 

333. (Hogarth 1890). ri b^iva iaT7j]ir€ ^airrjj Koi T<p ivbpl [avTTJs 
UpeCixi^ IIpc^o ?]t; ^, ipx^s re TCTeXex^rt iria-as Kai \x]p€0<f>vXaKria[av]Ti xal 
iyopavoix'fiaaarn, ypa[ikp.aT€v<Tavri\ ipytTTLoraTrjaavrif Kai Uavikkrivi y€V0' 

On the xP^<M>(l>v\a^ see p. 368. Primus has been a member of the 
Panhellenic Council instituted at Athens by Hadrian see p. 430. 

334. (R. 1 881). BCH 1883 p. 308. [n]poK\iavbs Tpv<f)(av to my wife 
Cecillia Ammia, with permission to a later wife Ailiane to be buried : 
fine payable to tameian 2,500 den. 

Proklianos and his second wife are mentioned no. 304. 

335. MM. Legrand and Chamonard in BCH 1893 p. 249. kvp. 
^evrjpa. to my son Apollonides : fine to tameion 500 den. 

336. (R. 1888). H^v. £l Gr. 1889 p. 35. 

A. Avpi]Xla Tara tf Kai EvrvxW 'AfrciAcp ivbpi ^k(k) tQv Ibuav KaT^aKCva- 
a€V t6 fjp^Vy [c7r]l h'^ Kai avTri T€6ri<T€Tai, i\6vT(av i^ovaCav fioi Kk tQv 
TiKV<av' lb* [?]T[e]pos * ^Trtnydevcrt, drjci U rd rafiiov brjv. (f/. (i5' for €lb\) 

B. "Ert Tp€aK0(n6<rT<f^ WftTrrcp Avp. Tira KareOifirjv Avp. *A(l>(l>iavbv rbv 
v6v fxov iyvvaiov Kai &T€kvov (a.D. 220-22 1). 

^ The father*s name is uncertain. 

' This reading is necessary, not ctV 5 : the letter before O is I . 

» HTPOC in copy. 



337. (R. 1891). Dikeji. in riri, \iri{vbs) ^, le'. Avp. Torla 'ApW- 
IJLwvos iTr6rj(ra rd rjp^v r<p ivbpC fiov ^iXCinri^ i,yopav6fX(^ [iv <^] Koi avrri 
TC^o'Ojuuxi ' oi [i]^ova(av l^ovai ra riKva ruiiav ]^]iKivnos k\ ^Aprifxcov ods 
^a(r€ irarrip rbv [ft]^i; <l>^t'7r7roi; ir&v ?f , rdv bk ^Aprifitava irQv bUo, El bi 
Tis (T€pos iTfirqbeSaif Srja-i U rb ra^lov briv, if/. 

338. (R. 1 891). Sakiji. Avp, TaTio{vds:] xal 17 yvvrj avrov GaXia Tpo- 

Kiepert gives the name of the village as Tchakibdji, more correctly. 

339. (R. 1891). Sakiji. [ ] ical 'Aw7ra[s? ov€rp?]avbs 'A^aftcts] 

C&VT€S [iTTobiaav] tb fjp^v ia[x)Tols] Koi rrj T€Kov(ra fcol tois riicvois' h b 
irepos oi TtOrja-airai' d bi ris iTriTribeucrei^ dijo'ci Jy rb ra/xcior brjv. x^Ckia. 
This seems to be the tomb of two brothers. 

340. (R. 1888). [M]€V€brjfxov TO iryctov^. The word ivytiov in the 
sense of ' sarcophagus ' often occurs in Lycia ^ ; it is also found in Lesbos^. 
In this formula the genitive generally follows : e.g. at Magnesia Mae. 
rj Trpofi€T<aTrls TvaCov A^Kfilov ^iXipiaros koL KaaK€[KK]Cas Il(iK[\)ris (Kon- 
toleon AtA, Mitih, 1889 p. 106). 

341. M. B^rard BCH 1893 p. 321. -D. M. P. Aelio Maxhno filio 
P, Aelius Maximus M. [F.] pater memoriae ^ j)omiL 

342. (R. 1882, 1890^ 1 891). Dikeji : worn and faint lettering. 

ivOibe Tov xprj(rTo[v] iraripa Kara ydC ^[K(i]Av[^]6 

To[v\ <TOif>o[v i]v^ 4>^ijl 'cat iti(n'€[i\ Triar]S ixirffpLrjv [x Pjdpiros ® 

ypipL^aari firjvvcras' Mvpiapibs b€ k^kAijto "^ 

A{Xio9^ oil Kiyi) rovvofi ixia [irarpoOfv], 

The word Tr^o-rei does not point to a Christian origin : the meaning is 
uncertain ; and in verse, of course, a wider choice of terms was practised 
than in ordinary pagan epitaphs. The person who is here buried and his 
&ther were both called Ailios Myrismos : cp. no. 26^ and LW 815. 

343. (R. 1 88a). Welcker Philologus 1845 pp. 265 f, CIG 3964 
better Kaibel Ep. e Lapp, no. 387. The letters are rather worn ; but it 

* The letters AlAH-H-.-XlN in 
a line before may belong to this inscr., 
but the stone has been twice used. 

' Petersen, Reisen in Lykien II no. 
75» 76, 103, 104, 149, 179, 185. 

* Conze, Reisen auf Lesbos pi. XVII 4 
p. 54 ; Cichorius, Ath.Mitfh. 1889 p. 259. 

* causa is wanted here. 

" My copy in 1890 suggests rov [rf] 
(ro<f)S)v <f>i\irj, but there is a gap between 
09 and V, 

• The reading is certain ; apiaros was 
not engraved, but may be intended. 

''AC comes at the beginning of a 
line. Probably a word has been omitted 
by the engraver. 



is hard to understand why such difficulty has been found in making 
a trustworthy text *. 

rh 0jv 6 fi](ra9 koX 6av(i>v (fj rois <^£\oiy 
^ KTCtf/xero? hi iroXXot ixrj Tpvtf^oiv cvv tois (^iXotf, 
oiros TiOvr]K€ 7r€[pi]7raTc32; Koi Cfi v^i^lfiov plov ?] 
4 iyii bi hpv<f)ri(ra Mrjvoyimjs 6 k^ EvaraOris 
fJLmh(aK[a] ifxavT[o^ irivra t^ ^XV i^^^^' 

fjLrjbinoO^ inrovktas fj boXCios XaX&{v) nvC, 
8 ovTos 6 filos fJLOi yiyov€v Srav lC<^v iyd' 
is Ttivra 8' lyvnJx^o-a, i\xavTov itia-reia'as ^€<j!, 
rh b' [d(f)](i[X]6fjL€vov imbo^Ka rfj <^v(rt t4Xos» 
*Pov<f>[os] iirvri(ra Mrfvoyiv€i, fiov yXvKvrdTtf^ irarpi 
12 K^ TlavX€i M[rj]vo[Y]ivov (f^LXivbpti^ M^Cp)*- TiXovs. 

II-I2 show that Rufus erected the tomb to his father Menogenes and 
Paulis wife of Menogenes : the reading TlavXei is certain. The gen. form 
Mrivoyivov is common in Asia Minor. 

The chief interest of the inscr. lies in the first ten lines, the composi- 
tion of Menogenes himself. Menogenes Eustathes was an epicurean in 
philosophy, and the lines express his views on life, in a tone very similar 
to no. 232, and like it bearing the stamp of anti-Christian feeling. The 
Christian spirit which objected to free enjoyment of life for self and 
friends is stigmatized as * death in life.' 

344. Kaibel ISp. e Lapp. 388 after Hirschfeld. 
paibv fxfivov, $€iv€, koI HcT^pov IvOa iropeiari 
/xt) TTpoXnriiiv arrjXXrjVy iXXa fxaOitv [t]C Xiyd. 
NipKicrcros V€<iT€pos ivOibi ic€i/xai, 
hv [?jt[€]^€ ZcariKT} nap9^v[]<D K[T]iavov (^tA.^779. 
Xuyjfa bi riKva koX ovvPloV toi^to Troii/j<ra$ ^ 
ToivTO fi6vov XvTTrjs €ls ^Albrjv ffioXov. 

^ Hir8chfeld*8 copy ia better than 
Hamilton*B, but the following correc- 
tions (to mention only important differ- 
ences) are needed in it. i, T0IC4). 
2, NZYNTOIC. 3,TE0N. 4,eYCT. 
6,<?^CA/VE. ii,YK:A. i2,AYAZIM- 
NOiCNOY<t)| and MEXI (clear on 
the stone). In 7 his \a\ci>v and in 6 
his afiaxos may be preferable ; but the 
reading seemed to me certain on the 
stone (I had his copy before me). I 
found the end of 3 indecipherable, but 

the parts which I copied do not suit the 
restoration given above from Eaibel 
(whose edition was unknown to me 
when I copied the text). In 3 my copy 
has nENHAT, in 10 El A for EIA. 

' A whole line containing about 12 
letters is eiused with deep horizontal 
cutting, evidently intentionally, wljether 
in ancient time or not. Eaibel's sup- 
plement TO noi^aas is evidently wrong ; 
the space demands more; but I have 
nothing better. 



The epigram has been copied from some older form, and the metre is 
ruined by the change of names. 

345-349. These important inscriptions open up many difficult questions, 
which lie apart from our proper subject, and demand too much space to 
be given here. They consist of (i) a letter in Latin from Paullus Fabius 
Maximus, Proconsul of Asia between 10 and i b.c.^, regulating the 
calendar, enumerating the months in order with the number of days, 
and fixing the opening of the year on IX KaL Oct.y the birthday of 
Augustus. This Asian year, beginning from 23 Sept. as New Year's 
Day, is given in the table p. 204 : the first day of each month was 
distinguished by the name Sc^aori; ^ : probably also certain important 
anniversaries in Augustus's life were called ScjSoon}, see p. 205 (5) : 
the first month was fx^i; Kaicrapos. The letter was probably addressed 
to the Koinon of Asia. (2) Various Greek documents, including perhaps 
a translation of the Latin letter, certainly a decree of the Koinon (ot iirl 
TTJs 'Ao-fay "EXAiyres), and perhaps a decree of the city where the monu- 
ment was erected. In the decree of the Koinon it was ordered that copies 
of the Proconsul's letter should be engraved on marble stelai in the leading 
cities of each Conventus (iv rals a<f>rjyovfiivais t&v dtotKifcrecor vokta-iv); 
and fragments of the monuments on which they were engraved have been 
found at Apameia, Eumeneia, and Dorylaion. The decree of the Koinon 
was proposed by the Argyrotamias. 

The Apamean inscribed stones were in some building like a temple. 
The Latin inscription was engraved in four very long lines (perhaps 
running round the whole four sides of the building) on the epistyle. 
On the epistyle below the four Latin lines was a single line of Greek, 
which, though lowest, is larger than the Latin (letters in highest Latin 
line 1 J in. high, Greek letters i| in. high). This Greek line must have 
been the most important, being the one intended to be conspicuous : 
probably it was a sort of summary or title. The Greek inscriptions were 
engraved in columns of thirteen lines on the blocks of the side walls : 
the block which is published in AtA, MitfJi, 1891 pp. 282 f was 7,6^ in. 
high and 20 J in. broad*. The columns of the inscription were broader 
than the blocks ; hence each block bears incomplete lines. Three blocks 

^ Perhaps 8-7 B.c. 

' The name Sebaste for some day of 
the month is found in Asia Minor at 
lasos, see inscr. Rev, Ei, Gr. 1893 p. 161 
(Th. Reinach) : at Pergamos Inschr. no. 
374 (Frankel) : at Magnesia Mae. BCH 
1888 p. 329, Ath, Mitth, 1889 p. 318 : at 
Ephesos Brit Mua. 481 I. 321 (2nd An- 

thesterion) : at Trajanopolis LW 1676 
(6th Daisies) in the Lycian and Egyp- 
tian Calendar (the first of each month, 
Usener Bull, d^ll Inst, 1874 pp. 73 flf). 

' The holes in the top show that 
another stone stood upon it. None of 
the other copyists give measurements 
of the blocks. 


are g^ven CIG 3957 (one repeated better BCH 1893 pp. 3x43), one CIG 
3902 i, one Ath. MittL 1891 pp. 282 f, one epistyle block ib. pp. 235 ff. 
Another part of the same inscr. has been found at Dorylaion ; it is pub- 
lished by M. Radet En Phrygie p. 136 and by Mommsen CIL III SupjpL 
Audar. 1365 1 ^ from a different copy. 

Faullus Fabius Maximus left his mark on the province of Asia in 
other ways : the Sminthian games bore his name for two centuries or 
more, as 2fxlv9€La UavKtia^, probably as having been organized or 
remodelled by him. It is not unlikely that he had worked them into 
a general scheme for romanizing the province, of which the remodelling 
of the calendar formed a part. Hence the temple of Rome no. 302 may 
have been the building on which this inscr. was engraved. 

350. (R. 1883). Bey-Keui. [rj/xa'. Aip. *0<f>4X\is iirolriira to fjp^v 
Avp. Er^ 17} Ovyarpl pLov p., \. koX kavn^ k^ rfj yvvaiKC pov Avp, KeXcvo/x^i^* 








The curious name Eeleuomene^ elsewhere unknown, may suggest, but is 
far from proving, Christian origin. For the form cp. Sozomene, Agapo- 

^ The proof sheet was sent to me early ' Wadd. 17306, which is probably 
in 1895 by Prof. Mommsen ; it has not not earlier than the end of the second 
yot been published. century. 


menoa (no. 357), both given in Pape. Tlie palmettes inserted so often 
are perhaps a Chr. symbol, see no. 465 and § 2. See p. 493. 
The date by letters without hov^ occurs no. 646, not far away. 

351. Bey-Keui. MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 1H93 p. 255. 
Avp. Kupftoi' Aafi[dAov?l '^povrmv to liiB wife Domna and children; 
Fine to tameion [,a]^'. iyintTo tri. tkB', ft('li'i) a' {a.d. 339). 

35*. (R. 1888). At the top of the steep slope leading up from 
Tchapali two miles beyond Bunar-Bashi (Fontrg Aurocreni) 00 the road 
from Apameia to Apollonia : boundary stone of Apollonia in the form of 
a dedicatioQ ©toii ['Eji^opiois on behalf of Hadrian a.d. 135 (text ffi«(. 
Geogr. p. 173}, marking at the same time the limits of the province Asia 
and of Apatnean territory. I once thought that no. 164 may mark the 
limit of Asia (and of Apameia) on SE., but more probably it is the limit 
between an im{)erial estate and the territory of Konana. 


AuKOKRA is mentioned as a bishopric in several Not'ttiae: in I, VII, 
VIII, IX and in De Boor's NoUlia it is called Aurokla, at Coneil. Chalced. 
A.D. 451 Aulokra and Aurokra, and in Hierocles AvpditXtta^ Wesselinof 
recognized that the name which appears in these various forms must be 
the noun from which was derived the adjectival form Aalokrene ; and 
this seems so obvious that I should have assumed it without a word, had 
not M. Radet disputed it. He identifies A urak lei a- Aurokla with Akro^- 
nos^; but I doubt whether any philologist will follow him in identifying 
two names so different in character. The essential element in ASpoicAa 
cannot be compared by any reasonable philological process with that in 
'Anpo-jjiids (where -ifj'o's is the widely spread adjectival sufl&x). 

' So Parthey: ALpaj«X*i'ci Burckhardt: 
& hup6Atev Holitiae : 6 Kvponpiiv and 
AuXrfcfiiBf Cone. Chalc. : r^c AipoK\iav 
nitXruc Cotie. Const, a.d. 448. Hieroctes 
probably deduces AipdAtut from the 
entry in his authority i AipotXiaif {ini- 
oKottos). Similar wrong inferences are 

hia Bpuim {& Bfiuu^n). 

' 11 e^l imdftit gu' Kvpaxkiia ett "Anpo- 
i]»ic, see his £n Phrygie p. 118. I regret 
to have to differsowidely from M. Radet 
in topographical questions (but I can 
at least admire and agree with him in 
hist-oricil questions) : his topograplty 
is founded on principles which are often 
in contradiction with mine, and Aurokla 


App. III. AUROKRA. 481 

The forms used at the Council of Chalcedon are the most important^ 
because there we have the actual signatures of the bishop : his reg^ar 
formula is 'AicvXas iitia-KO-nos AipOKp^v dpCa-as inriypa\lfay Aquilas episcoj)us 
Aurocrarum siibscripsi ^. Hence AipoKpi must be taken as the native 
name, with ethnic kvpoKptvs, and local adjective AifpoKprjvo^, Now it is 
universally admitted^ as beyond question^ that the fountains in the plain 
above Apameia were usually called Aulokrene, and the mountain range 
beside the lake was called mons AulocrenuSy qs Pliny mentions. The 
latter name shows plainly that Aulocrenus is a local adjective. Now^ 
even without laying special stress on the Chalcedonian form Aulokra ^j it 
is obvious that a lake, which produced reeds used for making flutes and 
was associated with a legend about the origin of the flute, was sure to 
originate the grecization of AvpoKprjvrj into AvKo'Kprjvrj (where the change 
of accent is facilitated by the change of category, an adjective to 
a noun). 

Again^ it is^ in my opinion^ a matter not admitting of doubt that the 
springs at which Manlius encamped in his march from the shores of 
Lake Askania to the plain of Metropolis and thence to Synnada^ called by 
Livy Rhotrini Fmites, are the fountain Aulokrene. The line of march is 
beyond question : there is one road, and no other. Prof. G. Hirschfeld's 
identification of Aporidos-Kome confirms it. There are no other 
important springs in the whole district, except those of the Maeander- 
branches; and of these only Aulokrene could be on the march of 
Manlius. This identification is tacitly admitted by M. Radet ; though 
he has not spoken in his text about it, yet his map shows that he regards 
Livy's Rhotrini Fontes as the common Aulokrene ; and, when he admits 
the identity of the fountains, I presume that he accepts my argument 
identifying the names Rhocrini^ Fontes and Aulokrene, through an 
intermediate form AvpoKprjval Ilt/yaf, a form which in all probability 

is a typical case. His identification Av\6Kp{oy, In the Latin the forms Auto- 
could be justified only by supposing clinus {Act, XV) and Andtvsiorum (Act, 
that Aurokra or Aurokla is a seriously XVI, I) are mere corruptions, 
corrupted form ; but it is supported by * Involving an adjective AvXoKprjvSt, 
80 many diverse authorities that the AvXoKprjvri, 

supposition is inadmissible. ^ The corruption t for c is a common 

^ The form shows that the native phenomenon in MSS. Mayhoff quotes 

pronunciation was AvpoKpOy not AvpoKpa the same corruption in Pliny XVI 240, 

(the hitter being probably a grecized where three MSS. have Aulotrene, an 

pronunciation). The signature is given exact parallel to Bhotrini. Probably 

in^cfton««JII, VI, andXVI (in III Aupo- the MS. of Polybius, which Livy had 

Kpwv in margin, AvpoKXS>v in text, Latin before him, was blurred, so that he 

column Aurocrorum), In the general read POKPHNAI in place of AYPO- 

list of bishops in Actio I, the form is KPHNAI. 

VOL. I. PT. II. K 


Polybius (from whom Livy borrowed) used. But kvpoKpr)vaL T\r)yal are 
obviously the Fountains of Aurokra; and it would be perverse to dis- 
tin^ish the bishopric of Aurokra- Aurokla-Aulokra from the Aurokra- 
Aulokra which gave its name to the fountains. 

The sole reason that M. Radet gives for denying this identification is 
that the Apamean and Metropolitan Plains were assigned to Pisidia, and 
therefore the plain of Aulokrene^ which lies between them must also have 
been in Pisidia. But this argument is very weak, (i) The boundary 
between two provinces is often very irregular ; and it is often difficult to 
give a good reason why a district was assigned to one province rather 
than to another. (%) Moreover, if the theory stated on p. 445 as to the 
extension of Pisidia in a. d. 372 to include Apameia is correct^ we can 
understand how the frontier that resulted from the operation was irregular 
at this point. (3) Finally it is not necessary to suppose that the bishopric 
Aurokra included the whole of the valley. The valley extends well up 
to the north and is divided from the Pentapolis by undulating ground^ 
over which easy carriage roads can be carried at almost any point. 
I have always supposed that the centre of population was at Bei-Keui^ 
where the only inscriptions of the valley were found ; and that the 
northern part of the valley was classed in Salutaris with the Pentapolis, 
while the southern part with the lake and the fountains continued subject 
to Apameia (as it certainly was when Maximus Tyrius visited the lake 
and springs). Already in the map accompanying my paper JHS 188 
the boundary between Salutaris and Pisidia is marked in this way. 
The frontier between Byzantine provinces often crosses the middle of 
a valley. 



I. JuLiANUS acted in company with Zoticus of Comama (Conana?) 
against the Montanists about a. d. 180-90, Euseb. U.E, V 16. 

%, Tharsicius Apamenus 325. Le Quien attributes to Apameia Eibotos 
(which he wrongly gives as a separate bishopric under Phrygia Pacatiana) 
Paulus Apamenus or Apameensis (classed to Phrygia) who was also 
present at this Council, and who must probably be bishop of Apia or 
Appia (on p. 1045 ^^ suggests Acmoniensis for Apameensis, but Apia- 
nensis seems the easiest correction). 

3. Theodoulos, who signed the will of Gregory Nazianzen, was perhaps 

App. III. AUROKRA. 483 

of the Bithynian Apameia ; but is placed in Pisidia by Le Quien. This 
is improbable from the following name. 

4. kw^LMLon presbyter Apameae was present at Cone. Constantinop. 381, 
which suggests that there was no bishop at the time. 

5. Paulinus 451 and 458. 

6. Conon Apameae in Phrygia episcopus^ see p. 446. 

7. Joannes Apamenorum civ. Pisidiae prov. 553. 

8. Sisinnius 'Aira/xcfas r^s Ki^Scarou Cone. Nicaen. II 787. 

Tlian^ I ^^^ Ignatian and Photian bishops, 879. 

lo. Akylas AvpoKpQv 451 (p. 482) called Abrostota by Le Quien. 



These maps are adapted from the surveys of the O. B. C. engineers, 
kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. Purser. The heights are marked for 
the most part according to the careful railway measurements, and are 
therefore of the highest authority. On the heights of the lofty mountains^ 
see note p. 2. A few heights are added from my aneroid reckonings. In 
the plan of Apameia and the surroundings the chief irrigation channels, 
arii, are indicated. The two profiles indicating height are adapted 
from Hirschfeld : everything else on this plan is due to Mr. S. Watkins. 

Note. Nonnos mentions several features of Apameia Dion, XXIII, 

512 ot T ([\axop BovdtiaVf dniofiiuriv t€ 7roXi;(Vi;y 
dtvipOK6ixov TtfitPtiaVy ivoKiov Skaos apovptitf 
ol ^piairjv iviyiovro Koi "O^pipoVy ovrt p€€$pois 
Maiap^pov a'Ko\u}i(riv ihv irapafiaKXtTai vdcop, 

516 Koi dtiTrcdov AoiavTof iiroawfioPy ol rt KrXacycir 
tlpvx6povi tvifwvTO Km tvvaarripiov 'Opyov, 

(^opptpop and 'OpyoO are conjectures, the former nearly certain.) These are 
contrasted with the Sangarios cities, and must therefore be placed in W. and S. 
Phrygia. Steph. mentions Boudeia, Temeneia (towards Lycaonia), Dresia and 
Doiantos Pedion (p. 623). 

K 2 




§ 1. Christians and Pagans p. 484. § 2. Criteria of Christian Epitaphs p. 488. 
§ 8. Christian Names p. 491. § 4. Christian titles, sentiments, and expressions 
p. 494. § 5. The Reckoning with God p. 496. § 6. Other formulae against 
Violation of the Tomb p. 498. § 7. Second Century Christian Epitaphs p. 499. 
§ 8. Eumeneia in the Third Century p. 502. § 9. The Massacre by Diocletian 
p. 505. § 10. Diflfusion of Christianity in S.W. Phrygia p. 509. 

Appendix: Christian Inscriptions, (i) Eumenia p. 514. (2) Apameia p. 533. 
(3) Lampe and Siblia p. 539. (4) Hyrgalean District p. 540. (5) Lycos Valley 
p. 542. (6) S. W. Frontier Lands p. 554. (7) Trajanopolis p. 558. (8) Pepouza 
p. 558. (9) Sebaste &c. p. 560. (10) Akmonia &c. p. 562. 

§ 1. Christians and Pagans. The subject of this chapter is the 
most difficult and slippery in the whole range of the present work. 
In following up the epigraphic traces of people who aimed at avoiding 
obirusiveness and escaping notice, we shall find many delicate cases, 
where Christianity may be suspected but cannot be proved ; and it 
will be far from easy to distinguish the cases in which suspicion 
may be strengthened into comparative confidence from those in which 
it remains as yet a mere vague suspicion. I should formerly have felt 
disposed to say that in many inscr. the Christian tone is a certainty ; 
but, since Drs. Ficker and Harnack and Hilgenfeld and others have 
declared that the epitaph of Avircius Marcellus marked the tomb of 
a priest of Cybele or of some eclectic with a smattering of Chr. know- 
ledge mingled with his paganism, it has become clear that for the 
present certainty must not be assumed ^. It is, however, evident that 
these scholars have not thought of examining the other scattered Chr. 
epitaphs of the district ; and the hope may be entertained that the 
series given in Ch. XII and XVII may affect their opinion. 

The important article by M. Cumont lea Inscriptions Chrdtiennes 
de V Asie Mineure^ reached me in time to aid in making these chapters 

' My friend Rev. A. F. Findlay hoped I am however indebted to him in many 

at one time to co-operate in this subject cases, 
and began to transcribe the Chr. inscr., * See no. 657. 

but other duties interrupted his work. ' Milanges d^ArchioL et d*Hist. 1895. 


better than they would otherwise have been. In several points his 
results have modified or guided my opinion ; in many his indepen- 
dent agreement has strengthened my confidence in my own results. 
M. Cumont had not seen the articles on Early Chr. Monuments in 
Phrygia I-V, which I wrote in the Expositor some years ago ; and 
the agreement in our main views ^ may perhaps be considered a« 
a proof that they are natural and necessary inferences from the facts. 
M. Cumont has included in his Catalogue only those inscr. which 
he counts certainly Chr., a prudent and wise restriction. I have had 
the advantage of a wider range of facts (possessing several unpublished 
inscr. which throw some important side-lights on the problem) ; and 
the attempt will here be made to show that several inscr. which 
he left out of his list may be either reckoned as probably Chr. or 
suspected. In the former case they are printed among the Chr. inscr. ; 
in the latter they are placed among the non-Chr., but the suspicion 
is stated and justified. 

The progress of our knowledge tends, in general, to push back 
the dates which I at first ventured to name. In several cases the 
* third ' has to be substituted for the * fourth ' century, and the * second ' 
for the ' third.' Desirous not to exaggerate the antiquity of the docu- 
ments, I erred sometimes in stating too late a date. 

Chiistianity, when establishing itself amid an alien society, did not 
immediately re-make the whole life and manners of its converts. They 
continued to live in many respects as before : they were characterized 
by most of the habits, and some, or many even, of the faults, of their 
old life and of the society in which they lived. That is clearly shown 
in St. Paul's letters to his early converts : it is the experience of 
miissionaries in pagan countries: it is the lesson we learn from 
the Chr. inscriptions of Phrygia. ' It took centuries for Christianity 
to disengage itself from its sunoundings and to society and 
the rules of life ^.' We find very few strictly Chr. names or social 
customs in the early period; we watch the gradual creation of 
a Chr. system of names during the third and fourth centuries. 

Even Tertullian, who was disposed to go further than most in the 
direction of separating Chr. from pagan society, speaks of the former 

' My theory there stated of the dif- given there of the typical early convert 

fusion of Christianity over Phrygia from will be justified in the following chapter, 

different sources is not within the I believe that the above paragraph, 

scope of M. Cumont 's article. One which is fundamental in this investiga- 

inscr., which I admit as Chr., is not tion, is admitted in a general way by 

accepted as such by him (no. 412). all. It is essentially the Pauline prin- 

' See my St, Paul p. 208 ; the picture ciple of Hfe. 


as men living in company with the latter, similar in respect of food, 
dress, surroundings and appliances^ frequenting the same forum, market, 
baths, shops, fairs, &o.^ We cannot doubt that the shopkeeper or 
trader who was converted did not, as a loile, alter the outward appear- 
ance of his life. People might converse with him in the street or the 
forum, and observe no reason to suspect him of Christianity. Ho 
did not break with ' all his old thoughts and habits and feelings and 
friends when he was converted. He lived in externals much as before ; 
he observed the same laws of politeness in society ; his house^ his sur- 
roundings continued much the same; he kept up the same family 
names, and when he died his grave, his tombstone and his epitaph 
were in the ordinary style ^.* Yet we are now to essay the task 
of separating the Chr. from the pagan epitaphs, by observing the slight 
variations through which the Chr. avoided using the too pronounced 
pagan forms, while preserving the general character of the pagan 

This picture of quiet, peaceful development will be found justified 
by everything which we find in the early Chr. inscr., but it is very 
different from the account given by Aelius Aristides in the second 
century. According to him the Christians cut themselves off from 
all Greek culture, fi-om everything that was good and noble; they 
broke up family ties, and set brother against brother ; their words, 
thoughts, and acts were alike void of good result for society ; they 
stood aloof from the pleasures, the religion, and the duties of educated 
or loyal citizens ; held no official position ; comforted none who were 
in sorrow ; healed no dissensions ; gave no good counsel ; made poverty 
and beggary into virtues ; practised robbery under the guise of equality, 
and shameless vice under the cloak of rigid virtue ; made evil into 
good, and reckoned ugliness as beauty; laid claim to be the true 
philosophers ; and spoke villainous Greek ^. But the whole tone of 
this description, together with the fact that Aristides classes the Chr. 
along with the Cynics as belonging on the whole to the same type. 

^ Apol. 42 homines rohiscum degentes 
eiusdem rictus^ hahituSy insU'uctus, eius- 

dem ad vitam necessitatis itaque 

non sine foro^ non sine macellOj non sine 
balneis tabemis officinis stahulis nundinis 
vestris ceterisque commerciis cohahitamus 
in hoc saecuh, 

" St, Paul the Traveller pp. 208 f. 

'The last fault is the only one that 
is shown in the inscr. (see no. 354;. 

Arist. vnep rSiP rtrraptov II pp.40of Dind. ; 
Lightfoot refuses to accept this shocking 
picture as even intended for the Chris- 
tians ; but Neumann der rOm. Staat und 
die aUgem. Kirche pp. 35 f takes a more 
correct view, following Bernays Gesamm. 
Ahhandl. II p. 362 (a fragment implying 
a change from Bernays's earlier view in 
Lucian und die Kyn iker). See my Church 
in li. E, pp. 351 ff*. 



shows how exaggerated his picture was. Moreover, he spoke only 
from superficial acquaintance with the extreme partisans and the 
prominent martyi-s ; but ho had no knowledge of the mass of undis- 
tinguished and obscure Chr., whose very existence was probably 
unknown to him except by rumour. It is this unknown multitude 
of common persons (who, as a rule, had not the courage and heroism 
to stand forth prominently as martyrs, or the intellectual power to 
shine as leadera and teachers), that are revealed to us in the sepulchral 
inscr. They are not represented to us in the Chr. literature, except 
when their errore and backslidings have to be castigated ; but if we 
want to see what Christianity practically was as a working influence 
in the Roman Empire, these common men are well worthy of some 
share of the attention that is given usually only to the leaders. 

The extreme Chr. attitude became the rule in the church of the 
fourth and fifth centuries. The results of this changed tone were by 
no means entirely good ; the reasons for the change are worth study ; 
and study must begin from the epitaphs, which were revolutionized 
in character during the course of the fourth century. M. Le Blant 
I p. 1 26 ^ points out that in the Gaulish and other later Chr. inscr. 
the parentage of the deceased is rarely mentioned ; and he explains 
this as a deduction from the orders given to the faithful to renounce 
all family ties and devote themselves entirely to God ^, and especially 
from the words oi Matthew XXIII 9, Call no man your father upon the 
earth; for one is your Fatlier which is in heaven. He quotes various 
examples of the martyrs (c. A.D. 270-300 ^) literally carrying out this 
precept, and declaring that they had neither parents nor family. From 
these more enthusiastic (and also bigoted^) Christians, the fashion 
spread ; and Le Slant's examples show that in the fourth and fifth 
centuries the custom became common and at last almost universal. 
Along with parentage they also disclaimed all the other relations of 

' Once for all I may here express my 
admiration for his great work Inscr, 
Chrit. de la Gaule, together with his 
Noureau Recueil: the frequent refer- 
ences in the following pages show with 
what profit 1 have read it. 

' Maith. XIX 29, Mark X 29, Luke 
XIV 26, XVIII 29. 

' S. Irenaeus of Sirmium A A SS March 
vol. Ill p. 555, Ruinart p. 433, S. Petrus 
Balsamus in Ruinart p. 526, S. Lucianus 
of Antioch, Ruinart p. 530 : these ex- 
amples belong to the period of Probus 

and Diocletian. The answer of Hierax 
of Iconium about 163 A. D. (Ruinart 
p. 106) shows an earlier style (which 
might readily harden into the later 
custom) rerus pater nosier Christus est 
et mater Fides qua in ipsum credimus; 
terretti vero parentes mei moriui sunt. 

* It is not unfair to apply this last 
epithet to many of the martyrs. Along 
with their splendid heroism and devo- 
tion they showed sometimes traits, 
excusable in their situation, but not 
admirable, Chutxh in R, E., pp. 374, 35 1 . 


ordinary life, country, occupation, and rank : the one fact, Christianua 
ev/niy superseded them all. But it is only in the language of the 
martyrs and other extremists that we find any traces of this custom 
so early as the third century : it had not yet affected ordinary society, 
and it does not appear in epitaphs. 

M. Le Blant observes that the Greek Christian inscriptions state 
parentage far more frequently than the Latin, and he explains this 
from the non-existence in Greek of family names. But though this 
may have been a contributory cause, yet the earlier date of the Greek 
inscriptions is the principal reason, for the fourth and fifth century 
Greek inscriptions often omit the parentage. In fact the majority 
of the Phrygian Chr. inscr. are older than the formation of the distinc- 
tive Chr. customs. I know no example of a pre-Constantinian inscr. 
in the province of Asia, in which the parent's name is omitted. 

M. Le Blant U p. 306 shows himself quite aware that the dislike 
to the mention of the father's name was only gradually developed, 
as Christianity established its own special formulae, and he dates 
inscriptions on which the name of the father is added anUrieure A la 
creation du premier formvlaire chr^tien. 

§ 2. Criteria of Christian Epitaphs. M. Le Blant 11 pp. 152 f 
has insisted on the local characteristics of inscriptions. Each district 
has its own style, its own « formulae, symbols, writing, arrangement, 
ornamentation,' apart from characteristics due to difference of period. 
A careful study of them is one of the essentials of scientific epigraphy ; 
and M. Le Blant has given a preliminary list of the local characteristics 
of Christian inscriptions known to him. In the eastern provinces his 
list naturally is very scanty ^. He mentions at Athens KoifirfTrjpiov at 
the beginning of the epitaph, in Galatia BeciSi in Mopsouestia, Tarsos, 
Korykos, and Seleuceia rono^, in Seleuceia and Tyana fivrjfiTaj in 
Mopsouestia and Tarsos fii^TJfia Sia<f>€pov, in Seleuceia xafMocopiv and 
napaoTaTiKSvy in Korykos and Seleuceia BtjktIj and in Korykos (roofia- 
ToOTJKri. But hardly any of these characteristics had come into use 
before the time of Constantine : they belong to a later period than we 
have to treat of in this essay. M. Le Blant would distinguish the 
Gaulish epitaphs which show these characteristics as early ; but in his 
work the term * early ' denotes the fourth century, whereas in this 
essay, that period is considered late. 

Inscriptions, in which the words used have absolutely nothing to 
mark the epitaph as Christian, but a cross or other symbol beside the 
text shows the religion, are frequently found in the western provinces 

^ They are also in some cases premature. 



(Gaul and Italy). A few oases occur also in Asia Minor ; e. g. CIQ 
3^57 ^y LW 780, appears to be an ordinary pagan inscr., as it is there 
published, E{S<l>pcDv Kh Tanks ^ AcrKkriindSxi rS TiKV(o Kk iavrois (£>yT€9. 

*0v7J(nfi09 [Kal ] T0V9 iaxnSiv yoveTs k\ rhv dSeXiphv €T€ifirje'av. 

But fortunately M. Perrot^ made a fresh copy, and observed the 
cross at the top marking the religion of the deceased, while mason's 
tools at the bottom indicate his occupation. We then observe that 
Euphron and Onesimos are suitable Chr. names; while Tatias and 
Asklepiades, though only ordinary pagan names, are often used by Chr. 
in other cases ^. But had it not been for M. Perrot's improved copy, 
these slender indications would have been insufficient to justify even 
a conjecture. In Gaul M. Le Blant mentions a number of inscriptions 
(11 pp. 197, 255, 146, 263^ 311,1 365), which have nothing decisive of 
Chr. origin in their language, but are indicated to his scrutiny as Chr. 
by their date, or situation or accompanying symbols. 

An inscr. of later period may be classed as probably Chr. from its 
date alone : see no. 453. 

Inscriptions which have nothing in their form or symbolism or 
language to mark them as Christian are sometimes proved to be 
Christian by their place of origin. Thus in the Catacomb of Pris- 
cilla Tjj yXvKvrdTH Ovyarpl flovXxpjj ol y6v€LS /x. x> ^^^ others occur 
of exactly the same type (Kaibel 1961, 187a, 1933, ^95o> i975)« 
This criterion is, at present, useless in Asia Minor, where all the 
monuments as yet known (with perhaps the single exception of 
no. 393) were placed in a public and conspicuous situation amid the 
ordinary pagan monuments. Hereafter, in the course of excavation, 
discoveries may, perhaps, be made of specially Chr. cemeteries ; but 
none are now known. 

The cross is occasionally ^ used in Phrygia, other symbols more 
rarely. The symbolism, which is so common on the Christian tombs 
of the West, hardly occurs on the grave-stones of A&ia Minor. The 
ship, the anchor, the pharos, and the horse, which are common in 
Italy, but rare in Gaul^, are unknown to me in Phrygia. Only 
one example of the fish sculptured on a Phrygian monument occurs 

* Explor. Arch, de la Galaiie &c., p. 

* See no. 372, 355 (Tatia). 

» See no. 384, 427, 429, 434, 436, 441, 
454, 458 f, 653, 662 f, 665-670, 676 f, 
680 : all these are of the fourth century 
or later. 

* The anchor occurs occasionally (only 
at Aries and Marseille Le Blant II 

p. 158), but not the ship or the pharos 
Le Blant I p. 149. A pair of horses are 
once represented below a Gaulish Chris- 
tian inscription, but more commonly in 
Italy, Le Blant I p. 402 ; the idea of 
course is the race and the victoiy, and 
a palm-branch is sometimes represented 
beside the horses. 


no. 404 (the monumenfc probably was sepulchral, but its mutilated 
state makes certainty impossible). The monograms ^, ^^ A^^Oi), 
ACa), occur sometimes, no. 371,443, 673, 690 ; the dove only in no. 690. 

The palm and the vase, though common in the West, are rare in 
Phrygia : the vase occurs in no. 388, and the palm no. 401, dti. More- 
over the palm is perhaps intended in no. 654 ^ (in which case no. 350, 
which I have long suspected for other reasons, would also be Chr.). 

Probably none of these symbols was exclusively Christian. The 
fish, the anchor, &c. are found on pagan monuments, though very 
rarely (Le Blant II p. 3 1 3) ; and probably every symbol which was 
publicly used by the Chr. during the third century was selected, 
because it was also in pagan use and would therefore be less likely 
to attract special attention. 

But it may probably be found that such symbols are commoner 
than is supposed in the Phrygian inscr. They are generally rude 
in outline, and so unobtrusive, that they often escape the notice of 
travellers, even of archaeologists, who are not on the outlook for 
them ; and I am quite prepared to learn that later travellers discover 
Chr. symbols accompanying several of the inscr. published in this 
chapter. For example, no. 401 is published in BCH 1893 p. 246; 
but the palm-branch and other symbols shown in my illustration are 
not noticed. When I copied the inscr. I did not recognize the im- 
portance of the palm ; but, being struck with the number of marks 
and symbols, half effaced by time, above and below the inscr., I made 
the rough sketch reproduced on p. 540. It was only when the study 
of De Rossi's and Le Blant's and Cumont's works had revealed to ine 
the importance of the monumental symbolism, that I observed in this 
and other rough sketches in my note-books early examples of symbols 
well known in other lands. 

In a few Phrygian inscr., chiefly N., but also sporadically S. 
(no. 393), the dead and the survivors are proclaimed as Christians. 

' M. Cumont p. 1 1 note i takes these 
palmettes unhesitatingly as palms ; but 
they are also used as ornaments in 
pagan inscriptions, sometimes appa- 
rently as punctuation marks, and I did 
not connect them even by hypothesis 
with Chr. symbolism, till I read his 
note. These symbols occur on inscr. 
which are certainly Chr. no. 654 and 
Le Blant I fig. 1 5, 38, 44 &c. Certainly, 
where a single palmctte is used in the 
text of an inscr. to mark the end of 

a line (as in BCH 1893 p. 274 no. 70), or 
to fill up a blank space at the end of 
an inscr., or where two palmettes form 
a symmetrical ornament at each end 
of a short line (as is the case with the 
last line of no. 78), it would be unjusti- 
fiable to dream of Chr. origin : but 
where the palmette is used very often 
in the text (as in no. 350) or is employed 
as a symbol apart from the text (as in 
no. 654), it may be adduced in con- 
firmation of other signs of Chr. feeling. 


There is every reason to think that these stones were publicly and 
openly set up, not hidden in private Chr. cemeteries ^ It was con- 
ti-ary to all the principles of the Church to proclaim the religion so 
openly, for it might imperil the whole Church of a district to draw 
attention so pointedly to the Chr. On the other hand Montanism 
inculcated unshrinking public confession and profession ; and prob- 
ably this small class of epitaphs may be attributed to that sect, 
though it is a difficulty in this theory that no specimen of this class 
has been found in the Montanist centre at Pepouza (where, however, 
insor. are very rare). 

Apart from a small number of cases, then, the Christians in Phrygia 
did not on their tombstones proclaim the religion of the deceased and 
of the sui'vivors by words or symbols. We are left to infer that 
certain epitaphs are Christian by indirect reasoning. 

§ 3. Christian Names. In some cases the sort of names used is 
almost the only indication of Christianity, e. g. Pascasia in Le Blant 
II p. 262. In this case M. Le Blant finds another proof of Chris- 
tianity in the double name Optatiixe Reticiae sive Fascasie; but, 
though it is certain that the Christians at baptism commonly took an 
additional name, and though the addition of a surname is far more 
the rule in Chiistian than in Pagan inscriptions, yet the custom was 
also not infi'equent in non-Chr. society and is far from constituting in 
the Eiast so sure a proof of Christianity as M. Le Blant ^ finds it to be 
in the West. Except with the formula iiriKXriv no. 40c, the posses- 
sion of an alternative name cannot be taken in Phrygia as a proof of 
Chr. origin, unless it has the character of a distinctively Chr. bap- 
tismal name. There are however some names, which were greatly 
favoured among the Chr., and others which were exclusively (or 
almost exclusively) Chr. The presence of several of the former, and 
even of one of the latter, may be taken as justify iog the hypothesis 
that the inscr. is Chr. ; and if, in addition, we find in the text some 
other sign of Christianity, or even some slight peculiarity that difiers 
from the usual pagan style (as e. g. greater freedom regarding admis- 
sion to the tomb no. 380), we may regard the hypothesis as raised to 
a much higher degree of probability. 

* No. 393 is in a retired position, but mentioned by him as only Christian 
above ground and not far from the are all known in the case of Pagans, 
public road leading from Apameia to Super nomen is not known to me except 
S., and not much more than a mile in Christian inscriptions ; and the same 
from the city : it is probably in its is the case with eniK\rjv (which M. Le 
original position. Blant does not include in his list). 

• The formulae qui et^ sive, qui rocaiur, 


When a pagan was converted he did not change his name publicly. 
To do so would have been to proclaim his change of religion, and 
such publicity was discouraged strongly by the Church. Hence the 
common pagan names continued to be used by the Chr. The use 
of obviously pagan names was proscribed at the Nicene Council 
A. D. 325 ^ and biblical names were ordered to be given at baptism. 
Yet such names as Mercurina, Jovina, persisted much later; and 
names like Phoebe, Nereus, Hennas or Hermes, &o., were consecrated 
in virtue of the early saints and martyrs who bore them, and escaped 
any such proscription. 

Though in the pre-Constantinian period there had not yet been 
formed a distinctively Christian nomenclature, yet, even in the third 
century, the beginnings of a Christian system of names can be traced. 
Certain names were favoured, which, though common to the pagans, 
either conveyed a meaning that suited the new religion, or had been 
consecrated by some martyr, or in some other way pleased the 
Christians. Converts retained their old names; but they would 
favour Chr. names for their children. Hence we should expect to 
find in a family which had been Chr. for a generation or two a 
mixture of old family names with names of a more marked type. 
Lists have not been made, and cannot as yet be made usefully, for 
each district would vary. Alexander and Zotikos were evidently 
favourite names among the Eumenian and Apamean Chr., the former 
perhaps partly because of the Eumenian martyr *, the latter because 
of its meaning. Tatia and Ammia are also very common in Eume- 
neia, and the reason here probably is that they were names belonging 
to certain Chr. families. 

Such names as Agape and Pistis ai*e exclusively Chr., while Elpis 
and Eirene, though used among the pagans, became by adoption 
characteristically Chiistian^. ^oD^ofiivq^ and Redemptus seem ob- 

' Le Slant I p. 76 quotes Concil. 
Nicaeno-Arab. cap. XXX Fideles nomina 
gentilium film suis nan imponant; sed 
potius omnis natio Chrifttianonim suis 
nominihus utatur^ ut gentiles suis utuntur 
Labbe II 299. 

' See no. 355. Of the other martjrrs' 
names, Thraseas is unknown in the 
inscr., and Gaios is not very common in 
Chr. use (Gaios no. 354, Gaiane no. 358) : 
see p. 494. Hence it was probably rather 
from its being hereditary in some Chr. 
family that Alexander is so frequent. 

' Le Blant I p. 45, who has collected 
most of the examples quoted in these 
two paragraphs, refers to Eusebius fTJ?. 
V 24 and Acta Agapes^ Chioniae et Ei- 
renae (in Ruinart). Eirene in Eaibel 
1563 (quoted p. 497). Such names as 
A-deo-datus, Quod-vult-Deus (male and 
female), Deus-det, Senrus-Dei, Homo- 
dei, which he also quotes, are of a later 
order than those mentioned in the text. 

^ Sozomenos, however, is also pagan : 
so perhaps Agapomenos see no. 357, 



viouftly marked out as Christian: perhaps Agapomenos and Keleu- 
omene, certainly Anastasios, Kyi-iakos (with its Latin by-forms 
Quiriacus, Quiracos, Hyracius, &c.), and in the Latin-speaking pro- 
vinces Renatus and Benedictus. None of these names occur often in 
Phrygia: Agape perhaps no. 270^ Elpis 260, Irene 408, Agapomenos 
357, Eeleuomene 350, Anastasios 416, Kyriakos and Kyriake 421, 
Sozomenos 400. But the subject must be studied in the detailed 
comparison of inscr. in the Appendices. 

The strictly Chr. formations were at first only used as baptismal 
names (which at first seem, as a general rule, to have been treated as 
private and not engraved on the tombstone^); but it is useful to 
glance at them, in order to detect the first traces of their appearance 
in the epitaphs. 

The most remarkable class of names consisted of those which 
express self-depreciation, humility, and resignation to insult. The 
terms of contempt which were hurled at the Christians by the pagan 
populace, were accepted with a proud humility and adopted as per- 
sonal names. Le Blant II pp. 66 f quotes many examples of this class, 
such as Credula, Alogius, Alogia (springing from the charge of folly) ; 
Injuriosus, Calumniosus, Contumeliosus (the charge of disloyalty and 
impiety); Importunus, Exitiosus (the charge of bringing misfortune 
on the state); Foedulus, Foedula, Malus, Mala, Maliciosus, Pecus, 
Ima, Molesta, Praejectus, Projectus, Projecticius^ Fugitivus> Stercorius, 
Stercus (general expressions of hatred and loathing). Among this 
class may be reckoned Asbolos no. 412, Amerimnos no. 465, Acholios 
462 *, Keleuomene 350. Such names as Onesimos ^ have something of 
the same character. Euphron and others approximate more to the 
pagan favourite names, which were selected as bright, joyous, and of 
good omen, in remarkable contrast to the self-abasement of this 
Chr. class. 

Names indicative of joy or victory, however, are very characteristic 
of the Christians. In Gaul and Italy Vincentius, Victor, Nice *, Gau- 
dentius, Gaudiosus, ELilaris, Hilaritas ^ are widely used. Hence there 
is rarely found in the fourth or later centuries any indication of 

* Exceptions no. 385, 400, 412, 462, but comparatively rarely Le Blant I 
465. p. 155 (who mentions that in the Ethio- 

' Acholios bishop of Thessalonica, pian Church newly - baptized persons 

died A. D. 383. were crowned in token of victory). 

' A suitable name for slaves. ' Le Blant compares Rom, XII 12, XIV 

* The Christian is the victor, Apocal. 17, i Thess, V 16; and allusions to the 
II 7, II, III 12, 21. Most of these joy of the Christian life are innumer- 
names are also found ajnong the pagans, able. 


soiTOw or mourning on sepulchi*al monuments. As Christianity estab- 
lished for itself a definite set of customs and forms, it encouraged the 
view that death was the end of exile from Qod and the birth into 
a happier life. 

Hardly any example of this class of name can be detected in the 
Phrygian inscriptions : it belongs to the post-Constantinian time, and 
had not begun to show itself in the third century. 

Except those which were in common use, like Onesimos, Qaios, &c.> 
biblical names are very rare in the early Phrygian inscr. Maria occurs 
no. 365, 413, 439, 440 ; and its early public appearance may be due to 
its being identical in form with a Roman name and more likely to 
escape notice. 

The names of the following martyrs belonging to the district em- 
braced in this chapter may be looked for in the inscr. 

At Eumeneia, Thraseas, Polykarpos, Gaios, Neon ^, Longus, Diodoros, 
Metrobios - {^^ Oct.), Alexander (Euseb. H, E, V 16). 

At Apameia, Poenis? Euphrasia or Eupraxia^ (11 Feb.), Tryphon 

p. 450- 

At Hierapolis Kyriakos*, Claudianus (25 Oct.), Victor, Alpheus, 

Romola ( 1 7 Nov.) *. 

At Laodiceia Theophilos (bishop), Philippos, Auxentios^ Pudens, 
Alexander, Zotikos, Bessia, Secunda (37 June M, Syr., 28 July M, 
Hieron.), Herakleon, Diodoros (9 Oct.), Menas (23 June M, Syr.y 23 July 
M. IIieron.),ATtemon or Artemius®,Fabianu8, Sabianus, Sidon (Rhodon) 
(26 Jan.), Anteon (Antonion, Artheon, Antigonus) (14 June), Jovianus, 
Julianus, Aemilius ?, Felix, Marcianus, Maxima, Satumina (26 July). 

§ 4. Christian Titles, Sentiments and Expressions. In the 
pre-Constantinian period the mention of distinctively Chr. ofBces can 
hardly be expected. When we find in inscr. of that period diakorud 
or episkopoi, they are usually officials of a pagan temple, not of 

' With r. /. Eon on. 

* Polykarpos, probably an erroneous 
inference from Eusebius H, E. V 24. 

' In Mart, IJieron, the readings in 
different MSS. are (i) IN APAMIA. 
Poenis . Eophraxi . IN CAMPANIA 
Basiliani. (2) in campan poenis et eu- 
praxi et in armen basili et in vulturno | 
castrensis in camp basiliani (3) In 
appamia . poenae . et | eufraxi. £t in 
armenia . basilii. (4) In apimia eofraxi 

In campania basiliani. 

* Eugari or Eucarie M. Hierxm. 
' Perhaps not Hierapolis Phr. 

• Artemon is given on 8 Oct. in Act, 
Sanct, Artemius 26 Jan. in Mart. Hieron, 
may be a different person. If there is 
any historical groundwork for the legend 
of Artemon, it belongs to an early period, 
and the date assigned under Diocletian 
must be a late addition. But the Acta 
is a late and poor document, p. 512. 



a Chr. church ^. The epiakoiwa in no. 36a is a solitary exception, 
unless no. 443 also belongs to the third century ^. 

As M. Cumont observes, of all the terms used for the sepulchre 
in early inscr., none but KOLfirjTTJpLoy is exclusively Chr. It had 
come into occasional use by the middle of the third century (no. 445), 
but it never supplanted entirely even the obviously pagan name ^pSov 
(no. 354). At Thessalonica in CIQ 9439 the formula of dedicating 
rd KoifiijTrjpiop €(09 dyaaTd(r€<iD9 is dated by Kirchhoff as early as * the 
third or even the second century after Christ ; * but I could not accept 
such a date, for the inscr. seems to me obviously not earlier than 
the middle of the fourth century. 

M. Le Slant 11 p. 1 23 finds a few cases in which such expressions 
as mancipiia benigna, famulis henignuSy hlandus eras aervisy occur 
on Christian gravestones ^ ; but it is only very rarely that such senti- 
ments can be taken as a proof of Chr. origin. In many cases similar 
lofty moral sentiments were used by pagans ;• and in some cases 
(e.g. no. 332) they were inscribed on non-Chr. tombstones as a counter- 
blast to Christianity. Kaibel remarks on no. 1588 (EpfLoyiyrj x^*P^» 
eTTf Piaxra^ fi€\ KaXm npd^a^, firjSii/a Xvirrjaa? firjSeyl Trpoa-Kpova-as) 
videtiiT Christiana, and inscr. 387 is betrayed by a Chr. sentiment. 
But few such cases occur, and those only sporadically. 

In the closer study of epitaphs certain formulae catch the student's 
eye as differing from the familiar type. Wherever anything strikes 
him as unusual, wherever there is anything that rises above the 
ordinary dull level, wherever there is the slightest trace of deeper 
thought or human feeling, the epitaph is worthy of being set aside, and 
labelled : analogous cases must be sought for and placed alongside 
of it, and the origin of the peculiarity must be sought for. In most 
cases, we shall find distinct evidence that the origin lies in the new 

* A diakonos at Cyzicos Afh. Mitth, 
1885 p. 204, at Metropolis of Ionia 
Smym, Maus. no. (nry, onB'. Episkopoi 
occur not rarely in Syrian pagan inscr. 
of the third century: see LW 191 1, 
1989, 1990, 2298, and Charisius in Dig, 
L 4, 18 (which is quoted by Waddington 
to prove that in Syria the episkopoi 
corresponded to the agoranomoi in Greek 
and Asian cities). Episkopoi were also 
known among the religious fraternities 
or Oiaaoi, 

' No. 443 is probably later than 


* Formulae such as ircun <f>tKot kqX 
ovdfvi ix^pos, or firjdfva Xw^aas fuydevl 
npoa-Kpova-as, or amicus omnium^ or omnes 
pie diligensj odio habens neminem, are 
not uncommon in epitaphs, especially 
Chr.; but CIG 3865 at Temenothyrai, 
Mapxov HoKiffTov <fn\oa6<l>ov ndyr^p <^iXov, 
clearly belongs to the pagan philo- 
sophical reaction. On the whole subject 
see Le Blant II p. 209, and on the 
similar declarations of kindness to the 
poor and to slaves I p. 123. 


religion ; and that the inscr. is either Chr.> or provoked from the 
opponents and rivals of Christianity. 

This method requires great care, for mistakes have been made. 
There is a class of inscriptions, like NUri HXavKOVy NiKfj NiKoXdov^ 
&c,y found chiefly on the coast at Branchidai, Halikamassos, Mylasa, 
lasos^ and in the island of Cos. Sir C. Newton first observed them, 
and interpreted them of victories in the games. MM. Cousin and Diehl ^ 
suggested that they were the epitaphs of Chr. martyrs, and their view 
was taken up and reinforced by Prof. Q. Hirschfeld \ In addition to 
other peculiarities which seemed to these scholars to be suspicious, 
they pointed out that the palm-branch (a well-known Chr. symbol) 
was in one case engraved beside the inscr. % and that the father's name 
was never added. The latter point is an admitted characteristic of 
later Chr. inscr., but not of pre-Constantinian inscr. ; and some 
of the Nike inscr. are as early as the first century. The reasoning of 
M. Duchesne, Mr. Paton ^, M. Th. Beinach, and M. Cumont seems to 
me conclusive against the Chr. origin of this class of inscr. No Chr. 
accompaniments or names have been detected among them ; and, 
where the class is so numerous, that objection alone would be fatal. 

§ 5. The Reckoning with God. From the pagan Phrygian concep- 
tion of the nature of a gi'ave, it follows that intrusion of any other 
corpse into the grave was a diminution of the prerogative and the rites 
of the first occupant. Christianity rejected such a conception of the 
grave. But it is always difficult to eradicate from the popular mind 
its conception and principles in the treatment of the dead ; moreover, 
from a different cause, Christianity was naturally disposed to attach 
great sanctity to the sepulchre. There was, however, one marked 
difference : the burial of different families in one grave was essen- 
tially opposed to the Phrygian conception, whereas it was in perfect 
accordance with the Christian ideas of brotherhood and communion. 
Especially, the Christians longed to be buried close to the grave of 
a martyr or saint; and richer Christians often provided that their 
grave should be open to others or to the poor. Hence in any case 
where the epitaph gives wider admission to the grave, Christian 
character is probable, and will in many cases be found to be confirmed 

^ BCH 1890 p. 115: to which M. 1893 pp. 202 ff. New examples at lasos 

Duchesne replied, Bull. Crit. 1890 BCH 1894 p. 24. 

p. 138 (an article which I have not ' The goal {meta) is indicated beside 

seen). it ; and an agonistic sense is quite as 

' Philologus 1 89 1 pp. 430 ff: to which natural as a Chr. 

M. Th. Reinach replied, Rev, Et, Gr. * Paton and Hicks /nwr.o/" Cm p. 121. 


by other indications. Even the admission of a friend outside the house- 
hold ^ is a sign, at least, of wider and more educated ideas than the 
pure Phrygian, and epitaphs containing such a provision should be 
carefully studied : see, e.g., no 232 (which is not Chr., but also is not 
of the ordinary pagan type). 

Apart from this difierence, the pagans and the Christians during 
the second and third century attempted alike to guarantee the sanctity 
of the grave and deter all persons from unlawful intrusion into it: 
both alike enacted legal penalties, and invoked divine punishment, in 
case of intrusion. The legal penalty was usually a fine made payable 
to the fiscus, the city, or some other body, which gave that body an 
interest in protecting the tomb : occasionally the penalty was made 
payable to any one who took up the case and prosecuted ^. In such 
enactments no religious scruple was violated ; Christians and pagans 
met here on common ground ; and their epitaphs are undistinguish- 
able, 80 fai' as legal penalties are concerned ^. 

The pagans often sought Divine protection for their graves *. But 
it was not possible for even the least instructed Christian to appeal 
to Helios, or Leto. or Soteira, to guard their graves ; and, as the desire 
to trust the safety of their graves to God was probably even stronger 
among the Christians than among the pagans, they sought after forms 
of adjuration which would conform to their religious views. Further 
it was necessary that these forms should not be too openly Christian : 
they must be so general in expression as not to constitute an open 
declaration of their religion. Hence such an expression about the 
violator as *may he not inherit the life to come*' was not engraved 
on a Eumenian tomb. It might have been used by a martyr on his 
trial, who was boldly declaring his principles when challenged ® ; but 
in ordinary circumstances declarations of that kind were not made in 
public. Various expressions were devised to suit this need, to avoid 
at once offence against the common public feeling and outrage to 

* See no. 380, 231, 232. KKrjpovofirjarf, on which Kaibel 1563 re- 

* ry MiKriaavri CIG 3915, &c. marks 'Christiana, opinor' (cp. Kaibel 

* This (which seems so impossible to 625). M. Le Blant I pp. 290 f collects 
o priori theorists about early Christian many other examples, e. g. coniuro vos 
history) is attested by many epitaphs, per tremendum diem iudicii or habeat 
whose religion is beyond doubt, no. inquisitionem ante tribunal Dei nostri (or 
362. aetemi iudicis). These belong to a later 

* It was usual to prepare one*s own period and different circumstances, 
grave in one's lifetime. * See e. g. Passio S, Bonifacii § 2 «V ttJ 

* ElpTJpa tCrjatv €Trj (' , iav oiv ris avrqv <f>oP«p^ Vh^^P9 ^V^ diKaioKpiaias rov BiOv 
3§\^arjj opopv^f rov fitWovra alS>va fti; (Ruinart Act, Sine.), 

VOL. T. PT. II. L 


private Christian feeling; but by far the most important was one 
which seems to have been originated in Eumeneia, and to have thence 
spread to some of the surrounding cities, ' the violator shall have to 
account to the Qod.' The pagans often used the term ' the God * to 
indicate the great local deity ; and it is also common in the Christian 
books. In no respect could it jar on the most susceptible of pagans ; 
and yet it contains an idea, which was rarely expressed by them, while 
it has been at all times ready to the lips of every person trained 
in a Christian society. The pagans often appealed to their Qod, but 
rarely to him as the Judge : they often ask him to punish their enemy, 
but they rarely ask for fair treatment according to a reckoning of 

It was probably during the first quarter of the third century that 
this formula was struck out ; and it soon passed into very general use. 
There are twenty-six examples of it in Eumeneia alone, all obviously 
belonging to the third century ^ It is found all round Eumeneia, and 
spread N.K as far as Dokimion and Pessinus, N.W. as far as Cyzicos, 
S.E. as far as Pisidian Antioch. 

As M. Cumont has pointed out^ this formula was modified from 
one which was occasionally used by pagans, though only one example 
is known, * the violator shall have to account to the departed ' (see 
no. 354). It is a characteristic feature that the pagan form is adopted 
with the smallest possible change, and the least perceptible modifi- 
cation of its spirit. 

§ 6. Other Formulae against Violation of the Tobtb. Otbqi^ 
Christian formulae were employed, probably originating in differenl 
places, and spreading out from their original home. In Phrygia 
Paroreios, Pessinus, and Herakleia-Perinthos *, there occurs another 
rendering of the same sense : iacrei de© \6yov : we cannot prove with 
such certainty the date of this formula, and it is probably not so early 
as the Eumenian form, for the examples known seem all to belong to 
the fourth century. Yet it also perhaps springs from a pagan expres- 
sion, for in the example from Philomelion, the protasis retains the old 
semi-metrical form, which is used in the pagan epitaphs ^. 

In Melos ipscriptions containing an adjuration to the public not 

' It occurs in fonrth centuiy inscr. at ' or &v ravTjj crop[^] Kanotfyy^a xfipa 

Apameia no. 399, at Dokimion no. 684 ; frpo<roia'€if doxrci r^ 6*^ X(Syoy rw /icAXoim 

but all other known examples are pro- Kptivtiv (Sa\y'\Tas Ka\ p€Kpovs at Eorase 

bably third centuiy (in which period near Philomelion. Eaibel 62 5 is probably 

several are dated). See no. 373. Chr. ; ct ns irravo B(\ri<Ti TtBrjwaiy \6yov 

^ See no. 354 note, Gp. Dumont no. 46 dirod6<ri th t6 fUWov (if pagan, it shows 

irp6s 6€6y 6 \6yos, the form in pagan use). 


to do violence to, or intrude any corpse into, the tomb, are assigned 
by Ross and by Kirchhoff CIG 9288 f to the third or fourth century. 
One of these, containing a reference to * the Angel here standing on (the 
tomb) ^,' i.e. a relief or other representation of an Angel as guardian of 
the grave, mentions three presbyters, a deacon, and two vowed virgins*, 
children of one mother. The names ^ point to an early period, and 
support the date assigned by Ross and Kirchhoff on the ground of style 
and lettering ; but the open reference to Church officials by title, and 
the concluding formula {^Irja-ov XpeLorii ^orjOei r& ypdy^avri iravoiKi) 
make me unwilling to pliw^e it earUer than Constantino, while aJl 
other arguments are against the idea of a later date. We thus get an 
approximate date 330-340 for the concluding formula, and for the 
opening formula h K{vpi)(p, 

A third analogous expression takes an imperative form, ' thou shalt 
not wrong the God.' It occurs only in the Tembris valley, and once 
in Fisidian Antioch ; and it is neither so obviously Christian as the 
second formula, nor capable of being certainly demonstrated by its 
vaiieties and accompaniments to be Christian, like the first formula ; 
but its character seems highly probable. It will come up in a later 
chapter *. 

A fourth similar form is found perhaps only once near Acrae in 
Sicily, * may he not escape the notice of the God ^.' 

It has never been a characteristic of healthy Christian society to be 
satisfied with a few stereotyped formulae : the more vigorous it is the 
4nore varied is its expression. In Eumeneia there ai'e, I believe, many 
Christian inscriptions, which do not employ the * Eumenian formula.' 
For example, there occurs one outlying example of what we may call 
the'Akmonian formula,' no. 231, which probably arose among the 
Jews or Jewish Christians. 

§ 7. Second Centuby Christian Epitaphs. The 26 epitaphs 
no. 354-380 all obviously belong to the third century ; and there is no 
epitaph demonstrably Chr., which can be placed earlier. Yet it is 
obvious that there must have been epitaphs of Chr. at Eumeneia for 
more than a century before. Where are they? It seems unreasonable 

^ €PopKiC<ia vfias t6v 2>d€ if^tarSyra oKyc- copy (reading A for A and O for €), is 

Xov, txri ris nort roKfifj ivOabt riva Kara- badly maltreated by Kirchhoff ibid, 

BiaB^ CIG 9288. * av fxfi d6iKfi<rtK r^v Btdv. See also 

• irapBtv^vcaa-a, ibid, my Earli/ Chr, Mon, I pp. 255 ff in Expo- 

' Asklepis, Elpizon, Asklepiodotos, sitor 1888. An example of the pagan 

Agaliasis, Eutychia, Elaudiane, Buij- model may perhaps be recognized in 

chia. The name Asklepiodotos, which Kaibel 772 yniBiva abiKJitTai Kara tS>v Bt&p, 

is got by slight variations from the ° n^ XdBoiro t6v Bfdv Kaibel 254. 

L 7, 


to suppose that the Chr. buried in concealed graves until about 220, 
and then altered their custom and buried openly^. Much more 
probable is it that in the older epitaphs the Chr. character was even 
more completely suppressed ; and thus they escape our notice. That 
is the case with no. 657, at Hieropolis, whose Chr. origin and second 
century date are practically certain : yet Dr. Ficker and others have 
demonstrated in a very ingenious way that there is no single phrase 
or word in the inscr. which might not conceivably be used by a pagan *. 
That example may be studied as a specimen of the way in which the 
deepest facts of Chr. feiith might be expressed publicly, in language 
that would not offend pagan feeling, on a monument that stood plain 
before the eyes of the world as a witness to the faith. 

Probably, as the use of names by the early Chr. in AsiA Minor 
becomes more familiar to us through the discovery of more monu- 
ments, it will be possible to identify some of the earlier Eumenian 
Chr. epitaphs. In the mean time, however, we must be content to 
remain in ignorance ; but the suspicion haunts me that many, which 
probably belong to the second century, are Chr. ^ Such epitaphs as 
no. 243 or 235, in which the statement of any penalty is carefully 
avoided (even at the expense of grammar in no. 235), suggests that 
before the Chr. formula was struck out, the Chr. sometimes contented 
themselves with mere omission of pagan elements. 

In Hierapolis there occur two inscr. no. 411 f, in which the Chr. 
tone may probably be detected at an earlier date than in Eumeneia. 
If we rightly interpret them, one important fact results : the Hiera- 
politan Chr., late in the second century, still took shelter behind the 
pennission accorded to the Jewish religion. These inscr. mention 
three feasts : two of them bear Jewish titles, while the third is concealed 
beneath an obscure name. The significance of this fact becomes 
apparent when the situation of the Chr. in Phrygia is considered : 
what they aimed at was legality in outward appearance more than 

' No change in their relation to the 
pagans and the goyemment occurred 
about that time to make such altera- 
tion in their customs probable : more- 
over in surrounding cities open sepul- 
ture was practised by the Chr., no. 41 1 f, 

* Their arguments make it unneces- 
sary to press the point here. But when 
they go on to argue that therefore the 
inscr. is not Chr., we can only regard 
this as an extreme example among 

scholars of the perception of the details 
blurring the conception of the whole. 
The progress of discovery will soon 
make it unnecessary to argue against 
this ingenious fantasy. But if German 
theologians are deceived, pagans of the 
year 200 might be so also. See no. 657. 
' See the list p. 532. For example 
in no. 265, of four names, two belong 
to Eumenian martyrs, Neon and Gaios, 
and the others are Teimotheos and 


absolute concealment. It is certain that the Cbr. were numerous in 
Phrygia even in the second century ; and it may be assumed that their 
strength was known in a general way to the whole population. But 
their religion was forbidden, and any convicted Chr. was put to death. 
Such was the theoretical principle ; but in practice there was great 
laxity in carrying it out. Trajan, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius^ 
practically ordered provincial governors not to observe Chr., unless 
their attention was called to them by a prosecutor, who formally 
accused them. But persecution in the Roman world could not be 
really eflTective, except where the government took the initiative, and 
sought out the Christians. In Home there was no official prosecutor ; 
rewards were given to volunteers who prosecuted successfully ; and 
the carrying out of the laws in general was left to private initiative *. 
Where Christianity was very strong, it would probably be rarely 
possible to find any private person ready both to brave the feeling 
generally entertained in ancient times against all volunteer prosecutors 
(delatores), and to incur * the hatred of a united and energetic body 
like the Christians^.' The rarity of martyrs in Phrygia after the 
Antonine period* (until the time of Diocletian) conspires with all 
other signs to show that the Church in Phrygia developed in peace 
and prosperity for more than a century before a.d. 303. There was 
a general indisposition among the officials and the pagans to begin 
any open action against the Chr. ; and the Church, on its side, studied 
to use all the outward forms that would give legality, and to avoid 
anything which would tend to draw attention to it or to provoke 
prosecution. A spirit of forbearance in practice was encouraged on 
both sides, and in the course of generations this became the rule 
of practical life. 

In pursuance of this policy, the Chr. put nothing in public docu- 
mentSj such as their epitaphs, which could be quoted as evidence of 
Christianity: if an official was mentioned, a title common to the 
pagans was used, as episkopos no. 363, perhaps geraios no. 361, 364. 
Jewish festivals were legal ; and their names could therefore be used. 

^ The whole subject is discussed in 
my Church in R. E. Ch. XIV, XV ; and 
I continue to think that where mj view 
differs from those of recent scholai's, 
such as Neumann and Hardy, it is 
nearer the truth than theirs. M. Aure- 
lius exercised the acknowledged prin- 
ciples of state action much more 
severely, at least in his earlier years. 

* It is doubtful whether successful 
prosecutors of Chr. were rewarded before 
the time of M. Aurelius ; but the prac- 
tice is vouched for at that period by 
Melito, see Church in B, E, p. 336. 

' Church in R, E, p. 326 ; cp. p. 480. 

* Neumann in his list der r6m. Stoat 
u, d, aUgem. Kirche p. 283 finds none 
later than 184. 


Benefit-societies were allowed by law under certain restrictions ; and 
the communities of Chr. in the* cities were therefore registered under 
suitable names, assimilated to those of trades or local guilds no. 411 f, 
455. Where anything clearly Chr. was mentioned, it was hidden under 
a monogram, a symbol, or a strange name ; and in aU cases these 
resembled in appearance something that was pagan. For example, the 
Chr. sign X was very like the pagan ^ ; and the readiness with which 
the one might be taken for the other is shown by the fact that a skilful 
and learned epigraphist like Franz actually interpreted ^ in no. 371 
as ^, and conjecturally rewrote a correctly copied inscr. in order to 
support his interpretation. That may be taken as an example of the 
errors which spring from the failure to recognize the true origin 
and character of the Chr. inscr. 

We are therefore forced to look for meanings hidden beneath the 
surface in the early Chr. epitaphs. In doing so mistakes are inevitable 
in the earlier steps ; but the material for study will increase, and 
errors will be corrected. For the present, the attempt to explain the 
Chr. inscr. in the Appendix to this chapter is offered as a tentative 
step in a difficult path. It is hoped that the remarks in this chapter^ 
being founded on the impression conveyed by the evidence as a whole, 
will not be affected by some errors in single inscr. 

§ 8. EuMENRiA IN THE Third Century. To judge firom the pro- 
portion of epitaphs, the population of Eumeneia in the third century 
was in great part Chr. Of the 7 1 epitaphs classed as pagan or doubtful, 
only II ^ are clearly marked as later than A. D. 215, and most of these 
are suspected of Christianity (no. 380). In the same period we possess 
26 epitaphs that are certainly Chr. Three persons are mentioned as 
senators in the second century ^ and six in the third ^ ; the three are 
probably pagans, the six are Chr. 

These facts show that Eumeneia was to a large extent a Chr. city 
during the third century. Naturally we should expect that the 
predominance of the Chr. element would be more marked in the 
second half of the century; for the more vigorous and resolute 
character of the Christians would make them advance steadily in 
influence * ; and the lighter elements would be drawn after them. The 

* No. 218, 223, 229, 231, 235, 236, in the East can doubt that the Chr. 
243-245, 256, 265. religion produces a far more energetic 

' No. 204, 210, 219 (text and religion type of people : the Chr. everywhere 

doubtful). are the successful and the wealthy 

* No. 359, 361, 364, 368, 371. people (so far as wealth can exist under 

* No one that has seen the difference Mohammedan rule), 
between Chr. and non-Chr. population 


coinage of the city continued to bear the old types ; but that does not 
prove the city to be pagan. The Fortune of the city is a very common 
type; but, in the spirit of concession which evidently ruled at 
Eumeneia, probably a Chr. would not hesitate to authorize such types. 
The coinage ends about 260 A.D. ; and it is not very varied. About 
250-260, when persecution was being renewed, several Diana types 
occur, as if some acknowledgement of the established religion were 
necessitated at that crisis. 

Further the inscr. convey the impression that there was no violent 
break between Greek and Chr. culture in Eumeneia. There is no sign 
of bitterness on either side. Even no. 232, which is distinctly anti- 
Christian, savours more of argument than of persecution ; it seems 
to indicate deliberate choice of the better of two alternatives. The 
inscr. bring before us a picture of rich and generous development, 
of concession, of liberality, in which people of diverse thoughts were 
practically reconciled in a single society. But they also show us 
Eumeneia as mainly a city of Christians. Nothing similar to this is 
known throughout the ancient world : Eumeneia stands before us as 
the earliest Chr. city of which record remains, exemplifying the 
practical conciliation of two hostile religions in a peaceful and orderly 
city. The first requirement exacted from every Asian city by the 
Imperial government was order and quiet : the citizens felt this, and 
in ordinary circumstances the citizens seem to have confined them- 
selves to verbal disagreement, while each section avoided extremes. 
The ordinary class of municipal inscr., empty honorary decrees and 
the like, are conspicuously absent in Eumeneia during the third 
centuiy, though the epigraphic harvest is unusually rich : the decrees 
published in Ch. X App, I are all obviously earlier, except no. 197, 
which perhaps belongs to the philosophic reaction. This suggests 
that attention was withdrawn from the rather silly style of business 
that seems generally to have occupied much time in the meetings of 
Senate and Demos ; and that energy was concentrated on the practical 
problem of working out, within the bounds of * the Roman peace,* 
a balance between the stronger Chr. and the diminishing pagan party. 

It would be interesting to trace the character of this practical com- 
promise of interests ; but evidence does not exist as to details. It was 
necessary to keep up the forms of the established worship of the 
Emperors, for that cultus was * the key-stone of the Imperial policy \* 
and the maintenance of it was the test of loyalty : to the ancient mind 

* Church in R, E. p. 324 ; quoted with approval by Mommsen in Expositor 1893 
VIII p. 2. 


'patriotism was another form of adherence to the national religion ^' 
Thus it was necessary for the city either to keep up the forms, or to 
break with the Imperial government and proceed to extremes. How 
the State religion was maintained in practice, we are denied all 
evidence; how far some Christians might go in acceptance of the 
recognized Roman forms we need not speculate ; opinion and conduct 
varied widely, as we know, and as is natural ; some doubtless con- 
demned as sinful what others justified as mere acceptance of outward 
forms of politeness. The courtesies of society and ordinary life, as 
well as of municipal administration, had a non-Chr. form ; and a wise 
toleration will always permit great variety of opinion as to how far 
politeness might honestly be carried in accepting the ordinary practices. 
In the course of the following centuries the forms of politeness became 
Christianized ; but the process was only beginning in the third 
century. Probably the same policy which placed on the gravestone an 
appeal to ' the god/ leaving the reader to understand in his own sense 
a term common to both Chr. and Pagans, modified in similar slight 
ways many of the other forms of social and municipal life. But one 
thing we may take as certain : if Chr. entered the Imperial service or 
the municipal career, some sacrifice of strictest principle was required 
of them, and as magistrates they had to comply with many non-Chr. 
religious forms in a public way, for religion entered far more closely 
into the details of life in ancient times than it does in modem society 
and government. The simple fact that so many Chr. senators at 
Eumeneia are known to us, shows that the spirit of accommodation 
ruled there. 

It has perhaps some bearing on this topic that so many of the Chr. 
inscr. are found at the villages near the site of Attanassos ^, marked 
by a fine old mosque with the tomb of a Dede ^. The centre of the old 
Phrygian religion seems to have become also the centre of Chr. feeling. 
Religious emotion always clings to the old localities, taking on 
a Christianized form. It was doubtless this deep-lying religious 
feeling that made Attanassos the seat of a bishopric, as is mentioned 

* Church in R. E. p. 190. 

^ Dede-Eeui, or the Dede, is the now 
solitary mosque, which prohahly marks 
the site : Aidan is close to it : Tchivril 
and Yakasimak are a little further W. 
Fourteen of the 30 Chr. inscr. in App. 
were found in these villages (including 

^ The Dede or heroized ancestor, 

among the Turks, is often a mere 
expression of vague religious awe, 
inspired by striking natural surround- 
ings or by the presence of a decayed 
ancient civilization. See my paper on 
the Permanent Attachment of Religious 
Veneration^ Sfc, in Oriental Congress, 
London 1892. Above, pp. 29 f. 


above, p. 242. The mosque of the Dede shows evident traces of early 
Byzantine work. The bishop's chair and the Bema, which are at 
Aidan (no. 381, 383), are relics of the cathedral church of Attanassos, 
which was in all probability at or close to the mosque. The buildings 
attached to the mosque would well repay careful examination. In 
1887 I was unable to effect an entrance, as the doors were locked, and 
the whole place was deserted ^, Relics may yet be found of a Chr. 
building earlier than Constantino at this site. 

This outline which we have drawn of a Chr. Eumeneia is in accord- 
ance with historical record. Eusebius^ mentions incidentally a 
city of Phrygia in which about a.d. 303 the entire population was 
Chr. Taken as a general expression, this may be accepted as quite 
trustworthy, confirmed as it is by archaeological evidence ; and if one 
city was entirely governed by Christians, it is evident that the 
country in general must have been very strongly affected by the same 

§ 9. The Massacrk by Diocletian. Even a mere casual glance 
over the list of Chr.inscr. in the Apjf>endix must suggest the question. 
Where are the post-Constantinian inscr. ? At Eumeneia 26 Chr. 
epitaphs certainly, and several others probably, belong to the third 
century, while only four can be classed to the fourth and succeeding 
centuries. The contrast between the rich intellectual and political life 
of the Christians in the third century and the inarticulate monotony of 
the many centuries that succeeded is painful : one recognizes in the 
numbers of our catalogue the signs of a great misfortune to the human 
race, the destruction of a vigorous and varied life. 

Two facts stand out prominently with regard to this change. In 
the first place, it evidently did not happen by a gradual process. The 
inscr. are arrested suddenly ; and there are no examples of an inter- 
mediate class between the earlier and the later. The time when the 
change occurred was the end of the third century, for no. 371 dates 
about 270 and no. 373 probably 290-300. As M. Cumont has pointed 
out, the reason for the change must lie in the great massacre by 
Diocletian and his coadjutors and successors A.D. 303-313. 

In the second place, while it was a sudden calamity that arrested 

* The Vakuf, or religious revenues revenues, charging itself with the main- 

for the maintenance of such buildings, tenance ; the situation was certainly 

were charged in the old Roman way a difficult one ; but the result of the 

described on no. 549 ; but as the value government action has been that most 

of the piastre diminished, the revenues of these buildings are deserted and left 

grew less. The Turkish government to decay, 

some time ago took almost all these ' H, E. VIII 11. 


the development of this Chr. city, the effects were permanent and 
irreparable. The life of the city was destroyed. Up till a.d. 300 we 
can recover some idea of its development^ we can read even on its 
gravestones the signs of active thought and work. After 300 there is 
a blank, dotted with the names of an archdeacon and a few bishops 
present at councils, with one epitaph. To a certain extent the stagna- 
tion of the Byzantine period is due to those causes, which we have 
sketched in preceding pages ^, the over-centralization of government, 
the decay of municipal self-government, the indifference of the Imperial 
administration to the duty of educating the people. But these causes 
were acting during the third century, and yet thought was apparently 
more active and varied in the city during that century than ever 
before. There seems no adequate explanation of the obvious facts 
except in some great calamity, which destroyed the active and pro- 
gressive section of the population, and gave free play to the forces 
that were making for stagnation and ignorance. 

These considerations suggest that the persecution by Diocletian 
must have taken in Eumeneia the form of a thorough-going massacre ; 
and a massacre cannot be thorough unless it is deliberately and care- 
fuUy planned. This is in perfect agreement with what is recorded 
about the measures carried out under the sanction of Diocletian. It is 
an established fact that prosecution was no longer left to private 
initiative, but the Chi\ were actively sought out by the government in 
pursuance of a policy, resolved on after long deliberation, for exter- 
minating the Chr. and destroying their religion. To this end was 
directed all the power of a highly organized government, moved by 
a single will, commanding almost unlimited resources, for the space of 
ten years. The government took advantage of a marked philosophic 
revival, characterized by strong anti-Chr. feeling ; and employed for 
its own ends the power of a fervid emotion acting on men often of 
high and strongly religious motives. In the first two centuries of its 
history, Christianity had to deal with a decaying and spiritless 
paganism ; but now it met a re-invigorated and desperate religion, 
educated and spiritualized in the conflict with the Christians. Inscn 
467 is a quaint and striking example of this spirit. In the Ada of 
Theodotus of Ancyra^, we have an instance of the way in which the 
devoted fanaticism of such men made them convenient tools for carry- 
ing out the purposes of the government: the approach of the new 

' See Ch. X § 6, and pp. 440, 444. character of personal knowledge and 

• This document is among the Acta contemporary narrative. 
Sincera of Ruinart, and has all the 



governor of Galatia and the announcement of his intentions struck 
terror into the hearts of the Chr. : his name was Theotecnus, * the 
Child of God,' in which we recognize one of those by-names, which 
were assumed by some of the philosophic reactionaries, in competition 
with the Chr. confidence in their divine mission, and the Chr. religious 
names assumed at baptism. 

As an example of what took place in Phrygia, Eusebius mentions 
that the Chr. city, which was alluded to in § 8, was burned to the 
ground with its people, even women and children, * calling upon the 
God who is over all ^.* The exact circumstances are a little doubtful, 
for Lactantius is perhaps alluding to the same atrocity, when he speaks 
of a whole people in Phrygia being burned along with their meeting- 
place ^ ; and Lactantius must here rank as the better authority, if they 
are describing the same incident. But it is only the blindness of 
uncritical prejudice, which sets aside such an incident merely because 
it is liable to become distoited or exaggerated in repetition. That is 
part of human nature. The essential fact is that the entire population 
of a city was destroyed by fire ; and on that two excellent authorities 
are agreed. We must of course take the fact in its surroundings. 
We need have no doubt that the invariable choice was oflfered, com- 
pliance or death ^, and equally little doubt that many would in ordinary 
circumstances have chosen the former alternative ; but it lies in human 
nature that the general spirit of a crowd exercises a powerful influence 
on the persons in it, and many, who, taken singly, would have shrunk 
from death, accepted it boldly when inspired by the courage of the 
whole mass. Lactantius's statement implies that the people had 
assembled at their church : this would in itself be an act of defiance 
of the Imperial government, and probably the less staunch adherents 
would not venture on such an extreme course. 

Moreover, to one who has by the patient toil of years tracked out 
these Chr. communities by their formula of appealing to * the god,' it 
comes as one of those startling and convincing details of real life 
and truth, that the one thing recorded about the destroyed people is 

' H, E, VIII II oXrjv Xpiariavav iroXl" 
X}^v ai/rctvdpov dfi(l>\ r^v ^pvyiav iv Kvttki^ 
frcp(/3aA($rrc( oTrXIrai, nvp re iffydyfravretf 
xarc^Xf^ay airrovs &p,a vrjniots Ka\ yvvai(if 
Toif ^irl ndvTcav Bthv tirt&otop,€voi£' ore d^ 
wav^riful iravT€S ol rqv n6\iv o/ieo{)yr«ff, 
XoytoTi^^ Tf airrbs Koi arparJiyhs avv rots tv 
rcXci naa-t Ka\ oX^ ^rjpt^f Xpiariapoifs (rffms 
6fu>koyovvT€Sf ovd' Srroyrrioiy roii npoaraT- 

Tovatv etdcaXoXarpctJ/ innBapxovv, 

' InsU Div. V 1 1 aictU unus in Phrygia 

qxii universum papulum cum ipso pariter 

conrenticulo concremavit, 
' Lactantius goes on to point out that 

it was a point of pride and honoar to 

succeed in forcing any Chr. to comply : 

any one ready to comply was always 



that they died ' appealing to the god over all.* Unconsciously Eusebius 
writes as the epitaph over the ashes of the destroyed people the words 
by which we have recognized the epitaphs which they themselves 
habitually composed. 

Lactantius mentions that this was done by a governor, and no 
governor could have ventured on such an act, unless he had a full 
commission to exterminate the Christians. A general massacre, 
evidently, was deliberately planned by the central government, and 
carried out by suitable agents. While this case has been selected as 
an extreme example of barbarity on the one side and of steadfastness 
on the other, it must be taken as indicative of the policy carried out 
everywhere. It may perhaps hereafter be proved that Eumeneia was 
the very city that suffered in this way ; but, at any rate, the punish- 
ment was everyivhere proportioned to the guilt, and Eumeneia, as 
being certainly more deeply infected than any of the surrounding 
cities, would be treated with proportionate severity as an example to 
the rest. We may confidently say that historical and archaeological 
evidence is agreed as to the fate of Eumeneia : the active and coura- 
geous element in the population was annihilated with fire and sword 
in the years following a. d. 303, and the development of the city was 
suddenly terminated. 

While the government used the revival of anti-Chr. fanaticism for 
its own pui'pose, and while the revival was a contributory cause of the 
massacre, the main reason that induced Diocletian to give a reluctant 
consent to it was certainly not fanaticism. The measure which he 
carried out was chosen after long consideration as politically expedient. 
The Christians were opposed to the government policy : they were the 
party of reform, and, though they advocated their policy, as a rule, 
within the limits of the strictest constitutional agitation, yet the 
Roman government was never very tolerant of divergent political 
opinions. The Christians, as a whole, were necessarily desirous of 
change in the State policy : they were, as a rule, energetic as indi- 
viduals and as a body, and therefore they naturally were opposed, 
whether consciously or not, to the centmlized and paternal govern- 
ment policy, which more and more arrogated the right of ordering 
everything, managing everything, and thinking for everybody. That 
policy, which ultimately ruined the Empire, was endangered by the 
growth of freedom and individuality among the Christians ; and it 
resolved to destroy the opposing element. 

Freedom of spirit is a more delicate plant in the East than in 
Europe, in ancient than in modem time. Perhaps some persons may 
consider us mistaken in believing that the spread of Christianity 


between A.D. 47 and 303 had fostered that tender and frail plant in the 
soil of Phrygia, and especially those who have least weighed the newly 
accumulated evidence will be most ready to condemn as fanciful the 
picture which we have draMhi of the new Phrygian life as full of 
promise of a healthy and vigorous development for the Roman 
Empire ; but none will deny that after the time of Diocletian there 
are few signs of such a spirit, and that, if the plant had shown any 
signs of growth before, it was effectually destroyed then. Individual 
estimates are more liable to vary in matters of religious history than 
in any other subject ; but few, probably, who study the Chr. history 
of the first five centuries, can fail to be struck with the strong contrast 
between the Church of the fourth century and the Church of the earlier 
period, regarded simply as a force in society and in politics. From 
being the champion of education, it became more and more markedly 
the opponent of education, and looked on culture and literature and 
art with growing disfavour ; its bishops were worse educated, till in 
448 we find a Phrygian bishop unable to sign his name ^, but able to 
frame canons to bind the whole Christian world at the Council of 
Constantinople ^ ; and it became identified with the policy of centralized 
despotism and the destruction of individual freedom. The massacre of 
Diocletian, by exterminating the most progressive party in the eastern 
cities, destroyed the last chance that the Empire had of regaining 
vitality and health ; education had always been dependent on the 
vigour of municipal life, and henceforth it sickened and died ; when 
the pagan philosophic reaction had spent its force, there was no power 
left to withstand the barbarizing anti-Grecian tendencies which some 
of the Chr. party had always shown. Massacre then, as always, was 
proved to be not merely a crime and a stupendous folly, but also 
a terrible blow to the world, to civilization, and to humanity. 

§ 10. Diffusion of Christianity in S.W. Phrygia. While Apa- 
meia shared in the development of Eumeneia, the inscr. do not 
show the Chr. party so triumphant, but they prove that it was 
numerous. As we have seen above (Ch. XI § 19) Apameia never 
obtained the titles and rank in the Imperial system that were granted 
to less important cities ; and it is possible that the existence of so 
strong a Chr. party in the city always exposed it to suspicion and 
dislike in the eyes of the central government, for, even when the 
Empire wa« not inclined to active persecution, it was distrustful of 
the rising party. 

If the preservation of inscr. had been uniform over Phrygia, it 

* Elias of Hadrianopolis {eo quod nesciam Uferas) : Hist, Geogr. p. 92. 


would be possible to draw many inferences from the comparative 
numbers of Chr. documents found in different districts. But historical 
circumstances have affected the numbers ; and it is necessary to be 
very cautious in reasoning from them. Still, when we find in the 
Tchal district six post-Constantinian Chr. inscr. (402-407), and none 
earlier ; and compare this with the numbers at Eumeneia (four and 
twenty-six or more) and Apameia (three and twelve or more), it seems 
safe to argue that the Tchal district remained pagan to a very much 
later date than the upper Maeander valley. The same inference 
might be drawn from other facts : new ideas and a new reli^on 
must have penetrated far more slowly into the uncivilized hill-country 
of Tchal, apart from the great lines of intercourse, than into more 
educated districts like Apameia and Eumeneia. It is, I believe, safe 
to say that the Tchal district was little affected by Christianity before 
the fourth century. 

In western Banaz-Ova, there is little evidence : inscr. are rare^ and 
Chr. inscr. are unknown except in the extreme N.W. district (no. 
441-444). It is therefore highly improbable that Christianity spread 
there veiy early ; and the only pre-Constantinian inscr. (no. 444) 
belongs to the N.W. Phrygian class ^ which is broadly distinguished 
from the Eumenian and Apamean class. Hence we may fairly infer 
that early Christianity penetrated into this district from the north, 
while there is a belt of country separating the region thus affected 
from the region where the Eumenian formula was current 

The eastern Banaz-Ova (with Pepouza, Bria, Sebaste, and Akmonia) 
and the Glaukos valley, being in constant communication with the 
cities on the upper Maeander, paiticipated in the spread of the new 
religion from that side. Here also we find few post-Constantinian 
and more early Chr. inscr. But these are the limits to N. and N.E. ; 
and beyond this we reach a tract of country where Chr. inscr. earlier 
than Constantine are unknown, while later ones are numerous : see 

ch. xvn § 3. 

Towards E., evidence is too scanty. Pisidian Antioch shares in the 
Eumenian formula; but on the line of the great Highway through 

* This class will be discussed in a 
later chapter ; but, as yet, I think that 
the theory of diffusion from Bithynia 
or Mysia (as stated with confirmatory 
reasons in my Early Chr. Monuments of 
Fhrygla I in Expositor VIII p. 264) suits 
the scanty evidence perfectly: at one 

time I thought that certain new evi- 
dence was against it, and in a public 
lecture in Oxford I felt compelled to 
draw back from the theory ; but further 
study shows that I had not properly 
estimated the new evidence, and that 
my early impression was right. 


Paroreios Phrygia inscr. have perished in a larger proportion than 
elsewhere ^. The few Chr. inscr. that are found along that line are 
later than Constantino ; and it would appear that Christianity did 
not penetrate in the earlier period along the great Highway much 
further to E. than Apameia. On the other hand, in S.E. Phrygia 
and the adjoining comer of Lycaonia, early Chr. inscr. are numerous ; 
and they are not of the Eumenian or Apamean type. Here we 
recognize a different influence. 

These facts point distinctly to three separate lines of Chr. influence 
in Phrygia during the early centuries. The first comes up the 
Maeander valley, and reaches on different lines as far as Akmonia, 
and the Pentapolis and Apameia and Pisidian Antioch, and Lake 
Askania: the second belongs to Lycaonia and the extreme S.E. 
district: the third belongs to the N.W. The spheres of these three 
influences are separated from each other by belts of country where 
early Chr. inscr. are non-existent^, while in most cases late Chr. 
inscr. are comparatively numerous. It seems beyond question that 
the first line of influence spread from tlie Aegean coast lands, and 
that its ultimate source is in St. PauVs work in Ephesos {Acta XIX) 
and in the efforts of his coadjutors during the following years ^, while 
the second originated in the earlier Pauline Churches of Derbe, 
Lystm, Iconium, and Antioch [Acts XIII, XIV). 

Two facts require notice, (i) Pisidian Antioch has been classed 
epigraphically with the Maeander valley. But it is on the frontier 
between that and the S.E. group, and shared in both influences. 
(2) The Lycos valley shows no example of the Eumenian formula. 
But that district was one of the centres of administration, and 
greater privacy and concealment was necessary there*. Moreover, 
it is clear that, for some reason, Christianity spread to a quite extra- 
ordinary extent in Eumeneia and Apameia. 

South of the line just indicated, in the mountainous districts of the 
southern frontier, no early Chr. inscr. occur®. Aphrodisias is the 

^ That district was swept by many 
armies and many raids ; and ancient 
remains perhaps suffered from fire ; 
while the marbles used in the fine 
Se\juk buildings (though probably an- 
cient) have all been reworked, so as to 
obliterate inscr. 

* Only at Pisidian Antioch two spheres 
of influence meet. 

• See my St. Paul the Trav. pp. 274 

350 f» 358- 
* Chr. trials in Phrygia occun'ed 

oftenest at Laodiceia, also at Hierapolis, 

Apameia, Eumeneia and Synnada. In 

most of these places (perhaps in all) 

conventus met, and trials before a go- 

yemor (who alone could judge Chr. 

cases) were naturally held there. 

° Unlessno. 432 bis is Chr. 


only great centre, where we might have looked for an early establish- 
ment of the new religion ; but for some reason it seems to have 
continued to be a great pagan centre till after the time of Con- 

In the Lycos valley, the early history of Christianity is very 
obscure. After the new religion was spread there by Timothy, Mark, 
Epaphras ^ and others, all record ends. The persecution of Domitian 
probably to a great extent destroyed the thread of connexion between 
the Church of 50-100 A. D. and that of later time. Some tradition, 
perhaps continuous, was preserved, for Theodoret mentions that the 
house of Philemon at Colossai was still shown in the first half of the 
fifth century ; and if the works of Papias of Hierapolis had been 
preserved, probably some of the important facts about the Church of 
the Lycos valley would have been preserved. Little more than the 
names of a few bishops and martyrs are known ^ ; and no Ada of any 
value connected with the valley or with S.W. Phrygia have been 
published. The account given of Philip, John, and Archippos at 
Hierapolis and Colossai, is mere invention of a very late period^. 
Trophimos and Thallos are said to have been crucified under Diocle- 
tian at Laodiceia by a governor Asklepios on 1 1 March : this may 
be historical, for we have seen an example of the kind of religious 
names assumed by governors engaged in this persecution, § 9. The 
legend of Artemon, slain at Caesareia by Patricius, Comes and Gover- 
nor of Phrygia Pacatiana under Diocletian, is a very late fiction: 
the title Comes at Laodiceia came into existence under Justinian 
(p. 83). It is possible that some historical basis underlies the legend ; 
but the circumstances would suit better an earlier period than Dio- 
cletian ; and the most favourable supposition would be that the 
Emperor's name is a late insertion, and that Artemon belonged to 
an earlier time, when Caesareia-Cibyra * was a city of Asia, and 
when a Christian, tried first at Laodiceia, might afterwards be taken 
to Caesareia in the governor's train. Perhaps, if some older form of 
the Acta be discovered, it may be found that Artemon, 8 Oct., and 

' Lightfoot remarks that Epaphras ' See the lists in Appendices and 

of Colossai must be considered as the Ch. XII § 3. 

Apostle of the Lycos valley. His name ' Chutrh in R. E, Ch. XIX. 

(the diminutive of Epaphroditos) may * This seems better than the sugges- 

perhaps be imitated in no. 432 his : the tion of the Bollandists (AA SS 8 Oct. 

homely form Epaphras was not likely p. 46) that Diocaesareia should be read 

to be used in an epitaph, except in for Caesareia (in Expositor 1889 IX 

a humble class of society. pp. 153 ff I wrongly followed them). 


ArtemiuB^ 26 Jan., are duplicates ^ ; but at present even conjecture is 
forbidden by lack of evidence. 

A copy of the inscription of Laodiceia, mentioned by Le Quien on 
the authority of the old Cambridge scholar, J. Jebb (about which 
some doubt was expressed above, pp. xix, 78 f), has been rediscovered 
in a Vatican MS. by M. Laurent of the ]^cole Fran^aiae d*Athine8y 
who has generously sent me a copy and permitted me to publish it 
(no. 410 bis). 

^ See p. 494 note 6. 

Notes, i. See the totals of earlier and later Chr. Inscr., given in Note p. 716. 

2. The ruined church of very early date, which perhaps occupies the site of the 
temple of Zeus Eeleneus, p. 462, on the acropolis of Kelainai, has been best 
described by Weber, pp. 34 ff (see also my paper in Transactions Ecclesiolog. Soc. 
Aberdeen 1890 pp. 2 ff). On one of the large blocks, of which its walls are com- 
posed, is engraved no. 397. Several crosses (form, a longer vertical line bisected 
by shorter horizontal line : one with equal limbs) are incised on the walls. In 
view of probable excavation of this interesting church, a description of the ruins 
is unnecessary. 

VOL. I. FT. II. M 




353, 354. Ishekli. CIG 390a r, Kaibel J^. e Lapp, 42,6, Cumont 138. 

[6 I b€wa — iavT^ — ] ical Trj ^-qripi \ MeXrfyp koX T<p vl<p rat|<p koX T<p d5€X<^<p 

jmov I ['A<r]icX^' kripi^ hi ovh^vl i\^i<TTajL tcOtjvm ^ xaaph \ t&v '!rpo}{eyp]ajjLiva}v\' 

fts hi hv iin,Trjb€v\a'€i, tarak avrt^ irpds | rdv C^vra Oebv | ical vvv Koi iv rfi 

icpt|(r^jfji^ fifiipq. 

Kokbv I rb yripaVf ical to imti yri\[p]av rpls X'^^P^ * KaKov. 

Ka\k6v t6 6vri(rK€iv ols rd | 0jv H^piv <f>ip€i. 

'itap\h]v ^ t6 I yrjpos Koi <^ip€i 7rpo<ro lire toi; *. 
The remarkable formula^ with which the prohibition against unaatho- 
rized use of the tomb ends^ is believed by Franz in CIG not to be 
Christian ; but probably every one will agree with Kaibel * vetat Franz ne 
quis chrUtianum putet ; ego in vetitum nuu% %um! The formula evidently 
means, ' he shall have to account to God^ both now and in the judgement- 
day/ a sentiment which is as much out of keeping with ordinary pagan 
expression^ as it is characteristic of Chr. feeling : one of the most 
marked effects that Christianity has had on common sentiment is that, 
among Christian peoples, references to Divine judgement, justice, fairness, 
are so frequent. Variations occur, ifrrai. avr^ irpds rdv *l{rj(rovv) X(pto-- 
Tov) no. 371, 5cS(T€t koyov 6€(^ r^ fiiXXovri Kpdv€LV C^vras koI V€Kpovs 
at Philomelion *, lorat avr^ irpds rriv hiKaLoavvrjv tov Oeov 4$5} Xi^i/reTai 

* rtBprjpcu in Hamilton's copy: en- 
graver's error? 

» CIG transcribes \\]€[y]<o for X € I PH. 
' 7rap^vinHamilton*scopj: engraver's 

* 7rpo(ra)7r€cov, fJLOpfioXvKuov Pollux lY 

* I do not deny that parallels to it 
can be quoted from pagan writers ; but 

it is not ordinary pagan style. 

• Cp. at Herakleia-Perinthos dotxrti 
\6yov rcS tp^ofUvc^ Kplve (SiVTag koi v€Kpovs 
Berl Fhilol. Woch, 1888 p. 418 (quoted 
from Ephemen's), doxrei Bta \6yov also 
occurs in two inscr. of Pessinus (Cumont 
396, 399), in one of which occurs the 
Chr. name Eyriake. 

app. christian inscriptions. 515 

irapa tov idavirov Oeov fiaoTHya aldviov 361 (which wants the element of 
appeal to justice, but still seems Chr.), jcpos rdv iOivarov Q^ov 388, itphs 
rbv KpiTtiv Oeov 394, irpds riiv X^ipa tov 6€0v 392, Trpoy rdv C^vra 0^6v 
^^' 378^ T^pos TO p,iya Svofxa tov O^ov no. 369 ^. But the commonest form 
is the shortest lorat avrcp Ttpbs tov Q^ovy and the abbreviated form is as 
certainly Chr. as the longer ones. We might assume in almost every 
case, except one or two Jewish examples *, that this formula stamps the 
epitaph as Chr. ; and further independent evidence often occurs to the 
same effect in many inscr. containing the formula : e. g. the Chr. word 
KOLpLrjTrjpLov is used in no. 375, 376, 379, and various expressions or names 
pointing to Chr. feeling occur in no. 357, 360, 362, 364, 388 f, 684 ^ 

The formula lorat avr<p irpos tov O^ov has only a limited range ; it is 
found very frequently at Eumeneia, Apameia, and Sebaste, three cities 
lying very close together; and it affects places close around them, 
Akmonia no. 455, Pentapolis no. 659 f, Bindaios no. 435. It occurs only 
sporadically elsewhere : once in Cyzicos CIG 3690 (better Perrot Explor, 
Arch, de la Galat. p. 90 no. 58) d hi ris Topixria * Uipov KaTaOiaTai^ la[T€ 
av]T^ Trpbs rdv deov: thrice at Pisidian Antioch: once at Dokimion, 
no. 684. 

A similar thought occurs in the early Chr. literature of Asia Minor : 
cp. Ada SS. Claud, et Aster, where a woman who is consigned to torture 
says, ** tibi honum videtur ut ingenuam muUerem ac peregrlnam sic torqueas^ 
tu sets : videt Devs quod agis (see Ruinart Act. Sine. § 5 p. 31 1). Cp. § 8. 

M. Cumont justly regards as another convincing proof of religion the 
fact that no inscr. containing this formula in any of its variations 
contains anything to suggest paganism ^. 

As to the origin of the formula, it is probably an intentional variation 
of a pagan form. The pagans frequently threaten violators of the 
sanctity of the tomb with punishment from god, either alone or in 
addition to a fine, and in one case a pagan inscr. employs a form analo- 
gous to the Christian expression *, but with a difference which marks it 
as pagan, 'he shall have to reckon with the dead.' But even a single 

* The last perhaps may be Jewish or * Paton JHS 1896 p. 227. 
Jewish-Christian, as is certainly nphs * In my Early Chr, Mon. II p. 406 
r6v vyftiarov 6*6v no. 563. {Expositor 1 889) the same reason is 

* That this Chr. formula was also stated ; * none which contain that phrase 
used by Jews is shown by no. 563, on have anything to stamp them as pagan.' 
which see comm. They were probably • This analogy is indicated by M. 
Chr. Jews. Cumont in a Termessian inscr. (probably 

' The analogous formula hixm \6yov first cent.) cVriVct r^ d^/i^ di;y. /x', xal 

&c. occurs further E. and N., in Paroreios eorai avr^ Koi irpos tovs Karoixopiyovg 

Phrygia, Galatia, and Bithynia. Lanckoronski II p. 218 no. 170. 

M 2 


example is sufficient to sugg^ that this, like every other Chr. formula of 
the earliest period^ was a pagan form Christianized by a slight change. 
In this case the change was not one to rouse any suspicion. The expres- 
sion ' the god ' was familiar to the pagans^ and frequently used by them 
to designate the local patron deity ; and it was a very slight change to 
substitute for the pagan appeal to a definite deity (Men, Helios^ Selene, 
Leto &c.)^ or to the Eatachthonian gods or to the dead themselves^ the 
reference in general terms to * the God,' which could be taken by every 
one in his own sense. 

The period when this formula was introduced is indicated as the first 
half of the third century by certain dated inscr., no. 365 a.d. 263-264, 
no. 372 A.D. 249, no. 385 A.D. 253-254, no. 388 a.d. 259, no. 375 a.d. 
260, no. 448 A.D. 253, no. 449 A.D. 256^, and by the following whose 
date about 220-260 is made probable by other characteristics : no. 370 
about A.D. 224, no. 371 about a.d. 270 (formula developed), 392 c, 250. 
Moreover the general style of this group of inscr. marks them as third 
century documents ^. We conclude from this that the abbreviated form 
was in full use a. d. 240-260, that about 270 some modifications to g^ve 
a more pronounced Chr. turn to the formula were being tried, and that 
the more elaborate and developed variations like 'nph^ t7\v hiKaioavvriv 
rov O^ov are likely to be later than 240. We might conjecture that those 
inscr. in which a double penalty, civil and religious, is threatened belong 
to the earlier period a.d. 200-250 ; but the only dated example, no. 385, 
which is of Apameia, belongs to 253. 

I have not seen this stone, but it is doubtless engraved on a tombstone 
in the form of an altar, like almost every Chr. inscr. at Eumeneia that 
I have seen *. The customary method of sepulture was kept up by the 
Chr. : in the first place it would appear that there was no violent break 
in Phrygia between them and the pagans : secondly, it was an object 
with most Chr. to avoid drawing special attention to themselves, and to 
observe the formalities which would give them legal rights in their city. 

In this connexion it is interesting to find in this inscr. the tags of 
semi-philosophic verse that follow the formula of curse. In the gnomai 
quoted from Menander two of them occur in slightly different form 
{KoKbv rb yrjpav Koi rd fj.ii yr)pav itiXiv 283, and KoXbv to dvrjcTK^Lv oh vfipiv 

* In no. 445 the expression corai eVi- I formerly felt (so also M. Cumont 145 

Karaparoi napa 6^^ is rov i&vav is dated bis) of dating it later than the Not, 

A.d. 250-251. Dign, c. A, D. 412, 

' Only no. 373 looks like a fourth " No. 380 is on a stele of form rarer 

century inscr. : the explanation given at Eumeneia, with a pedimental top. 

in the comm. avoids the necessity which See p. 367 note i. 

App. christian inscriptions. 517 

TO Qv <l>ip€i 291). The incorrectness here is a sign that they were 
quoted from the popular mouth, and that the Christians in Phrygia 
did not separate themselves absolutely from Hellenic civilization. The 
educated section of the population was, on the whole, that which turned 
first to Christianity : the unthinking mob of the great Greek cities, and 
the uneducated rustic population, were the last to be affected by it. But 
the Greek of the Christian inscriptions is undoubtedly worse than that of 
the ordinary pagan epitaphs, containing more late forms and more false 
spelling. In this respect they justify the complaint of Aristides about 
the shocking Greek used by the Christians \ At the same time the 
Christian epitaphs are more ambitious, and introduce novelties and a wider 
range of topics. It was not the completely hellenized and most highly 
educated persons that were open to the new religion, but those who were 
in process of shaking off the old oriental characteristics, and who, being in 
a state of change, were open to all kinds of new influences. 

M. Le Blant II p. 95 is much shocked by a small number of Christian 
inscriptions in Gaul, which contain sentiments of a quite Epicurean type, 
e. g. Aic requieiscit in pace Mercasto qui jlorentem aevutn LX egit per anno9^ 
jucutidam vitam haec per tewpora duxit^ or per omnia lautus inter amicosy or 
Falentinia?ius legenti dixit Ulivitias [h)abeSy fruere ; si non pot is, dona,* 
He is inclined to explain them as the epitaphs of such Christians as gave 
way to the luxury and debauchery of pagan life, those who are rebuked 
by St. Paul i Cor. xv 32, Clemens Alex. Paedag. Ill 1 1, Jerome Ep. XXII 
ad Eusioch, § 29. But it is not usually the case that persons who sink 
below the standard of their society and religion blazon their manners on 
their tomb. Those who put such inscriptions on their graves surely 
intended them as profession of their principles of life j and we should 
rather look for some Christian sect, some eclectic school of thought, whose 
adherents boasted designedly of their philosophical religion on their 
gravestones. In Phrygia there was no chasm separating the Chr. from 
Greek culture ; and it is natural that some should go further than others 
in the adoption and assimilation of Greek philosophic sentiment. The 
concluding words of this inscr. represent the most outlying caste of Chr. 
sentiment, approximating to no. 232, no. 206, and no. 343, which repre- 
sent a similar outlying type of non-Chr. sentiment. 

The term fjp<3oVj which strictly is a pagan term implying a pagan 
religious idea, passed into Christian usage ^. Constantine Porphyrogenitus 
uses it to denote the tomb of Justinian [Cerim, AuL Byz. I p. 644 Ed. 

* Arist. vir«p tAv Tfrrapcov (II pp. 400 f Kirche pp. 35 f. Above, p. 486. 
Bind.). See Chutxh in R. E. pp. 352 if, « g^e CIG 9182, 9275. 

Neamann der rOm. Staat und die aUgem, 


Bonn) ; hence it evidently lasted alongside of the strictly Chr. term 
KoifjLTiTripiov, which came into use during the third century, no. 445. 

Words which strictly imply pagan ideas were not proscribed absolutely 
or regarded as unsuitable in Christian inscriptions. Especially in metrical 
epitaphs^ they were often convenient, and moreover^ as many metrical 
epitaphs were adapted from older models and used stereotyped metrical 
phrases^ such ideas and words as Hades, Tartarus, the Elysian Fields^ 
were often preserved in Christian epitaphs^. See p. 387. 

The form yrjpos for yrjpas is common in the Septuagint; and many 
other late occurrences are quoted in Stephanus. It is therefore wrong to 
alter the text to Y^f[a]9, as Franz does in CIG. The term Kpiai^os ruiipa 
seems to be used elsewhere only in the medical sense^ ' the critical day 
determining the issue of the disease.' 

355. (R. 1887). Yakasimak. M. Paris BCH 1884 P- M9 ^ Cimiont 
139. [Mci^cK/jirrys ? 'A<rKA?;irtc£8 ?]ov icar€<rKfi;a|[<r€ rd] fip<fov fwv l|avr<p] koI 
rfi ^ yw{a|[iK]i Tarf^ ica[i t^\ Relief vl<a] jutov ^Ak€(a[vh\p]<a Koi rrj yvva{iKl \ 
avrjoD 'ATTaA.ft[i*| /utjcra b^ rcd^ratj * [to^s TrpobebrjXool'jilivovs cl ny 
ivi\\€Lprja-€i irepov \ ^Trciz/doAcIr, alarai avjrcp vpos tov C&vra €>€6v. 

On the restoration at the beginning see no. 370 : the date is between 
224 and 249 no. 372. Attalis is probably related to Aur. Attalis no. 
360 : one is the wife of an Alexander^ the other is mother of an 
Alexander : both are Chr. The name Alexander is common among Chr.^ 
no. 359, 37o> 376, 386, p 672, and § 3 ; Tatia Chr. no. 365, 370. 

356. (R. 1887). Yakasimak. M. Paris in BCH 1884 p. 250*, 
Cumont 140. [6 belva Ka]r€(TK€va(r€v ra f]pif[a] \ kaxrr^ koI rfj yvv€K[\ 
rA]i;Ka)i;iai;7 Koi rots | [WJicrots jutou koI toJ '7ra|[rp]l *Pov(f)(a koI rrj p.r\Tpi 
['Ajfxjutta Ka\ rw aSeA] <^]i{5 'PoiJc^o) koX rfj yvva\LKl] avrov TarCq koI toIs 
[t]€kvols avTOv' ct ny | bal i'7rt.\€Lprj<r€i Is ra \ 'JTpobr)\ovfiatva (rv[v\K]pov(rTa ^' 

* Quern nee Tartarus furens nee poena 
Baeva nocebit Le Blant I p. 396. Sti/gis 
ira premet id. II p. 212, nemus Elysium 
id. II p. 91. 

'He omits « at beginning, and reads 

'ArroXi^fi rddc TtBr^vaC ds rovi 

irpnb. See the following note. 

' The stone has THirYN. I take 
this for an engraver's error, who should 
have written either Hf or K". M. Paris 
reads r^r yvv[aiK6i dvyaTp]i Tartg ; but 
only three or four letters can be al- 

lowed in the restoration. 

* i. e. fKTa TO TOVS npobfbqXoifiivois 

* M. Paris reads [f7r]fo-*f€vacrey, and 

yvv€.[Kt Koa]K<oviavrj , And T€6q[vat ] 

care, also ^c for 8ni 

• The composer, after beginning this 
conditional sentence, remembered that 
he had omitted to expressly forbid the 
use of the tomb to others. He there- 
fore added the prohibition, and then 
continued ci d' ovv. 

app. christian inscriptions. 519 

irip^ hi ovh\^v\ itrrai i^dv T€07j\v€v' <i 5' ovk ^, lore avry | irphs rhv 
C&irra Bedv* 

With T€6rjv€v compare uriv no. 256, 395. Glykon Chr. no. 360. 
Ammia or Amia Chr. no. 363, 367, 368, 376, 380. 

357* (^* ^^^3)* Aip. 'Aya'7r[a)jui]€r6s ^ \ (I>vkrj9 *H/o[af]5os C&v \ KaT€'' 
<ric€[t;a]a-€V rb fi\p<^ov Kot 'i[dv] i-n avnf \ jScofxdi;, els [h ic?;]^cv^7y<rc|Ta4 avrhs [k^] 
hv hv airos \ C^v avvy[(Dp]ri(rri' Ki kip, \ *Aprejuiid[(i!/9]<p 'Ap4(r|rf7r7rov, [kr{^^ 
8i I oih^vX ^[^c]oTc Tc|^^raf hs h* \iiv\ imx€t|pii<rj7 ir^fi^ov Oyivai^ ^<r|rat 
cAt(^ 7r/3o[s r]6j; Q>^6v, \ tovtov iin[ly]pa(l>ov a[iT€Ti\dri €ls tcl ipx^la], 

Artemidorus is obviously not a relative, but a friend (see no. 380). 

The name Agapomenos suits a Chr.^ but seems not to be solely Chr. 
It is quoted by Pape also from Ant A, Gr, Append, no. 375, CIG 6%i%y 
which may perhaps be a late epigram ^, but is assigned by Kaibel 
Ep. e Lapp, 617 to the second century. The word iiyiitri was favoured 
by the Chr.^ in contrast to ipoi^Sy and became a characteristic Chr. 
expression. On names with the form of passive participles cp. no. 350. 

358. (Hogarth 1887). Tanasha. kip. 'AxiJXas ^ip.^\v€vs 4>v\ris 
*lipathos I KaT^tTKeiaa-^v to \ fjpi^ov kaxm^ koI \ 177 yvvaLKl kip, Arjha\ixCri 
Kol Tois riKVOis \ kip. *kKv\q koX 'Afijui{(ai;(j) koX ^kp,p,lq rfi \ OvyarpC fiov 
Koi I kip, Taiavfi' h4p<j^ | bi oi6[c]ri [^]idv i<TT\€ Krfhtvcre cZs tov\to rd 
rip^ov el hi firfj \ tare avr<p 7rpd|y top GeSv. 

On personal names taken from epic poetry and mythology, see no. 208 
and JHS 1883 p. 36. Gaiane at Eumeneia also in no. 229; she is 
apparently not a relative, see no. 380. 

359. (R. 1887). Yakasimak. Ai]p. 'k\i^avh[pos P' \ t]ov ^EviySvov 
[Ei]|juterevs ^ovAe[v]|T^y KaT€a'K€va\(ra t6 rjpi^v i\fxavT^ koI rrj yvvr\Kl piov 
TaT[r|<p* eZ hi ns !t€\pos ifxpikfj^ la [rat airt^ irpos rhv Q€6v, 

Christian Senators of Eumeneia no. 361, 364, 368. In Acta Carpi^, 
under M. Aurelius, Papylos of Thyatira, a Chr., had been reported to the 
proconsul to be a bonleutes. At his trial the question was put to him 
povkevrrjs ct; to which he merely replied TroAtnjy eZfu : but this need not 
be understood to imply that he was not a senator, for his style of 

* OVK probably engraver's error for and died. There is nothing distinctive 
oZp. M. Paris leaves a blank. as to religion in it. If it is late, it may 

* Epitaph of a boy Atimetos from be Chr. 

Rhegium, son of Agapomenos and ' Ed. Harnack Texte und Untersuch. 

Qainta, who came to Rome aged twelve vol. Ill pt. 3. 


answering was very agg^vating. The o£Seial report is 8u£Scient proof 
that he was a senator. But at that period there is clear evidence that 
many Chr. objected to hold municipal o£Sce, as we see from Celsus (in 
Origen c, Cels. VIII 75 p. 224) and Aristides {xmkp rw rerr. vol II 
p. 40a Dind.). 

360. Ishekli. CIG 3902/, Cumont 148. kip. 'ArroXly T\v\Kaivos ncarc- 
(TKtvaaa rh fiptiov kav\T7J koI rots TTpok€\Krib€Vfi4voi9 Ka[l] \ Av^inixji 6p€Tn\fi 

Koi <^ &v (Tvi/x^PJK^^^ i^^ ^ ^^^^ t^W\ I ^^P' ^kki^avbpos. €l \ [r]i9 V iiv 
ft"€pos iTnG\[e]vivKri Twi, lore | aim^ vpos rdv Q^ov. 

Auxityche is a name elsewhere unparalleled, except by Dosityche^ which 
occurs^ according to Waddington's reading, in a Chr. inscr. of Apameia 
no. 389. Attalis cp. no. 355. Wide power of admission to the grave is 
granted to the son ; cp. no. 380. 

361. (R. 1883). CIG 3891 incorrectly in some details in the tran- 
scription, though Hamilton's copy is almost perfect (cp. Rev, Arch. 1876 
I p. 281), Cumont 146. [lp]pa)ordc |. kip, Ti^iiKKos Miyra /SovXan^s | rols 
yXvKVTirois yovevcrii/ \ kipriXloi^ Mrjv^ fi' tov ^tklinrov \ /SovXcvrj^ y€pai<^ | 
Kol *kTr<l>C<j^ ^kpra, tq ISia iK tQv \ lhlu>v' ^U & 'npo^Krfi^va^v T\bv\ \ iub^ki^bv 
^iXi'mtov Kai \ tiiv irdrpcLv KvpCWav \ kol ttiv l(abi\(l>r}v \ [fijov IlaOXai;* 
Krjh€v6rj\a-€Tai hi €h aird \ ij re truvrpoi^os \ airov ^ikfiTJi, \ koX cI tivi hipi^ \ 
Qav aDvxa>prj(T€i' | 6s 5' hv ^mxctp^o-ei irepov i7r€t|orev€Vic€U', X^i/rc|rai irapa 
TOV a6a\viTov Ocov fui(r|Tciya al(ivLov\. 

On Trdrpa see no. 272. The names Philip, Kyrilla, Paula, became 
common among the Christians. Artas is probably an abbreviation from 
Artemidoros, which had become an independent name (Chr. no. 357). 
The concluding formula is unique, but seems on the whole to be Chr., 
cp. no. 445 (which is marked as Chr. by the term KOLfirirripiov), 435. 

The words jOovXcvr^s K{al) yepatos occur here and in no. 364 (both 
Chr.). The most natural and simple interpretation is that Menas and 
Eutyches were members of the Gerousia : the term Geraios occurs in 
that sense at Hierapolis CIG 3916, in Pamphylia at Attaleia (Lanckor- 
onski I inscr. no. 8), Sillyon [ibid, no, 58), and it is frequently the case 
that senators were members of the Gerousia (e. g. at Sidyma, Benndorf 
Zyiia I no. 51). 

It is, however, perhaps justifiable to suspect that Geraios (which occurs 
only in two Chr. inscr.) may mean a presbyter in the Church. Evidence 
may yet be discovered to disprove or to confirm the suspicion. It would 
not be strange that the sam6 person should hold municipal and Church 
dignity. As yfet the clerical office was not a profession, which should 
be kept apart from secular cares and employments. Cyprian would have 

App. christian inscriptions. 


it kept separate ^, but the older system long survived him. In the Acta 
S. Theodoti *, under Diocletian, Fronto the priest of a village Malos, 40 
miles E of AnejT:^ {Hist. Geogr, p. 1^51), not merely performs his church 
duties every day, but also cultivates a vineyard and makes wine, works 
a farm, and drives a cart to Ancyra with the produce for market ; and 
his case seems not to be exceptional but the ordinary custom in Phrygia 
and Galatia. At Assos an inscription of the fourth or fifth century 
mentions Helladius a presbyter and magistrate (politeuomefios)^. The 
father of St. Patrick was a decurio and a deacon (early fourth cen- 
tury) *. See p. 568. 

362. (R. 1887, Sterrett 1883). Dede-Keui. Cumont 14a. Aoftay 
Atorc^jfjiov Ka\T€<rK€va<r€V rd fip(^\ov r^ fxrJTpoovL Mri\Tpoh(ip<^ ^itutk JTrjcp koI r<^ 
narpl fiov { Aioredm^ koI kavT<D\' €It(,s d^ ^Tn\€Lpria'€i \ 6€lv€ Irepov rira, 6i/j\<r€i 
h Td TafMclov 'irpo(T\T€lpiov hrjv. <t/' cJ KaTa<Ppo\vri(T€i tovtov, la-Tf] avT<^ itphs 

This inscription is marked as Christian by the concluding formula. 
The respect in which Metrodoros the bishop was held is marked by his 
being named by his sister's son before his own father and himself. The 
naming of a fine for violation of the tomb belongs to an early stage of 
Christian development ; and the simple forms are precisely those of the 
ordinary pagan tombstones, except for the concluding formula and the 
precedence assigned to the uncle the episkopos. The names are native 
family names, and neither does the praenomen Aurelius occur (no. 235), 
nor is there any trace of the formation of a Christian nomenclature. 
These considerations suggest for the inscription a date about 200-15. 

But the letters vary a little in size, and are not in the best style of the 
period ; and the open use of a Christian title Epukopos is hardly probable 
in the pre-Constantinian period'*. The date must therefore remain 
doubtful ; but, on the whole, the balance of evidence is in favour of the 
earlier date : in the post-Constantinian period one would hardly expect 

* See Ep. I, Stokes Ireland and the 
Celtic Church pp. 41 f, from whom I take 
the following instances. 

* AA SS 1 8th May IV 149 ff and 
Ruinart Act. Sine. 

» CIG 8838, LW 1034 (/, Sterrett /ywcr. 
ofA8808 no. 73 in Pap. Amer. Sch. Ath. I 
p. 85 (with error in transcription ; CIG 
better). In the Contemp. Rev. 1880 
(Jane) p. 983, Dr. Stokes argues that 
Helladius built the walls of Assos; 
but Sterrett shows that he built a 

church (or part of it). 

* Dr. Stokes 1. c, who also mentions 
that Innocent I replied to a question of 
Exuperius bishop of Toulouse in a. d. 
405 that those who have held judicial 
office may not be ordained without 
doing penance, and retired soldiers may 
not be ordained at all. 

* The title, however, might be men- 
tioned openly, because it was also in use 
as a pagan title (like Geraios no. 361) : 
see p. 501. 


this style of inscr. and one would expect some more emphatic signs of 
Chr. religion in the way of formulae or symbols or names. 

The form iLtfrfmv seems not to occur elsewhere (fAi^rpoK); usual decl.), 
except Kaibel Ep. e Lapp. 371 (Kotiaion) and perhaps 322 (near SardLs). 
The terms for relationship are unusual at Eumeneia^ cp. no. 272, 361. 

On the double penalty, civil and religious, see no. 369. 

^6^, IsheklL CIG 3890, Cumont 151. kip. [*Ep]/ii}5^ p^ Kalrco-xet/ao-a 
TO [ilp\\^v (?) kavT^ Koi I Tols yovwL *£p[/i|7]| ^ KoX ^AfiCf^ Tji yvvaiKCl' iripi^ 
ovhtvi' [h]s I hv hi €7ri)3ov\[ev] |<r€4, lore axn[^ 7rpo]|s t6v O^ov. [x^^P^]K<i[t] 

Ammia Chr. no. 356 etc., Amia 376. 

364. (R. 1890). Ishekli. M. Paris in BCH 1884 p. 234 ^ Cumont 
141. £i/iJpots|. Avp, EvTVxi?? '£/)/io[i}] | kitiKk-qv "EXif ^, Ev|/i€vev9 nai 
iXo)!/ (I) ?rJ\[6] |a>i/ 7ro\6^Ti79, 4>v\rjs \ ^ khpiavlho^^ )9ot;\€t;|r^9 kcX y€p€6s, \ fcarc- 
CKevaaev to ^p^\ov kavr^ Kal rrj (r€fiv\oTiTri kclL 7rpoo-^iA6<r|r(ir7; yvvaiKC /tov | 
MapKiWji fcol T019 I kavT^^v riKvois. | cI T19 hi iT€pos i\Tnx€ipria'€i Otlval \ 
TipOf iarai aim^ \ irpos tov C^vra OcSv. 

The formula ivUXrjv occurs often in Chr. inscr. ; but I do not recollect 
an example in any clearly pagan inscr. See no. 400. Hermes Chr. no. 
^6^; Eutyches no. 377. 

The cumulation of epithets of Marcella is not like the pagan custom : 
she bears the name of an honoured Chr. family of the second century 
no. 657. 

Cumulation of citizenship was very common with distinguished athletes 
and other prize winners. An example is F. 'lovXio; 'AxtAAeis x^P^^^^^ 
Mdyvqs iitb ^nTvkov<y Kal Kv^LKtjvbs kclL S/xvprato; [koI] 'E^cVto; jcoI Ilcpya- 
lirjvd^ Kol ikXiov TToXeiov iroXX<av ttoXcittjs ® (at Cyzicos Ali. Mitth, 1882 
p. 255). Yet the suspicion suggests itself that this Christian had not 

* Perhaps read Avp. f Ap]T€^»ir 0, 

' Probably Pococke has here omitted 
a line containing the fiill names of both 

* This restoration is very uncertain : 
Kl . . . TAHOPYTOY is Pocockes 
copy: possibly otto tov [Btoi^, 

* M. Paris reads YMOPOIC at the 
beginning, and l€P€OC, transcribing 
Upi{v)s (M. Cumont correctly elicits 
[y]«p<cJf). I compared M. Paris*s copy 
with the stone, and thought that the 
upright stroke in <t> (line 1} was an 

accidental scratch. The inscr. is to be 
found by any future traveller in a house 
on the right ahore the road as one goes 
out towards the pass up the Glaukos, 
near the outer edge of the town. 

* I felt far from certain as to the 
reading €AIZ; M. Cumont suggests 
[*]€Xif for *^Xif. Compare Mapxtav 
*E\iKriv in CIG 6254, Kaibel Ep, e Lapp, 
727, which is Chr. 

' In such cases probably the onginal 
patria is named first. 

app. christian inscriptions. 523 

been enrolled as an honorary citizen of other cities, but that he is using 
a common formula to point in a covert way to his heavenly citizenship. 
At a later time we find the term ovpavo-noXlrris frequent in the Chr. 
panegyrics : cp. ©eoSoVtos 6 d^io/iaic(i/)ioT09 kqX ovpavoTroklTrjs Kyrillus, in 
Usener der Ileilige Theodonos p. 105. It is of course impossible to prove 
that Eutyches meant anything different from the ordinary formula ; but, 
when it is certain that a symbolic form of expression was in use among 
the Chr., one may look for possible examples of it. A covert way of 
indicating the religion was evidently sought after among the Chr., 
while open declaration was discouraged by the Church. No. 657 1. i. 

If the reading ev/xopots in the superscription be correct, it must be 
understood in the sense of 'to the happy dead,^ like the Latin Chr. 
formula Bonu Bene, as a Chr. substitute for the pagan Bu Manibus (to 
which however in its abbreviated form B. il. many Chr. clung from 
habit, probably without any distinct idea of its meaning). The word 
fifjiopos does not occur, but the words €Vfxoipos and bva-piopos may have 
led to the form vjfiopos. The letters however are diflBcult to read with 
certainty (see note on the text) ; and M. Cumont may be right in accept- 
ing EvpLop(l)is as a pet-name of Eutyches, inscribed over the epitaph ; 
though the expression of the familiar alternative name Helix makes this 
less probable than it would otherwise be. 

Some analogous cases may be mentioned. The following inscr. from 
Julia-Gordus is published by M. Paris in BCH 1884 p. 385 Bis M[ani' 
bus], Crescenti Augg, vernae disp. vixii annis LIIII. 'ETrtor^/iTj avv rots 
T€Kvots Kpri<rK€VTL <rvpLfil(f jLt. \,, iiTLpLeXrjOtvTos IXov. KXovCov Ev<f>riiJLov. 

Episteme, his wife {confnlernalUs)^ dedicated, and P. Cluvius * Euphemos 
(either a freedman, or a Greek Roman) superintended : the word Ei//xop</)os, 
in a line by itself, is obscure. In CIG 9424 ivOi,h€ Ketrat "Ayvos Soxrt- 
'niL't[p\ov hovkor cSfiotfpjos ^ the religion (as KirchhofE says in CIG) is 
indubitable. In CIG 9454 (Chr.) €vpLolp€L GeoKTlcm}, M. Le Blant 
quotes^ (vpLVpL, *Ovrj(npi€' ovbls iOdtvaros [v]jT€p y[rjs] (Chr.) Rev, ArckSol, 
1874 II p. 252 (expressions like /x^ Av7rf;s, oih^h iOdvaros, seem to occur 
in pagan, Jewish, and Chr. inscr. alike). 

365, 366. (R. 1887). Yakasimak*. M. Paris in BCH 1884 p. 252. 
Cumont 136. The text is really double. ["Erjovs Tfir}', /ir;(i/09) [ . . . ]|. 

' Cluius (like KXovios here) is some- ' Vettori de Septem Darmientibus p. 50 

times used : see AEMit, 1895 p. 213. is his authority. 

' Kirchhoif against the copies of Pit- * On the name see no. 367. 
takis and Le Bas reads €vfio([pci]. 


Zi\v6h(nos Zrj\va>voi KaT€aK^v\\aa€V^ rh fip^\ov kavr^ Kal | rip vlcp Zriva)\vi koI 
rfj vviJi\<t>ri Tarlq: €l tls \ hi (rcpos ^7rt|x€tpiy<rt, lore | avr^ irphi \ tov Oeov ^. 

After this inscription was engraved, a daughter Maria died and was 
buried in the same grave^ and her name was added in small letters, koI 
TTJ Ovyarpl Maplq^ between the date and the first name. The date (a. d. 
26^-264) is engraved on the capital of the bomos, the name Zenodotos 
on the shaft, and Maria was inserted on the lower moulding of the 
capital. The name Maria, apart from the final formula, indicates a Chr. 
origin for the inscr. Zenodotos Chr. no. 367, Tatia no. 355. 

The date in this and many similar inscr. is not to be understood as the 
day of death of the person buried in the tomb : it was only in the deve- 
loped Chr. epitaphic system that the day of death was engraved on the 
tomb, see no. 454. Here it is the placing of the gravestone over the 
heroon that is dated, according to the common pagan custom. The pre- 
paration of a grave was an act of religion, p. 368 ; and the date of the 
construction of the monument was a fact that might be of importance in 
case of any dispute as to legal title and ownership. 

The name Maria is not very common in early Christian epitaphs ^ 
At Lugdunum in Gaul it belonged to a lady who died at the age of icx) 
probably in a.d. 552 (Le Blant I p. 102). It occurs also in no. 413 (see 
note), 439, 440. Another, which is probably Chr., is published AEMit. 
1894 p. 55: it was found at Bergula (Burgas) near Adrianople: [Ma]p^ 
l^vlvra a{XX) . . t iTroirja-a to [\a]ro/itr avv rfj f<rr]»JXAj; T<p y\vKt^T6.]r(a 
ivhp[C] fiov Ev[fXTj]A<j) fjL{v)€Cas xipiV [ct^i 5c i$ *T[7r]tas, [irpjv </>tXo7rXo9 
[^v]6<!ib€ Ket/x(ai) AAt[. ,]tos iWci </)tATy[^6jls vtto it&vTUiv [Tt\apa roiovrris 
yln{\rj]s' x^V^ Trapobelra. At Aegina Mapla fj koL HarpiKCa Chr. (probably 
fifth century) CIG 9302, Kaibel JSp. e Lapp, 421, Bullet. ArchSol, 1873 
p. 249. At Tarsos Mapfas r^s 'TTrarfay Chr. LW 1507. 

M. Le Blant remarks that names of Hebrew origin are excessively 
rare in the Christian inscriptions of the West. The commonest is 
Susanna; and Martha, Jacoba, Samson, and Revicca, occur. This 
probably results from the dislike for the Jews, and the dread of being 
taken for Jews*. Jewish origin of this family may be suspected: that 
Jews used this concluding formula with slight variations is clear from 

* KaT€a'K€aafv, an engraver s error. 

* M. Paris gives the date TM; he 
makes the inserted letters on the 
moulding as large as those in the other 
lines (which conceals from him the 
general sense) ; and he has ercpoy, c'ttc 
xeipi](T€i, and trarpi where I have vl^, 

^ M. Le Blant I p. 145 speaks du petit 

nomhre cCexemples connus du nom de 
MARIA. The name was Roman as 
well as Hebrew; but where it occurs 
in the Eastern provinces, it may be 
confidently taken as the Hebrew name. 
* In the curious inscr. Orelli 2522, 
Beturia Paulla took the name Sara 
when she adopted Judaism. 

app. christian inscriptions. 


^0. 563. In both cases we may probably infer that the families were 
Jewish-Christian. In Acta S, Theodoii Ancyr. § 3, the saint paganorum 
atque Judaeorum magnum numerum adduxit ad Ecclmam. It is evident 
that there were many Jewish Christians in Asia Minor. 

367. (R. 1887). Yakasimak^. M. Paris in BCH 1884 p. 251, 
Cumont 150. 7sr]v6hoTos \ icar€(rKCt;a(r|€v ro f\p(^ov \ kaxni^ Ki rrj | yvv€KC 
IJio[v] I 'A/1/1/9 Kk rrj 6\vyaTpl fxov ct | hi tls kirLXiplrja-L iK\o9 la\€\0lv *, fore 
T«p I irpos TOV 0€6v> 

It is probable that r^ is intended here as equivalent to avT(^ ; the same 
form occurs in no. 652. Ammia Chr. no. 356, 368, etc. 

368. (B. 1887). Ishekli. Avp. ZatTLKds Upailov^ Ev/icvciy | ^ovXevr^s 
KaT€<rK€v\a<r€v rb fipt^ov kavT<^ \ Koi ret yvvaiKL ftov TKvKOivlbi koI toIs riKvois \ 
fiov Avp, ZoortK^ T(^ vll^ \ yuov koX ALowclfj^ Koi \ ^AfXfxlq rrj Bvyarpl fiov \ 
KOI* Mcprtin; EWeCbi,' iriptf^ ] ovbcvl i^iari TcOrjvaC \ e! bi Tty iinTribeia-^i 
iT€\p6p Tiva OelvaL, Orifrei Is to \ Updrarov rafi^lov \ briv' fi<t>\ to bk \ vdpTiaif 
/ictCoi', l(Trat avT^ \ irpos Tbv QeJr. 

In the concluding words a confusion between superlative and com- 
parative is shown. Eithis seems to be a second name of Mertine (a rare 
variety of Meltine) : one would expect some descriptive word after 
Mertine^ who seems not to be a member of the family no. 380. 
Christians bear the names Glykoniane no. 356, Glykon no. 360, Ammia 
no. 356, 367, Meltine no. 354, Zotikos no. 369 etc. On the penalties see 
no. 369. 

369. (R. 1887). Ishekli. CIG 3902, Wadd. 740 and Cumont 145 in 
part; M. Paris in BCH 1884 p. 236 nearly complete*, [ri fip^ov koX 
r]|oi; iir' avrov p<afibv \ KaT€(rK€vaxr€v Avp. \ Zcortfcd; )3' tov na7r[({|ov 
Evti€V€vs avT<^ I Kal r^ yvi/atfcl [avro€] | AvprikC(} *A?r</>^cp «cal r<p | ddeX</>^ avrov 
A[vp. I 'A/i]/iXi[ai;](^, Ka[l ef] rtr[t | iAAjcp [avros] C^v [avy\x<*>]pTfi<T€i' ovb^vl 
b[k I i]\A.<p i$dv larai \ 0€ival Tiva' e! bi Tts | iTTix^iprja-ei, cla-oCa^i \ cts rifv 
Eifievitov pov\kriv TTpoarclfiov brjv, jXy \ Ka\ lorat avT^ irpos rd | fiiya 8voiia 

TOV 0€OV, 

^ IJlcuaka according to M. Paris : Ou- 
louifl Yaka in Railway Survey. I do 
not guarantee the exact form. 

* This reading seemed to me clear 
and complete. M. Paris has AO€IC|- 
A€lN, SKko cia-[/3a]Xciv, but the stone 
allows no room for inserting [^a]. 

' npa(iov is added above the line. 

* Koi before Mtprlyu was engraved 
twice, and afterwards the first was 

erased by the engraver. 

* M. Paris reads ndir[Tr]ov for nair[t]oVf 
iavT^y avrov (where I leave undecipher- 
able letters), leaves the name of the 
brother blank, and supplies [ercp]^ 
(which is too long). The restoration 
A[vp. *A/i]/i[([av]^ seemed certain on the 
stone, as the exact number of letters 
lost was obrious from the traces. 


The inscription, like no. 368, probably belongs to the period about 
230 A.D. The ordinary penalty for violating the tomb is enacted^ and 
then the Chr. threat is added^ as in no. 368^ 362^ 385 (Apameia^ dated 

253 A. D.), 392. 
Zotikos was taken into common use among the Chr., on account of its 

meanings no. 385 (where it seems to be the baptismal name)^ 368^ 
393> 3^9^ 401. 

370. (R. 1887.) Ishekli. CIG 3902 «, Cumont 149. Aip. Mci/c- 

K^ T^ I v<^ fiov 'AAefii/J/Kp* | €l tls hi iTn)(jeipri\a'€i O^lvi nva fiera \ [fieri] 
rriv ifiTjv T€\€v\Trjv, lore avr^ irpbs \ tov B^ov. 

lJ[€V€KpiL[TT)s\ 'A<rK[Xr;iri(£5ov] ^ is mentioned on a coin of the first century 
B.C. (Mion. 563). This inscription belongs to the third century after 
Christ, and therefore can have no connexion with the coin. The 
argimient in no. 372 fixes a.d. 224 as the probable approximate date 
(while the praenomen Aur. shows that c, 215 is the earliest, see no. 235). 
Tatia Chr. no. 355, 365, 370 ; Alexander Chr. no. 355, 359, 370, 376, 
386. Menekrates^ husband of Tatia^ and father of Alexander, is probably 
mentioned in no. 355^ which perhaps was an earlier stone placed on the 
same grave. 

371. (R. 1883, 1887). Ishekli. CIG 3902 0, Cumont 137. kip. 
Mrjv6(l)i\os )3' TOV 'AaljcAryirti^ov /SovXcvrijs | Karccricc^Jatra to IfiTTpoa-lO^v 
aivKpovoTov {lavTw) * k^ 'A-TroAlAooi/ty vlc^, #c€ yvvaiKi \ avrov McXT^rry, Ki 
Mt)vo{</>^({> Ki ^Aa-KkrjTTLibrj \ ^yjyrfrois ^, k^ oh avTds \ Tt^prnv fiovKriOrj, 
[€]l^ I (^bi ns ^ir(,\€Lprj(r€L ^ctj;at) ^ Ircpoi/, lorat avr^ | irpbs Tbv ^l(ji(rovv) 

The monogram at the end is a proof of the religion and of date. This 
monogram gave place to the Constantinian J^ in the fourth century, and 
is found in Rome in an inscription dated a.d. 268 or 279 (De Rossi no. 
10) ; while the argument in no. 372 gives a probable date for this inscr. 
soon after a.d. 270. The use of the monogram implies growing 
emphasis in indicating the religion^ which 4)oints to a later date than 
the form irpbs rbv B^6v. Meltine Chr. no. 354. 

The use of the monogram for the complete name CirisiuSy even when 
it forms part of a sentence, is quite common. So, for example, [iubynfe 
Deo el )^o eiu9, M^l. d'ArcAeol. XV 1 895 p. 50 : and in the conclusion 

' ACKA in Mionnet is probably a to have been omitted by carelessness of 

false reading. the engraver. 

* There is no space for the restora- ' tlyovois and CI on the stone, 
tions in angular brackets, which seem 

app. christian inscriptions. 


of an epitaph tcimus te in ^ (Le Blant I p. 68, no. 30, who quotes 
Marini Iscr. Alb. p. 37, with several other examples). 

The monogram ^ was perhaps employed before the time of Constan- 




tine ; and its orig^ is likely to have been in the eastern provinces. The 
earliest dated example in the west belongs to the year 3^3 ^ ; but it is 
found on a fragmentary inscription which may belong to the year 298 \ 
In the east we may expect to find earlier instances. Perhaps an inscrip- 
tion of Herakleia of Thrace furnishes an example : it has the monogram 
three times, and de Rossi considers that it is earlier than Constantine on 

* Bull, Arch, Crist, 1863 p. 22. 

^ De Rossi Inscr. Christ, p. 29. See no. 673. 


account of the formula dcSo-ei rois &d€k<f>ols ^. This monogram occurs in 
an inscription of Melos^ which Ross attributes to the second century (but 
which cannot be earlier than the third) ^. It occurs along with the 
letters of the word ^x^^ ^^ ^ leaden cista found in Phoenicia at Saida \ 
which De Rossi considers to be perhaps earlier than Constantino. 

In eastern inscriptions this monogram soon gave place to the mono- 
grammatic cross and the simple cross (though on coins and on objects of 
art it was used for several centuries after Constantino). It is however 
probable that in the East an inscription containing the monogram is not 
later than the fourth century ^. 

While the monogram )^ is known on private monuments, perhaps, even 
before the time of Constantino^ and becomes common on them from ^2^ 
onwards, its earliest occurrence on a public and official monument is in 
A.D. 377, and the second is in 390*. 

372. (R. 1883). JHS 1883 p. 401, Cumont 135. irov^ rky fi(rjvdi) 
t', e'. Avp. I Mcxrxaj 'AAcf(li;|[5p]ov iireaKeiaa-a \ [r]i [fjpi^v kip, ^Akc^dv^ 
dp<p M€V€Kpi\Tovs KaSiis iv€T\€lkaTo iv r^ hia\0'qKii' cl ris hi !T€\pov ifipak€i, 
laraL \ avrcp Trpbs rbv 0€6v, \ toiHtov ivriypai^iov i^'neriOi] U ra ip)(la. 
A.D. 249. 

Alexander, son of Menekrates, and father of Moschas, is mentioned 
also in the Chr. inscr. 370, where his father Menekrates allows him 
a place in his own grave. It is probable that Asklepiades in no. 370, 
371, is the same person. If so, the stemma would be 



' I 
Aur. Menophilos 

Aur. Menophilos 
natus c. 210 

Aur. Menekrates « Tatia 
aepulcr. candidit c. 224 

Aur. AlexandroB 
mortuus c, 249 

Meltine = Apollonios 


Aur. Moschas 
natus c, 229 

Menophilos Asklepiades 

The date of no. 371 would, in that case, hardly be earlier than 

* Rom, Sott, I p. 107 : Dumont Inscr, 
et Mon, Fig, de la Thrace p. 1 54. 

* Ross Inscr, Gr, Ined, fasc. Ill p. 8 ; 
CIG 9290. 

' Bull, Arch, Crist, 1873 p. 77 tav. 
IV, V. 

* On this subject I am indebted to 

the precise and accurate remarks of 
M. Bayet in Rev, Arch, 1876 (Novemb.) 
pp. 287 f. 

° The earliest is at Sion (Sitten) in 
the Alps, and the second is Roman, Le 
Blant I p. 497. 

App. christian inscriptions. 529 

A.D. 2yo; as Menophilos has grandchildren and must be an old man. 
No. 370 is older than 372 : in 370 Alexander is allowed admission to his 
father s grave (perh. c. 224 a.d.), and in 372 it is evident that Alexander 
has died and left a son Moschas, who makes a grave for his father in 
249 A. D. No. 355 is intermediate between 370 and 372. 

373. (Sterrett 1883). JHS 1883 p. 401, Cumont 145 bis. Avp. 
NciWpo); iS' KaT€a\Keva(r€v rd fjp^ov | [l]avTw fcal yvvai^Kl)^ koI \ riKVOis' 
iOrjKa h^ I ^CKov, ivOab€ | kckiJScvtc Axfp, \ Mdpvos crrpartwTTjs | linrcvj 
(TayiTrdpis | bpaKa>vapt.s i^ i<l>iK[C\ov rov XainrporiTov | ffy^fiovos KaaTpCo[v]\ * 
Kdva-TavTor | 5s av 6' ^7rtrij5ev|flrct crepos, Itrre av|[ra) irpds rbv 0cor?]. 

Neikeros granted the use of the tomb to a friend (no. 280) : the friend 
was Aur. Mannos, a soldier attached to the officium of the governor of the 
province, Castrius ^ Constans. This governor is not known ; but the 
inscription is probably not earlier than the fourth century. The use of 
the dragon standard is said to have originated during Trajan's Dacian 
wars and is mentioned in the letter of M. Aurelius to the senate^; but it is 
rarely mentioned before Ammianus and other fourth century authors. The 
word 6<I)Ckiov also suggests a late date, though officivm praetoris denotes the 
praetor's train as early as Pliny Ep, I 5, 11. Cavalry archers are mentioned 
by Tacitus A^m, II 16, and they are often alluded to in Notitia JDign. 
Castrius ^ Constans was perhaps governor of Phrygia ; but it is in 
perfect accordance with the analogy of such inscriptions to imderstand 
that Mannos served in a different province in the train of Constans *, 
and then retired from the service to his native Eumenela. If the 
restoration of the concluding lines is right (which seems almost certain), 
Mannus was a Christian ; and the inscriptions with that formula belong 
in all other cases to the third century. We must, I think, conclude from 
all the facts that this inscr. belongs to the years about 290-300. 

374. (R. 1883). Ishekli. JHS 1883 p. 399, Cumont 144. Avp. 
Hp6KKa I KaT€(rK€ia(riv \ ro fjp^ov aifTjj koI | r(j) avbpl kol toIs | t€kvoi^ 
^ikliTTTip I Kol JlavXCirrj fxvrJlpLri]s X^P'"* ^^ ^^ I [''^^j ^Trtx^P'/o'^t | [^eZjrat 
Ircpoi;, I [ccrjrat avT(a irpos \ tqv 0eoj; rov \ C^vra, 

On the names Philip and Paula in Chr. inscr. see no. 361. 

* K I was omitted by a slip of the * If he had been governor of Phrygia, 

engraver before K A I : it is possible the inscription wonld be as late as the 

that K I was omitted after P I in the fifth century ; he is entitled clarissimus, 

name of the governor, Castrifcijns. but in Not, Dign, the governor was a 

' See preceding note. simple praeses {ffy€fi<i>v) : daring the fifth 

' The letter is not genuine ; but must century the dignity was raised, as we 

have originated early. see in Hierocles (c. 530 A.D.). 



375. (R. 1887). Aidan. "Erov ry/. \ Avp. ^vfji^ffopos \ KaT€a'K€iaa'€V 
ri I KOiiiriTrjpiov ^avjr^ «cal rfj yvv€Kl | fiov koI t^ i^{<p) /lov* | cl tls hi Ircpos \ 
iviTTibeHo'^i, ia[Tai] \ avT(^ irpoy rdv \ dfov. A.D. 260-26 1. 

The inflection irov for hovi occurs in two inscriptions of the district 
around Tbyatira p. 202 fiote. The religion is proved by the word 
Koifirj-n^piov, as well as by the concluding formula. 

376. (R. 1887). Yakasimak. M. Paris in BCH 1884 p. 250 \ 
Cumont 153* A]ip. TaTia{vhs \ icarjeo'fccvaafei' | Tjb KOifirj[rrip\io^ rep ^({[rpil 
^AXel^ivhpff [koL I T]rj ywaiKl *A[ii\Lq] kcu rrj T€KOi^<fj\ri aircv' €l Tis H 
vlciprjo'L, iarai avrcp | irpos rbv Otov ^. 

Perhaps irecpijo-t is a piece of bad Greek for irei/xio-crai, or it is an error 
of the engraver for ^irix€ip?;<r6i. Here again the word Koifirjn/jpiov shows 
the religion. Amia or Ammia Chr. no. 356 etc., Alexander 355 etc. 

377. (R. 1887). Ishekli. Aiprikla Tinov | EvfievciTU KaT€crK€i\aa'€v 
rd ripifov kavrfj | koX rta ivhpl airiis \ Eirv^ri fcol cl Ti\vi hv C^ira (rvv\x<opriar€i. 
€l hi pL€\Ta Trfv T€\€v\r/jv fxov iiif TLs I iTn\ipirj<r€i riya | ^Trurei'ci/fceii', l(r|rai 
olfT^ Ttpbs rhv I Biov. 

Eutyehes Chr. no. 364. 

378. Ishekli. MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 1893 p. 24T, 
Cumont 143. Avp, <^p6vT<ov EiffjL€V€vs iPvkrjs ^ A^j)y]iiho9 KaTccKeiao'ev rh 
fipi^v kavT^ KcX rrj avp.pi(j^ ^Afifilq koL t^ ih€k<f>^ 'A[rr(i]A<^ ^ jcal r^ (rv/i)9^cp 
Al\tavjj KoX Toty riKvois avr&v' cI rty (r^pos iTn\€ipri(r€if larai avrcj) irpoy 
rbv C&pra $€6v. 

Fronto, priest of a village near Ancyra Gal. under Diocletian, in Acla 
Theodofi: see no. 361. 

379. At the Dede. M. Paris in BCH ^884 p. 242, Cumont 152. 
[i h{iva KcX i d]|d6X(^oy av|roO Kare[(r^ |Kci5a<rai; l[at;j|rots Kvp,rfjri\piov' tl tis 
ft[c] I lT€pov iTrt[\€\i]prja'i iTr€vP[a\\€]iv Ttva I[o'j|t6 avT(D Tjfpjdy rdv ^c]|oV. 

380. (R. 1887, Sterrett 1883): Dede Keui. M. Paris in BCH 1884 
p. 243 ^, Cumont 147. Is \ rd iird | rov fip(D\ov i^ov €Zv'm T€$rjvai | ['A]/ui/ifqt 
Kal Tariavfj | irpds tovs | ivhpas iav Trjprj^(r\a)](ri rbv O^ov' i^c{v]\(rlav i\ovTa)V 
fi[ex|/>]t C^o'i' iiv TL TT6[0ri | t4kvov qvtC^v i\iT€pLpaKai' hip[f^] | 6^ oihevl 

* M. Paris reads [Ev]dvdp(p for ['AXc]- was not, written, for the stone is com- 

(apdpm, [tovt]o ko- pri[Trjpio]vf omits *A[/iia], plete in the later lines). 

and reads h' €7r[ix]upwt near the end ' The copy has A • • • AAfl. 

(which perhaps should have been, but ' Many errors. 

app. christian inscriptions. 


i^itr^a^ | TiBrivai \(itph | r&v vpoYfypafi\ix4p<op Is ravra I rd vPfc' ^S 8i Sv 



















IllHOn EIMOYI L T\ff///fiiti\ 

mini in n iiiliitnf/////nfP 

It is a Chr. touch that admission to the grave should be conditional on 
religious character. Ammia Chr. no. 356, 363, 367, 368, 376 ; Tatianos 
376, Tation 377, Tatia 355, 365, 370. 

Doubtless there was another inscr. on this keroon, recording the name 
of the maker and owner. Special permission was accorded in a separate 
inscr. to Ammia and Tatiane^ but the facts are obscure. Probably their 
husbands were permitted by the principal inscr., and their wives are 
admitted on condition that they are Chr. But it is possible that the 
inscr. expresses badly that the husbands were still pagans, while the 
wives had been converted : in order that they might lie in a Chr. grave 

N 2 


(in consecrated ground f), admission was granted them by the owner of 
a Chr. grave ^y and their husbands were also permitted^ conditionally on 
their conversion. 

It is obvious that where an inscr. includes the provision that further 
leave may be granted by the owner 357, 361, 369, 371, 377 (or by her 
son, no. 360)^ no new inscr. is needed when a corpse is admitted by the 
owner ; but^ when he desires subsequently to grant right of admission to 
a person or persons still living, he must put up a new inscr. to that effect. 
The present inscr. records such a subsequent permission. Further this 
inscr. is important, as showing the importance that already attached to 
the burial of Chr. in Chr. graves. Probably religious reasons were con- 
cerned in most other cases where a friend is admitted^ no. 231, 23a, 357, 
358, 373» probably 236. 

Among these 26 Chr. epitaphs (no. 354-380), we see that 7 contain 
the provision which anticipates wider permission ^, and 3 admit by name 
a friend not of the family. Now among the 75 epitaphs which we have 
ranked as non-Christian^ only 3 admit a friend not of the family by 
name: one no. 232 is influenced by Judaism and admits two Jewish 
missionaries^ and another no. 231 is not of ordinary pagan type (and 
the friend is called Onesimos^ see p. 493). Further among the 75 non- 
Chr. epitaphs, only 5 contain the provision anticipating wider permission^ 
and 2 more contain a hint to that effect (in the words avev or \(ap\s 
avyxcaprja-eoas 244, 267). The difference in proportion is so marked, that 
we conclude that the pagans less frequently anticipated giving any wider 
permission ^ ; and these 7 exceptions may be suspected of Chr. origin. 
We scrutinize them and find in them the following names which are 
known to be used by Chr. : in no. 225 Ammia (cp. 356, 363, 367, 368, 
376, 380) and Damas (ep. 362) : in no. 243 Zotikos (cp. 369, 368, 385, 
393,401), Trophimos (cp. Acts xx 4) ; no. 244 Zotikos : no. 248 Marcus * : 
in no. 256 A.D. 227 Marcia, Zotike : in no. 260 Elpis (p. 492), Eutyches 
(cp. 364, 377); in no. 267 Marcella (cp. 364). I do not wish to exag- 

^ M. Collignon publishes an inscrip- 
tion which seems, at first, to be a good 
parallel to the opening phrase {Ann. 
Bofdeaux I p. 41, quoted in Wochenschr. 
f. Philol.)^ ih T(5de t6 rjp^ov tKTos €i' yit) 
rivi avTos kt\. But it is clear that the 
learned editor has not rightly conceived 
the construction : we must restore [oXXw 
ovK i^itTTm KTjbfvo'ai] (Is rotf rb Jjp^ovy 
€kt6s €l fiT) Ttw avrbs €ya> fwvri (or perhaps 
C^p Ti) (rvy)(<ii>pr)a<ii). It is Pisidian. 

' Reckoning 380 among them. 

■ In some cases the owner may have 
thought of granting leave to some other 
member of the family, whom at the 
moment he does not admit. LW 1683, 
which is certainly pagan, is perhaps of 
this character. 

* Was Marcus a baptismal name, 
Euboulos the exoteric name ? Com- 
pare no. 455. 

App. christian inscriptions. 533 

gerate the strength of these facts, and have not placed any of these inscr. 
among the Chr.^ though I suspect that most of them ought to be. 

381. (R. 1887). Aidan. M.Paris in BCH 1884 p. 247, Cumont 155. 
[fi]yioi; praia XP if TOY • AO). 

The symbol A (a) is used in Rome from 355 to 509 and in Gaul from 
377 ^ 547> according to M. Le Blant Manuel p. ^9. 

382. (R. 1887, Sterrett 1883). Aidan. rbv 6€ov Syrov irdjrr€9 [t]^i/ 
ikirihav fxofjLfv. 

This inscr. is on the front of a marble chair, which doubtless belonged 
originally to the church, where the Bema, no. 381, was. The lettering is 
&ir, and may belong to the fourth century. With ikirlhav op. i&vav 
no. 445 and 395. 

383. (R. 1887). Tchivril. M. Paris in BCH 1884 p. 245, Cumont 
154. M Tov ipxibuiKovov ^Ake^dvhpov : a late inscr., with d for A. 

384. (R. 1 883). Genj-Ali. [K.]ufiri(rt.s ^AvaaraaCov. 

The inscr. is arranged on both sides of a largp cross incised on the 
stone : it is hardly earlier than the fifth century, and may be later. 

2. Apaheia. 

385. MM. Legrand and Chamonard in BCH 1893 p. 248, Cumont 
209. Itovs rk-q', Al\ios Hajrxipios 6 Kal Za>TiKds KaT€a'K€vaa'€V rd fjpi^ov 
f(wv iavTi^ Koi rfj yvrcKt avrov AlkCq ^AraKdpTri Kal t4kvols. e! bi tis iiri" 
Trih€va€i IrepoSf lorat avT<^ irpbs T[dv] B^ov^ koX dcicret U rb raficiov briv. <^ 
[brjvdpM irevTaKoaia). A.D. 253-254^ 

The name Pancharios occurs elsewhere only in a Jewish inscr. of Rome 
CIG 9904 ^, Pancharia no. 677. 

Aelius Pancharios was probably a Jew, who took the baptismal name 
Zotikos (no. 369). On the Jews in Apameia cp. no. 399 bis and Ch. XV. 

386. (R. 1 891). In a bridge over the Obrimas, p. 409. Ramsay in 
BCH 1883 p. 309, Cumont 212. 'A\i(apbpos /S' iTro[C]\q(ra t6 fjp^v 
ifxavTia I Kal rfj avvfiita fxov Tarct | koL t^ ib€\<l>^ fxov T€LfioOi(j^^ Is h 
Irfpos I ov T€6rja'€T€' €l b4 tls iTnTi]\b€iia€i, lore avT^ irpbs \ tov Oedv. 

^ Panchares is a pagan name, see ' These two words are inserted in 
Pape, also Kaibel 2393 (404), 1925. small letters below JdcX^f . 


It 18 doubtful whether TaT€/[a] should not be read. Teimotheos would 
naturally become a common Chr. name : on Alexander see no. 355. 

387. (R. 1888, 1891). CIG 396a ^ Kaibel Ep. e Lapp. 386, 
Cumont 217. 

^kitifiia iyii Kcifiai MevcfcXci y^lya r^de avv ivhpi' 

Koi yap i&vT€S 6fJLov tovto yipas X<i\ofi€v. 
Koi Kl'ttoyL€v bvo T€Kva, viov hi y€ *ApT€pLib<i)pov, 
hs X^pf'V €V(r€pirjs Tcvfei; rvfifiov <\>Biyiivoi(nv. 
Xaip€ * ft' ol iraptovTcs koi €if\a9 BiaB^ vircp avrov. 

The forms of the letters are so good that the inscription cannot be 
placed later than the second century ; and it might well be put early in 
that century. The request is made to wayfarers by the dead that they 
should offer prayers for the living son (not prayers for the dead) : prayers 
for Avircius Marcellus are asked by him on his tombstone ; he was still 
living at the time^ but his request would continue after his death (no. 657). 
The concluding phrase seems a clear proof of the religion. 

388. (R. 1891). 

€TO YC T U r U^ k AY P A PT €M^ 



"£70^9 Tpy' p.(j)vos) B' K, kip. ^ApTip[as ^ApT^fxa ?] | iiTo[rj(ra rd rjpiSov 
ifiavrQ [kol rfj yvvaiKi] | fiov Taria kI toTj t€kvols p[ov' cis h Ircpos] \ oi 
T€Bi](r€Tai,' d hi ris ^7rt[r7j8€i5(ret, c(r]|rai avT<^ irpos tov iBdva[TOv B€6v\ 
A.D. 259. 

The knife in this relief shows that the deceased was a butcher. The 
vase was a common Chr. symbol. Many Chr. probably objected to the 

^ Corrections: read in 1.4 TEY3EE|sl, alike demand, was not written: see 
5<t)ei, XAlPEAOin. note I. 

' Xaip€T€, which grammar and metre 

App. christian inscriptions. 535 

use of meat from sacrificial victims^ which would often be found in the 
shops of pagan butchers, and these would prefer a Chr. butcher. Still 
more would Jewish Chr. require a special butcher. 

389. Wadd. 1733, improved by MM. Legrand and Chamonard in 
BCH 1893 p. 249, Cumont 213. Aip^Atos Av^ivcov hU^ iitoiriaa rh 
fip^ov iyLOVT^ KoL rcjS ad€\<^<^ fiov A(i>[(rt]n;)(77 ^ hdpov \i-piv avv rfj yvvaiKl 
avTCV* cis b Irepos ov rc^ijcrerar cf Tts bi crepos ^Trin/dei^cret, lorat avrf 
vpds Tov Oeov. yalp^ri fioi <f>iX60€OL koI koXoI v€60rjpoL. 

All editors read v^odrjpoi,. Perhaps we should take the compound 
in the active sense as * hunters after the new/ vfoOrjpoi : but, more 
probably^ the analogy of v€6(f>vT0i ^ suggests that the meaning is ' newly 
caught.^ Orjplov is applicable to fish as well as to animals; and the 
word ' newly caught ' was used probably with reference to the common 
appellation of Christians as ' fishes.' 

M. Cumont regards as a convincing proof of religion this acclamation 
myat^rieiine dont on peul rapprochcr celle (Vune inscr. de Thrace, Dumont 

no. 46 \aCp€T€ Kol €VTVX^€lTat. TiapcL 0€<a ib€X<f>oC. 

Auxanon Chr. name in Apameia no. 390, perhaps pagan no. 312. 
With Dosityche cp. Auxityehe no. 360. 

390. (R. 1881). CIG 3962 B, Cumont 211. Avp. Avfdvwr Uavvvxov 
KaTeaKevatra to fip^ov ifxavn^ koI Avpr}\Cq ^AfifxCq rrj yvvaiKl fioV €h ft 
lT€pos oi T€6ij(r€TaL' €l b€ Tis CTTiTTj^cvcrei, lorat avTo * irpds rbv B^ov, 

Ammia Chr. no. 356 etc. ; Auxanon 389, 391 f, 394. 

391. (R. 1888). Ramsay in Rev. £1, Gr. 1889 p. 35, Cumont 208. 
Avp, AUi09 ^7r[oti]rr]|a rd rip^ov ffiat;T[a)J | kc r?} yvvaiKl pLOV Av(aj{ov\(rri] koI 
Tots yov^iaiv Is h | irepos ov r^Orj' ci b4 t[is] i'!rLKT]b€vai, lorat, avr^ itphs 
TOV Oeov, 

Dikaios occurs as a pagan name. rcOrj or tc^// no. 395. 

392. CIG 3963, Cumont 215. Avp. Z<ia[i]pLOS iirv^ri]o'a rd ffpfov 
Aifprjkl(^ ^vvK\r]TLKfi | rrj koI Tar(^ r?; ovvfil(^ fxov {ds ft Kal airrds T€^^|- 

* Wadd. reads AvJoKoi/diij, but MM. inscrr. in various forms, naeophyta, nto- 

Leg^nd and Chamonard have a prefer- Jitu8f nefitus, nqfituSy neofata, enojitus, 

able text here. innofitus, inijitus, enof\fitus newly bap- 

' MM. Legrand and Chamonard read tized, new bom, Le Blant II 599. 

A (a) Eutuxo, hut Waddington's text * The error has led to a second, N 

seems preferable. being inserted in the space above. 

' It is particularly common in Latin 


(ToyLaCj Koi kip. [^]\avl(^ ^kv^lvov ttj ir^vOep^ /xov | bdpov X^^^* firjh€vl h^ 
krip(^ i^6 cli{€] T^Orjvai]' cl hi rty ^TrtTriScwet, Orj(r€i Is to Upfararov TafJL€l\ov 
brjv. burx^C^La Koi larai airri^ Tr[p]6s ^ Tijv X^lpa rod $€0V, 

After the inscription was engraved something was added^ perhaps 
r€d[^(7]6ra t] pl[€t^] avTc[vs Kci^l] ArjfirjTpiai^ds 6 vlos ?] or ArjpLrjrpla N[ia>vos ?] 
The copy necessitates the restoration <P\avl(} (in CIG Aavitf). 

Aurelia Tatia^ who is mentioned here^ must have been a person of high 
birth and of senatorial family (avvKkriTos, Senatus Homanus, and <rvric\i]- 
tlk6s senaloriuit), who was called Synkletike originally as an epithet, but 
kept it almost as a personal name in her married life. Her mother 
Aurelia Flavia was daughter of Skymnos, probably the Skymnos, son of 
Skymnos and grandson of Demetrius^ who is mentioned on coins of Pius 
138-161 ^. The probable period of this inscription about 240-250 would 
suit this conne^ion^ if we may assume that the coin belongs to the latter 
part of the reign of Pius ; and the occurrence of the name Demetria or 
Demetriane in the inscription favours the hypothesis. The remarkable 
fact that Aurelia Flavia was buried in her son-in-law's tomb may^ on 
this hypothesis^ be explained as due to her religion. She and her 
daughter were Christians, but the family of Skymnos were pagans, and 
she preferred to be buried apart from her own family. Cp. no. 380. 
Tatia Chr. no. 355. 

Synkletikos and Synkletike were used as personal names in Asia 
Minor, cp. no. 537 and Wadd. 1778 (where he corrects his denial of this 
possibility on 1197). 

393. (R. 1891) : in a field on the left side of the road to Dikeji, and 
close to the right bank of the Maeander. Avp, TlpoKkos \ Zcotikov iirotqaa \ 
TO fjpt^ov ifiavT(a | Kal rfj yvvaiKi fiov | MekrCinj xp^'^^'^^larwr. 

The ungrammatically expressed ending assimilates this to a class of 
Chr. inscriptions which is more numerous in N. Pbrygia, but of which 
sporadic examples are found elsewhere. The period to which this class 
belongs is fixed by no. 468, which is dated a.d. 278-279. The bold 
uncompromising proclamation of the religion of the persons who have 
made the grave recalls the Montanist principles ^. Such expressions are 
common in the mouths of martyrs (e.g. \pi<rTi.avds iK yjnariavSiv yovitav 

* not in the copy, which may be t(6) : Type four ears of corn in a 

correct, as there are some traces of this bundle : Prince of Saxe-Coburg in Rev* 

dialectic form in Phrygian inscriptions. Numism. 1892 p. 82. 

The copy however is not trustworthy ' Compare the story of Quintus in 

for such details. the Smymaean Letter on the death of 

^ €ni . C[K]YMNOY . B • TOY • Polycaq), and above, § 2. 

App. christian inscriptions. 537 

Tvyxavoa Acta S. Ursicinl 14 Aug, § 4, Le Blant Suppiem. aux Ades 
p. 292)^ but not so frequent among the mass of Chr. 

There is a different class of inser., belonging to the fourth century, 
after the triumph of Christianity, but when the population was still in 
considerable part pagan. Then a Chr. could inscribe his religion without 
fear on bis grave : examples are CIG 945 1 Kaibel ivOdbe kIt€ , . . XP^' 
Tiavds K€ l-qrpos • av^Travaaro kt\. (Gozo) and CIG 948 1, Kaibel 55^ 
(Catana Sicil.). Compare also the inscr. Dumont Inscr. etc, de la Thrace 
p. 159 no. 84 and one from Selymbria published in AEMit, 1894 p. 57 
Avp, Ar}iJLr}Tpia Xprja[T]7javov KaT^a-K^vaaa rh AarJ/itr avv rrj arrjXXri ijjLavrfi 
Kal rep y\vKvriT<f fiov iphpl Avp, N^cort Neo/coptai;^ [r]e [/cjal rcj> vlcp fiov 
Avp, Mrj[v]ob<ip(a' i^dv bk [fxr^deVa irepov pXrjOrjvai, ^ttcI h<i(r€L rep Tafi€l<f 
briv, 4>' Koi ktX, It is probable, also, but not certain that an example 
occurs at Apollonia, Sterrett WE no. 555, where in 1. 15 I read Xprianavov 
(St. XprjcToiiavov), It is quite possible that no. 393 belongs to the fourth 
century and the second class of inscr. See p. 49 1 ». 

394. (R. 1881). Ramsay in BCH 1883 p. 310, Cumont 216. ^pov- 
yiAAiaros Aif^ivoiv \ iTroirjcra rd fjpifov ijiavTi^ k€ | rfj yvvtKl p,ov MriTpobdpq 
K€ r|ots riKvois iK tov atfuiTOs /xov | l\iv ttiv t^ovalav iv^vrjXlKaiv ov\Ta)V 
avT&Vy y^vap.iv(»iv b^ kvr]\KLK(iiv avrSiv ovk iinTrjbevaovv \ rwr yoveoDV to. daria 
ovT€ (T€p6s Tts* ci bi Tis Ttapa Tavra Trot^crci, | lore avr^ Ttpds t6v Kpirrjv 
$€6v.\ See no. 399 W*. 

The sense seems to be intended ^ descendants of my blood shall have the 
right to be buried so long as they are minors, but after they have come 
of full age they shall not be buried here by their children or by any other 
person ' ; but the expression is very ungrammatieal. 

The form iiriTribevaovv in third person plural is like the modem Greek 
inflexion ; it is a sign that the conversational Greek of the district was 
approximating already in the third century to the modem dialect. Com- 
pare Kar^aa-Kifiaaa BCH 1888 p. 202 (Kios Bithyn.), and PovXrjOfi Ar[o(|fi, 
noted by Mordtmann AlA, Mitth. 1881 p, 259 as an anticipation of the 
modern periphrastic future (there seems to be some error in his epigraphic 

395. (R. 1890, 1891). Avp. 4>a)Tt/;os 'Aptorcoi/os iirvrja-a to 7fp<^v 
ipLa[v]r(^ K€ Tjj yvvaiKl /xov T[a]Tfa Ki t€kvols' Is h iT€[pos] ov T€6rj' ei bk 

pLTJIM, loTO) aVT(^ TTpbs TOV OiOV. 

With pLTip. compare fx^i; in no. 256, T^Orjv^v 356, iQvav 44^, iXirlbav 382. 
On T€6rj see no. 2i6f, 391, 399 bi*. 

396. (R. 1888). Dineir. Rev. i!/, Gr. 1889 p. 36, Cumont 209. [6 


htiva iTToirjo'a to fip^v rrj yvvat]Kl jjlqv Avp. ASfjLVri ^OvrnrCfiov /cal toIs 
riKVois fJLov Is h lT€[pos ov T€0ri]ir€TaC eZ bi ns iTriTi^bficrei, Brfo-^i Ty] 
tepcordrcp ra/x€fcp [brjv. 4*'?]. Kal iaart avT<^ Ttpds rov 0€or. 
Domna Chr. occurs in N. Phrygia, Onesimos cp. 23 1 and p. 493. 

397. (R. 1891). On a stone in N. wall of the ruined church on the 
acropolis of Kelainai. The inscription is on the outside. 


The letters are very well formed, bold, and clear in this inscription. 
It is not a mere g^raffito ; and is probably an official inscription contem- 
poraneous with the building of the church. The letters have nothing 
of the Byzantine character, and are not likely to be later than the fourth 

398. (R. 1883). Over the door of a tiny chapel cut out of the rock 
above the source near Sheikh-Arab. This little chapel, or cell, was 
perhaps the abode of a hermit : it faces east and west. ^iKobrjfios M. 
M(ovax6s ?) may be the meaning of the initial : nothing was ever engraved 
after M. 


399. Dineir. AlA, MUth. 1895 p. 237. trovs vKh', y{r\vos) C' 'EppLrjs 
iiroCrjo'a rd pLprjfjLflov ifxavr^ kol tt} (TvpL^Ci^ fiov Al, MovKiWrj' h crcpos 
ov T€Ori[a]€T€' tl hi rts ^Trtrr/Scvo-ct, lore aircp -n-pos rov O^bv koX [aTTorctcrct 
Tip ktA.]. One may suspect that the unknown copyist has mistaken in 
the date T for Y. Compare no. 448, where the same error has been made : 
I have observed other cases where T has been taken for Y. In no. 28 
Waddington read ^f as T, turning 3000 into 300. 

399 bis. (Hogarth 1890). Aip. *Poi50os ^lovkiavov p\ iTro([ri<ra to ^]p<j>oi/ 
ipLavT(^ Ki [ttJ (Tvyifiiii^ p]ov Avp, TaTLav[i' h h (T€pos ov T€0rj, eZ hi 
TLs i7nTrih€V(n, tov vojjlov otb^v [tIwi' Elovbioiv, On T€Oi) see no. 216 f, 391, 


This remarkable epitaph may be added here, though not Chr. The 

law of the Jews cannot here be the law of Moses, the scriptural law 

(with its interpretation) binding on all Jews in all countries. It seems 

to be a special law peculiar to Apameia, apparently some agreement made 

with the city by the resident Jews for the better protection of their 

graves. This phrase is suggestive of a strong Jewish element in the 

Apamean population. We naturally look for other traces of the Apamean 

Jews. The name Pancharios no. 385 may be Jewish (op. no. 677). No. 

394 might rouse the same sus?picion (cp. no. 315). See pp. 668 £E. 

App. christian inscriptions. 539 

Similar regulations, putting the charge of Jewish tombs in the hands 
of the Jewish community (in accordance with an arrangement which 
must have been made with the city), seem to have been common else- 
where : so e.g. at Ephesos [twuttis t^]s a-opov K7y5oi{rai ol iv 'E0€]<r<j) 
'lovdcQt Hicks no. 677 and K-qhovrai ol MovdaTot no. 676. 

3. Lamfe and Siblia. 

400. (R. 1 881). From the site of Lampe near Evjiler, carried to the 
station at Appa. MM. Legrand and Chamonard in BCH 1893 P* ^5^^ 
Cumont 176. Aip. "AttoXof )3' | i'nUXritnv Y\i]os \ iiroirja-iv Td Kv\ixriTrjpiov ^ 
/i. I \. At|o5(up<i) Tu) a|8€X0u> fiov l\s h irepos ov T€\Orj(r€Tai. d b4 \ tis iiHTrj- 

In 1. 2 I read KAHZAINF OC, making the note that A before IN was 
falsely cut and then partially erased by the engraver. Hogarth read 
KAHIAIN OC. The text in BCH is KAHIAI OC. This shows that 
M. Cumont's transcription iTrCK\(7jv) 'Hcratos, founded on BCH, is impos- 
sible. r[c]os for Talos was probably the name ; [UCvs is possible ; but 
there is hardly room for r[dt]os. iTrUX-qa-iv ^ is here used instead of 
iTtUXr^v : the latter is the commoner epigraphic form, while ^ttikAt/o-is 
is the word in literature. Eustathius (as quoted in Steph. «. v.) says that 
iTrUXrjv is contracted from iirUXriaiv p. 1053 or from imKXrjbrjv p. 1355, 
but it is generally said to be aecus. of (tti/cXt/, which is used in an epigr. 
CIG 6012 i, AntA. Gr. App. 239 1. 6. iitUX-qv occurs in Dio Cass. 75, t6, 
Suidas s. V. 'Epp.oy4vris, Plato Cnl. 58 D, 66 B, 1 J 4 B, &c., but in epigraphy 
it is almost solely Chr. (except in poetry CIG 6012 ^). 

I know no reason why Christians should have taken up the expression 
i'niKXr]Vy but the evidence is clear that they favoured it. Such fashions 
are known. E. g. Bonae Memoriae is exclusively Chr. ; Aeternae Memoriae 
is pagan^ except in a few early Chr. inscr. {(hi IV^* siecle^ cest h dire un 
temps ou laformule Spigraphique Chretienne particijmi encore du stylpaien 
Le Blant II p. 338). 

401. (R. 1891). Boz-Eyuk. MM. Legrand and Chamonard in BCH 
1893 p. 246 ^, Cumont 2IO. Date at top undecipherable. Av]p. Zcortfcd; 
i[7r]|o(r;<ra rb rjp^v t^ [7r]aT[/)f | /xjov Avp, TcXccr^cfpip Koi rrj [pLrj]\Tpl 
fiov A6iJLvri /cat tols d[d€]|X^oi9 fiov Av^(ii;oi{r]i k€ [A6]\fJiini k^ 'A/ifzi^' e! 

* BCH has «/*7T^pioi^. » They read AYTAIOHl, where I 

« fViVXctcTif CIG 8664 (Chr.). have AY2AN0N I. 


hi Tt; jiii[n]]|&(wt, iinat. airu n/ids | rbv 9t6v. Letters at foot uode- 

' '''*'"'y«iiiiiia 





p z -^Ti Ko c e: 

01 hCATOI-PtniONTfrsTTAT' 

The palm is an interestiog example of Chr, symboliam : gee p. 49a 

4. The Htrgalean District with Lounda and Motella. 
40a. (R. 1883). On a rough stone by the roadside between Bekerli 
and Seurlar : very rude, coarse and late letters, hardly legible. (A) ifl at 
right angles to (B), and may have no connexion with it, 

(A) K(vpi)e j3<oMi T^ jrp(t 17,3 vr^pu) Afaivrava Kvp[iaitoiJ ?] 
N is engraved below m in Acuinrai'a. 

(B) An inscription prefaced by +, in which I can read nothing except 
bpoft&iv ovfijii ffovpov (iru^pov, ? fvpov 1) iv ^i(>[r1y and perhaps nfKvavv- 

app. christian inscriptions. 


Btone, containing part of a 

403, (Sterrett 1883). Lotinda. Broten 
relief, ori^nally a cross within a circle 
set in a square : fish between the cross 
and the circle. 

De Rossi has shown that the symhol 
of the fish, common in the earlier Roman 
monuments, disappears from them to- 
wards the end of the fourth century '. 
As the Graulish monuments are usually 
later than 400, M. Le Blant finds only 
seven examples of the fish among them, 
one being the famous inscription of 
Autun (which he dates at the end of the 
third or beginning of the fourth cen- 
tury*), and another at Treves (probably 
dating near a. d. 600). 

404. (R. 1888). Kodja-Geuzlar 
(Tfaiounta): KYPI€ BOHSI A A A A 

a mixaha e taspiha ictpaha 

Five names of angels seem to be required to correspond to the five 
'A(yios). The inscr. is interesting in view of the early prevalence of the 
worship of angels in the Lycos valley (Thiounta was subject to Hierapolis 
p. 125), and in Phrygia generally. Paul warned the Colossians against 
flpijo-Kefn r&v &.yyikaiv in the first century (Ep. II 18). The Council 
of Laodiceia about a.d. 363 stigmatized it in Canon 35 as idolatrous: 
o^ S«t ^pMTTtai'ovs' iyKaraKfiiriiv rqt< JKKAijcrfaii rotj 6fov koI iyyiXov^ 
Svoiid^tiv Kol mivofci; Ttoitti', &ir(p dirayopcvcrai. el ri; ovv tip(9rj ra^Ttj 
Ttf KtKpvfiiiiii^ (tStitXoAar/iElf fr\o\&(mv, tarm &vd$ffia. Theodoret c. 420- 
450 A, D, says liifiPt 8i tovto t6 va6os iv rjj 'i'fnryCq koI iliaMt^ f^XP^ 
woXXoC (laierj). Ep. Colon. II 16, Ed. Hal. Ill 490), In AA SS 29 Sept. 
pp. 4 S. the Sollandiste have collected much information about the worship 
of angels. On the worship of Michael, which was particularly common 
in Asia Minor, see no. 678. 

405. (R. 1883). Destemir (near Motella), JHS 1883 p. 393, Cumont 
134 bit. On the left half of the entablature surmounting a door. A large 
cross at the right side of the inscr. (which is in two lines) marks the centre 

' De Chrigt. 
n Spicileg. 

ton. Ix^vr exhib€iUibu4 ' Some date it gtill earlier, or see in 
vol. III. it the reproduction of an older model. 


of the stone, the other half of which is lost. lT(€i) \' r^s j3a<rtA(<ias) 
*\ov(mviavov rov n'o-c^feorirov] h€<rn6{Tov), \ ipyov Mixa^^ ^i^^] ^(toi/c^crewj) 
tTfUTKOTtovvTo^, A. D. 556. Exftctly half of the inscr. is lost. Line i con- 
tinued \iT€\u<!i6r\ fj hyla rov O^ov iKKkfjaCa ?'\, or some similar expression. 
Line 2 probably mentioned the provincial governor or some official of 
Motella. See p. 158. (In CB the inscr. was wrongly ascribed to Anasta- 

406. (R. 1887). Keuseli (near Motella). Hogarth JHS 1887 p. 396, 
Comont l^4 + ^M(^iKTi&vos) 5' ^(al) fir}{yds) a! if, iviarrj rd Ova-iaarripiov 
M KvpiaKov Tov $€0(l>tk€ai'(dTov) iTna-K^oirov), I take t between if and 
ipiarri as a false mark \ Hogarth interprets the obscure and difficult 
date as ivb. bK, nrj. a, if, i, ^ Seventeenth day of first month of year 10 
of indiction 24,' giving a.d. 667, which is a very suitable date; and if 
I could find any analogy for the numbering of successive indictional 
periods, I should follow him. He adds, ^ according to Lightfoot T^n. and 
Folyc, ii p. 43, the thysiasferion was rather the sacrarium in which the 
altar stood than the altar itself : in this case it was possibly an addition 
to a previously existing church.' 

407. (B. 1883). In a cemetery a mile or less N. of Haz-Keui, at the 

edge of the canon of Banar Tchai (near Motella). [ av\v iTT(api6p[i^ 

■ bi]a xtpds 'E\[TribCov 

There is no clue to the length of the gaps. 

5. The Lycos Valley. 

408. Laodiceia : from the engineers of the Ottoman Railway. On 
a stele of similar form to no. 373, 380. rd ^vrj^^lov \ AlovolctCov \ 2€X[a! ?]kov* 
Kol T\rjs yvva[i]Kds \ avrov Tafrfas ?] | Kal ttjs Ovya]Tpbs ^ijl&v \ ^Iprjitjs' iv ^ \ 
ir^pos ov K\r\b^v6ri<T[(ETac d 6]|^ ris ir^ov] KJ]b^va[€i, 8w]|<r€i r^) l[e/)<j> ^^ctkcj)] 
bii]v. p,. 

The first two words are engraved apart on the capital. The name 
Irene was favoured by the Christians, but the religion must in this case 
remain doubtfuL 

409. M. Clerc in BCH 1887 p. 353^. [0]co-ir M. \vp. ArjyirjTplov 
AaobiK4(o9, <f)vXrJ9 'A^rafSos, ^v fj K'qb€v6rj(rovTai avros koI ol yov€ls 
M. Avp, ktX. 

* Perhaps it is a punctuation mark. ' M. Clerc'a copy seems to make every 

• CEAIKOYin the copy, which may letter of GfVii/ certain except 0. He 
be right. leaves a blank in transcribing. 

App. christian inscriptions. 543 

The inscription may be placed with great probability between 220 and 
250 A. D. The formula Oia-is with the genitive of the owner s name is 
common in Chr. epitaphs ; but it is only with great doubt that this inscr. 
can be classed among them. 

410. Printed by Dr. Judeich AtL Mitth. 1890 p. 258. 

V d hi TLvh €l(nv Kaipfj bo^jj Tp€[<f)6ii€voi 
T0VT0V9 0)9 xpii ITfpl irpcuTlaiv 
cjc^ai KaTokviTOio-av rriv i,fi(f)urp'qTri[(nv 
KOVT09 fj fiiTai[a] (fyCKov KE • • HNHi 


NIOYTOYI Koi TrpoKaTap\iTai[a]<w I 
I Spixoifidvov^ cre^ivoripovs irap* tavT[Qv 
Xiv ovciv Tovs TTpds o^iav Tinrja-ei iAr}b[€k 
1 77 (l)aCvovTc[s, 

This fragment is tantalizing. It seems, as Dr. Judeich remarks, to 
refer to quarrels between Christians and heathen. But it is impossible 
to make any attempt to understand it, until some more accurate informa- 
tion is given about the size and state of the stone \ 

410 bis, Laodiceia. Transcribed by M. J. Laurent from Cod. Vat. 
Lat. 9072 p. 391, where Marini^ gives it in cursive (the words divided 
but unaccented), without any statement as to how it came into his 

EiryivLos [father's name iv0ab€ K€KoCpLriTai ?, 5 yrjfjLas tijj;? 

Ovyaripa ^lovXlov l^etrropiavov ^Kaviavrfv [Tt^v iLpiarrjv (or name), 

\p6vov bi Ppa^rjv ^ (!) biarpCyjfas iv r/J XaobiKioiv 7roA€i • • • 

Kai )3ovXTJo-€t rov irairroKpaTopos 0€ov iiria-KOTTos KaTaaraOeis, 

Kol (Ikocl TrivT€ SXois inaiv Tr\v iinaKOTrriv [bioiKija-as ?, 

Koi 'jrao'av rr^v iKKXijaiav avoiKobop.ria'as iitd Oc^cXCtoVy 

Kol irivTa rbv ircpl airrjv Koajjiov (ttoQv koI itpoarow 

KoX ((i>Ypa<f>LOiv Kal Pevrrja-ioiv (rK€vapCov Koi TrpoiriiXov 

Koi 7rd(7i Tols XiOo^dois ipyois Koi Traaoiv hira^aTrXm KaTaarda'€(av, 

This remarkable inscr. opens up many diflBculties. As to origin, it may be 
presumed that Marini, like Le Quien,.owes it ultimately to Jebb, and that 

^ Dr. Judeich does not state whether lection of Chr. inscr., see De Rossi 

we have the first line or the last line, Inscr. Chr. Urb. Rom. I pp. xxxi* ff. 

or whether there is any clue to the See above, p. 513, where my thanks for 

length of the lines, or whether the M. Laurent's scholarly liberality in im- 

stone is broken right and left, or is parting his important discovery are 

merely illegible in part. expressed. 

* On Marini's great unpublished col- ' Compare no. 677, 


the latteJ* received it from some traveller in the East. In the text, no 
proof is obvious that it belongs to Laodieeia on the Lycos : it may 
belong to the Syrian Laodieeia. The question arises whether there is 
any other authority for assigning it to Laodieeia besides the mention 
of that name in 1. 3. The meaning of that line is obscure : if Eugenius 
remained only a short time in Laodieeia, his episcopate of twenty-five 
years should rather be assigned to some other city: but perhaps ^the 
short span of himian life ' is meant. But^ on the other hand, Le Quien 
was thoroughly alive to the existence of several cities Laodieeia ; and, 
as he has no hesitation, we may probably infer that Jebb knew some 
evidence that the inscr. had been copied in the Lycos valley. 

As to date, Jebb and Le Quien have probability on their side in 
referring it to the rebuilding of the church after it had been completely 
demolished in the persecution by Diocletian. The character of the 
inscription stamps it as comparatively early. The names are of the 
older type. The analogies are with Roman inscriptions, not with Byzan- 
tine. It cannot therefore be placed later than the fourth century, and 
is unlikely to be so late as the end of the century. On the other hand, 
the open reference to churches and Chr. officials stamps it as later than 
the complete recognition of the legality of Christianity, i. e. it is later 
than the defeat of Licinius in Sept. 323 a. d. The open rebuilding of 
an elaborate church such as is described cannot have been undertaken 
sooner. The inscr., then, was composed at such an interval after 324 
as permitted the construction of a great church and the adjoining 
buildings. These considerations show that 330-340 is the earliest 
possible date. 

If Eugenius was bishop of Laodieeia, he must have succeeded Noune- 
chios, bishop in 325 a. d. Now the rebuilding of the church would not 
be long delayed after 324, and Nounechios, therefore, must have died 
or been translated soon after the Nicene Council; Eugenius probably 
became bishop about 327 ; and died about 351 or 352. 

The attempt at a restoration is, of course, very doubtful. If it 
approximates to the original form, the emphasis laid on the marriage 
to the daughter of Julius Nestorianus must be due to the rank and 
influence of her father. 

Assuming that Eugenius was bishop in Laodieeia, we must understand 
in 1. 3, * who spent the short time (of human life) in Laodieeia ' (the 
false spelling t] for v in fipa^v is rare). The term. TTairroKpaT(t)p $€09 
occurs in Chr. inscr., CIG 9270 (Iconium), 8854 (Olympos Lyciae), 
Kaibel 187 (Syracuse)^, all probably of the fourth (or fifth) century, 

^ Al80 CTG 91 19 (Nubia), and in the writings of Gregory Nysaenus, &c 

App. christian inscriptions. 545 

and CIG 8704 (Sparta), eleventh century, Kaibel 2319 (Venice), late. 
The porticoes adjoining and forming a frontage to the church were 
evidently an impoi'tant feature. This is not the place to discuss the 
architectural evidence with regard to a fourth century church, nor has 
the writer the requisite knowledge. The unknown word ficvn^a-eoav is 
perhaps miscopied. After irpoirvKov perhaps the preposition (hiv has 
been omitted. 

Eusebius's contemporary description of the great church at Antioch, 
standing within a peribolos with propylon, and surrounded by stoai, 
H. E. X 4, should be compared with this inscr. 

411. Wagener in i?^. de Pinstruciion pubL en Belgique, Nouv. S^rie 
XI pp. I f. {Philologm XXXII p. 379). 

YloTtXlov Pdklov TXvKdii^os *Aft ?]- 

yuavov tov ScAcvkoV (v f| Ktfi^vOriaovTai airrds koX yvvri avrov [ ] 

Koi TO, riKva avrlav' iript^ h\ ovh€v\ ^^iarai KrfbevOfjvaC Kar^fico- 
K€V hk [/cajl TTJ <r€fJLV0T(lLr7j Trpo€bplq T<av Trop(l)vpapi<f)(t}V <rre0a[i;a)]- 
TiKOV hrjv. $ia/c($(rta irpos rd hlboa-Oai. [iird] tQv rdKOiv tK<!ia[T(o] 

NMZ iv rrj kopr^ to^v 'Afv/xci)i;' 6/xo^a)9 KaWXtTrer Koi t<d avve- 
bpl<^ tQv Kaipobairca-TOiv oT€^ai{a)]rtKoi; hrjv, p kKardv 'JT^VTrJKovra d-nfo 
[a line lost] iv tyj koprrj H€VTrjKc[arr}s. 

A fresh copy of this important inscription is much to be desired; 
Wagener's copies are not always wholly satisfactory. We can however 
see with certainty that this inscr. and no. 41a are either Jewish or 
Christian. Looking at no. 41 1 alone, we should without hesitation call 
it Jewish ; but, when we take no. 412 into consideration, I think we must 
come to a different conclusion. 

412. (R. 1887). Text and commentary under no. 28 A, B : the suspicion 
expressed there that this inscr. is Chr. seems confirmed by no. 411, which 
was unknown to me when I was engaged on vol. I. The feasts of Azyma 
and Pentecost were common to Jews and Christians; but the kpyaala 
Bp^pniaTiK-q is more likely to be Chr. The Jews might be expected to 
maintain an Orphanage for their own nationality ; but this ipyaala seems 
to have a wider scope, reaching to all foundlings (Opi^ixaTa), TertuUian 
mentions among the purposes to which church funds were devoted, ' the 
feeding and the burying of the poor, and of boys and girls that have lost 
their property and their parents ^.' It is also certain that the charity of 

' Apol, 39 egenis alendis humandisque^ tar&Ti arrorlBeraiy koi aMs iiriKovpfl 3p- 

etpueris ac puellis re ac parenttbus desti- {fmvoig rt #col x'lP^^^ '^^' 5 ^yP*^* Ep, 60 

tutis. Compare Justin Mart. Apol, I inter ceteros qui Eccleaiae alinientis «U9- 

8ub Jin, TO avWtyofxtyoy napa r^ irpo- tinentur, 

VOL. I. PT. II. 


the early Church was not confined to members, but was extended to the 
needy and poor among the pagans. Tertullian says with his usual sar- 
casm that the Christians are not well enough off to help both pagan 
men and pagan gods, and must confine their relief to the men ^ ; and 
Julian complained that the pagans left their poor to be cared for by 
the Galilaeans^ 

As Lightfoot says, ' one of the earliest forms which Christian benevo- 
lence took was the contribution of funds for the liberation of slaves^ 
.... the Gospel regarded the weak and helpless from whatever cause, 
as its special charge, extended its protection to the widow, the orphan, the 
sick, the aged, the prisoner,' and (as we may add) exposed and abandoned 
infants. We ask then if exposure was so common in Asia Minor that 
a ^ foundling home * was likely to be needed in Hierapolis. This is a laige 
question. The word Opififia or Op^itTSs is used, not merely in the sense 
of foundling (alumnus), but also in the sense of (i) adopted child or foster 
child (aluninui), (2) verna, slave born in the household. 

(i) At Nysa we find KaiKC\iov ^HpaKkclbrjv, to whom Kaiic^io; Evrvxtjs 
6 Opiyj/as erects a statue (apparently on his tomb, as he is f}pa>a) : the 
Op^tttSs here is a citizen of position and rank. In those cases where foster 
parents and natural parents unite in burying an alumnusy the latter is 
probably to be understood as adopted or foster child ^. But no. 38 shows 
a case in which an exposed child is recovered by his natural parents ; and 
it would in that case be reasonable that they should unite with the foster- 
parents in burying the child. 

(2) The sense of rer7ia is hard to distinguish from that of foundling 
child, for the latter were in many cases brought up as slaves. But the 
probability always is greater that a OpcirTos or Opi^xy^a is a foundling rather 
than a ver7iu ; and I am not able to quote a case in which Op^itros certainly 
is verfia. In the inscr. of Italy we find many cases in which a grave is 
erected to 6p€TrT6sy as in Latin inscr. to alumnus ; but there is not a cor- 
responding number of cases where the grave is made for a verna. See 
pp. 350 add. 30, and 147 no. 37. It is probable that in cases in which 

* Apol. 42 nofi sufficimus et homintbus 
et diis resin's mendicantibuSj etc. 

■ Ep. 49 (id Arsac, Sozom. V 16. 

' In his edition of Colossians and 
Philemon p. 324. He quotes Ignatius 
Polyc, 4 fir) tpdraxrav dnb rov KOivoi €\(v~ 
6tpov(TBai, and Apost. Cotistitutions IV 9 
T^ cf airrwv, cds irpoeipfiKafiev, a6poi(6fifva 
Xpr^yLora biaraa<rrr€ diaKovovvrts its ayo* 
paapovs tS)v AyUaVy pvo/uvot bovkovs Koi 

* D. M. P. Petronio P. F. Pal Candida 

Baehia CelefHna alumno et Petro- 

nitis Candidas et Caecilia Dutnea fil(io) 
harissinw (Fabretti Inscript. Antiq.'g.'^^'^ 
no. 57), child of seven years. D,M, M. 

Valeria Daphnico fecentnt Valen{a) 

Hedone alumno et Daphnic(\is) Julianus 
filio (Fabretti p. 354 no. 65), child of 
five years. 

App. christian inscriptions. 547 

the grave is erected to one or both of the 6pi\l/avT€9y the children are 
foundlings. Especially clear in this respect is an inscription of Nikomedeia 
BCH 1893 p. 538, A. Movaa-ios 'HXcZy C^v kavr^ koI ttJ av^pCtp kavT& 
A. Wova-aiq ^^ovrjpq (rjadari i[Tri . .] firjvas ^ • povXofiai hi Koi rfiv dpiyj/o[a'av 
fi]fx<i!>v T€6rjvai A. Mova-aCav BaXcpCav Ka\l ftera to nOivai (sic !) ^jutas p.rfiiva 
iiKXov TtOrjvai kt\. Here husband and wife and the lady who brought 
them up have a common tomb. Obviously Opiy^raaa here can only mean 
that the lady brought up the boy and girl as foundlings, for they could 
not have married^ if they had been her children either by adoption or by 
nature. It is noteworthy that they both take her name^ which shows 
that they were strictly foundlings whose names were unknown. 

Salvianus says that a slave kisses the feet, an alumnus the hand, a child 
the face, of tlie pafer/amilias or mat erf ami! ias ^. A law of 331 left it to the 
adoptive parents to treat the alumnus either as son or as slave '^. It was 
almost a branch of trade to bring up foundlings to sell as slaves or for 
immoral purposes. The person who brought up an alumnus was termed 
jjafer^ nonnns ^, educator, patronus. 

The great number of references in Asian inscr. to OpeiTTol is the one 
reason for thinking that they must often be mere vemae ; yet in many 
of these cases a distinction is made between Op^mol and 5oOAoi (vemae 
would rank among bovXoi). The subject is difficult, but appearances are 
that exposure of children was a horribly common practice in Asia Minor : 
compare Pliny ad Traj. 65 and 66. 

The rare name Asbolos was given to one of the Centaurs, AnthoL Gr, 
App, no. 129 &c. Asbolios or Asbolia are found as Chr. names, Le Blant 
I pp. 64 f *. The name probably indicates one whose sins had been black 
like soot, and may be taken in this case as the baptismal name of a 
convert (cp. no. 385)*. The t«rm litlKk-qv is also a sign of Christianity, 
no. 400*. 

This inscr. belongs to a tomb outside the gate on the road to Tripolis. 
The docimient reads at the first glance like an ordinary testamental 

^ Ep. XL ad socerum ei socrum, quoted ^ Macrina was eV (f>ap€p^ t6 Svofia of 

by Le Blant I p. 126, who mentions six- the sister of Basil of Caesareia : crcpoy 

teen inscriptions of Christians dedicated bi Kara t6 XcXiy^ij avr^ (n€K€K\riTo Gregor. 

by master or mistress to alumni. Vit, Macrin, p. 178 (Morell). In Ada 

' Cod. Theod. V 7, i. Justinian Dig. S. SozotUis 7th Sept. p. 16 the Saint was 

25, 3; Cod, 8, 52, 3. Daremberg s.v, ovofiari Tapdaios noifinu npo^arav, iv de 

Expositio. r^ Ayi^ Pairria-fiaTi Saifoov in€KKri6rf, 

• Nonnua, see Orelli 4670, Marini Frat, • The following paragraphs follow 

Arv. p. 252 B (Le Blant). Nonna, no. 658. closely my words in Expositor 888 VIII 

^ But in Ammian XXVIII i, Asbolius pp. 416 ff. 
palestrita is probably pagan. 

O 2 


epitaph ; but it is full of subtle differences. The writer has chosen to 
veil his intentions in very difficult phnuses. The bequest to the Council 
of the Porphyrabaphoi is assimilated to the customary form of bequest 
for the annual performance of sepulchral rites ; and yet the important 
word which defines the purpose is not Greek. nAHflN, read by M. 
Waddington, is confirmed on careful re-examination by Hogarth and 
myself: in an accurate, well-engraved, and well-expressed testament, 
such a word seems to have been chosen as a private term understood 
only by the initiated. The rites are connected with some religious cere- 
monial (perhaps of the Church) ; but as the writer has carefully veiled 
his intention, one need not offer conjectures. The word d7roKav(r/bio9 seems 
to be used only here. In pagan inscr. bequests are usually intended for 
rites at the sepulchre on the anniversary of the testator's death: at 
Amorion a heroine's cultus is connected with a Mithraic festival (^i; roty 
iOlfwi? fffiipais ToU MiOpaKivois), for the bequest in that case is made to 
the Mt/stai (of Mithras), and the testator connects the heroic rites with 
the regular festival, as a device to ensure their regular performance^ 
{Rev, tit. Gr. 1889 p. 21), but they are to take place at the hereon. 

In other respects the inscr. is assimilated to customary phraseology. 
The avvibpiov ttjs ycpova-las or tQv irpca-pVT^piav CIG 391 2, 3916, 3417, 
3422, is analogfous to the avvibpiov Ttjs irpo^bplas r&v 'jrop<f>vpapi<l)0iiv (or 
'pa<l>(ov), a unique expression which seems to mean Hhe Council of 
Presidence (i.e. of Proedroi) of the society Porphyrabaphoi (-eis ?).' The 
term Trpocdpos rijs iKKkri<rCas was used of the Bishop ; and the Coimcil of 
Presbyters (avvibpiov tov iiriaKoirov Ignatius ^ Philad, 8) might be termed 

Freedom of admission (KT^Seuo-o) hv hv povXrjOQ) has been noted as more 
common among Chr. than pagans, though not exclusively Chr. (e.g. LW 
1683 is pagan), no. 380; CIG 3923, 3931^ are marked by the same 
freedom, and may possibly be Chr. (though nothing except the name 
Trophimos gives the slightest confirmation). 

The salutation to the wayfarer in A is quite in the style of ordinary 
epitaphs. Modelled on a well-known sentiment which occurs in many 
forms to the eflect ' eat and drink, for the end is death,' it is varied so 
as to be susceptible of a Chr. sense. In an inscr. composed in rude and 
barely intelligible Greek by Q. Julius Miletos of Tripolis, who settled at 

* In these foundations the testator s ' Compare Magn, 6 avveBpiov tS>v dno- 
fear always is that the sacra may fall ortJXwi/, Magn. 13 orcc^avou roii npta^v 
into disuse, and many devices are tried npiov. In Aposiol. Const, II 28 pres- 
to ensure their permanence (see no. byters are avpfiovXoi rod €iri<Tic6nov kqI 
226). r^ff €KK\T}aiag crT€<l>avog. 

App. christian inscriptions. 549 

Rome (Kaibel 1093, see Addenda 10), the expression occurs iropCaas fiCov 
iK KafidroDV Ibmv : that inscription bears many signs of being an elegiac 
composition rudely adapted by Miletos to his own purposes with unme- 
trical alterations in names and circumstances. As Tripolis was near 
Hierapolis, the model which Miletos imitated may have been locally 
common and familiar also to Diodoros. 

The existence of so many subtle differences amid the resemblances to 
common phraseology is enough to suggest Chr. origin (as is stated on 
p. 119); but until no. 411 became known to me, I did not venture to 
class no. 412 definitively among the Chr. inscr. Now, however, the 
religion seems beyond doubt. It then becomes almost certain that 
PorpiyrabapAoi denotes a Chr. society, for a Chr. would not leave his 
bequest to a pagan society ^ for the performance of pagan rites. When 
we compare no. 389 and 455, we must infer that already in the early 
third century the Phrygian Christians in each city were formed into 
a society, which assumed some public and exoteric name of a neutral 
character, likely to be accepted as a legal designation. This implies 
that they took advantage of the permission given by the ]^oman laws 
to poor persons to form benefit-societies (collegia tenuiorum). Such 
societies had to be registered in order to be exempted from the general 
prohibition against forming collegia and sodalitates; they must have 
a chief officer, who represented the society before the state and the law ^. 
It was important to choose a name that would readily pass muster along 
with others; and in Hierapolis, where the Dyers w^re a great trade, 
Porphyrabapheis or Porphyrabaphoi was a suitable nsgne ^. Kairodapistai, 
which is probably connected with himis a carpet, was also a suitable name : 
the making of carpets has probably always been practised in Phrygia 
(as it still is). See no. 455. 

It would be important to fix the date of no. 411 and ^12, The earliest 
date for no. 412 is a. n. 190-200, for a person named M. Aurelius could 
hardly be born earlier than the reign of M. Aurelius ; and the style 
suggests a date from 200 to 250 a.d. No. 41 1, with the name P. Aelius, 
suits better the early part of that period. Probably a.d. 190-220 is 
about the period in which both inscr. were engraved. ^ 

The careful attention to legal form, which is observable in all the 

^ Ancient societies of all kinds, even On cell, tenuiorum or funeraticia (burial 

trades, united in the religion of some being the commonest purpose of the 

patron and guardian deity. societies) see Digest 47, 22 and GIL XIV 

' See Le Blant Suppl. aux Actes de 21 12. 
Mart. pp. 282, 288, De Rossi Boma Sott. ' The name, if Chr., must have had 
II p. 82, Hatch BampUm Lect. p. 152, a double sense, exoterically 'purple- 
Ramsay Church in R. E, pp. 359, 430 ff. dippers,* esoterically * dipped in blood.* 


Chr. inscr. except no. 393, and their general character, imply that the 
problem of accommodation between the opposing religions was working 
itself out on peaceful lines in the country during the third century. On 
the one hand the Church followed the principle of aiming, so far as 
possible, at legalizing itself. On the other hand the registration of the 
Chr. societies and the comparative transparency of their form could 
hardly have been accomplished, unless there had been great willingness 
to be blind among the authorities and the pagan part of the population. 
We must, as M. Cumont has seen, infer that the development of the 
Church in Phrygia after the Antonine period ^ was peaceful, and untrou- 
bled by persecution through the third century : so also Dr. Zingerle, 
Philol. 1894 p. 345 (quoted on no. 2^32), and above § 8. 

413. (R. 1887). Sarcophagus at the side of the road leading towards 
Tripolis. Hogarth in Journal of Philology XIX p. 96, no. 20. r\ aopds 
Kol 6 TTcpl aiyrrjv totto^ \ TipepCov KXavbCov MavpoV \ €v fj Krjb^vOj/ja-^Tai 
avrbs Kai fj yv\vr) airov AiprjkCa MapCa Koi to, \ T€Kva airSiV koL iyyova. 

This inscription shows the style of the early third century. The let- 
tering is good. The praenometi Aur. (no. 235) shows that 215-250 A.D. 
is a probable date for the erection of the tomb. 

The only sign of religion in it is the name Maria. It is true that 
Maria may have an Italian origin ; but it is not probable that such 
a rare Latin name would spread in the Maeander and Lycos valley 
(where other examples occur, no. 365 ^). Moreover it is evident from 
no. 657 that marked respect and veneration were accorded to the Virgin 
Mary in that district as early as the concluding years of the second 
century. Hence we may conclude that the use of the name in Greek 
inscriptions of the district proves Christian origin. 

414. (R. 1887). Text no. 27. The religion is doubtful. 

415. (R. 1887). Text no. 23 B. A pagan tomb was appropriated by 
Acholios, son of Ammianos, son of Molybas, probably in the fourth or 
fifth century, for the lettering is late in style. The name Acholios would 
by itself be almost sufficient to prove the religion : see no. 462. 

Sarcophagi that had been used by pagans were often appropriated in 
later centuries by Christians, the bones of the dead were thrown out, the 
inscriptions were generally erased, but sometimes left unharmed, and 

' Thraseaa of Eumeneia Ch. X App. 2. ' No. 440 is probably not Chr. So 

Other Phrygian martyrs of the period also in BCH 1883 p. 19 (Ancyra Gal.), 

are alluded to by a writer, who lived in Maria is an ordinary Roman name, fern, 

the Pentapolis, Euseb. i/. ^. V 16. of wow^w Marius. 

app. christian inscriptions. 551 

a new inscription was put on them. Mordtmann mentions that he haa 
observed this especially often in Mysia and Bithynia; and that the 
regular term for this lawless procedure was ' renewing ' [avav^ovaOai) ^ : 
he also mentions that examples of the same action occur in earlier time 
(and therefore among pagans). The Chr. emperors passed many enact- 
ments as to the treatment of pagan building^. Enactments against the 
violation of tombs, and the using of the stones for building purposes were 
published in 340, 349, 356, 357, 381, 386 [Cod, Theod. IX 17): the 
frequency of the enactments shows how common was the offence. 

In A. D. 346, Constantius and Constans provided that temples situated 
outside the walls of cities should be spared [Cod, Theod. XVI to, 3). In 
397 Theodosius ordered that materials set free by the demolition of 
temples should be utilized for the repair of roads, bridges, aqueducts, and 
walls {Cod, Theod, XV i, 36). In 399 an order was issued that temples 
situated in the country {in agru) should be destroyed [Cod, Theod, XVI 
10, 16). In 408 the sweeping order went forth that everything which 
had been consecrated to false gods, even on private properties, should be 
destroyed. Only temples situated on imperial estates were spared and 
ordered to be devoted to a better purpose (Cod, Theod, XVI 10, 19). 

The dislike of the Church for Greek art, and also the use in Amaseia 
of the ancient models and subjects, as late as a.d. 567 is attested in Vit. 
FMych, § 54 [AA SS 6th April p. 559). An inscription of Sardis attests 
the treatment accorded to pagan buildings. A temple or other edifice 
belonging to some pagan cult was turned into a hospital for sick strangers 
by a magistrate acting under the authority of an imperial constitution ^. 
In the time of Julian the temple of Artemis at Ilium had been with 
difficulty preserved from ill-treatment by the bishop, who was secretly 
favourable to the pagans (see a letter of Julian published in Hermes 
IX pp. 257 ft), 

416. (R. 1887). Hogarth in Joum. of PhiloL 1888 p. 91. 17 (rophs 
KoL 6 irepi avrriv tottos [TaCpv [lov^Cov ^lovkiavov * Ava[<r]ro[(r][ov, The 
name Anastasius is not certain ^. This is the lowest of three inscriptions 
on the sarcophagus ; and marks a Chr. appropriation of an old pagan 

^ Ath, Mitth, 1881 p. 126. He quotes an imperial constitution' (r»y hiarvntoO, 

an excellent example on a sarcophagus ijroi ice (^opiaOevrmv dvoaiatv k€ fivatp&y 

which was obviously pagan Mapag tm-o- 'EXX^icov). 

fio\(vs Trjs Ayias rod $v eKXrjatas dvevaoad- * Hogarth reads (Avpi7)X(ov and *Ayay- 

prju rfiv xaptaffi<rdv fioi froicXoy. rariov : the inscr. is faint, and my copy 

' Wadd. 638, CIG 8645. '^^ pagans admits ^Avaa-Tacriov as easily as *Avayra- 

are * the expelled impious and detestable Wov. 
Greeks, who have been the subject of 


tomb. The lettering is rather good, and the date is probably fourth 

417. M. Cumont quotes under no. 133 an inscr. recording the dedica- 
tion of a church of St. George in a.d. 1332, which he attributes to 
Hierapolis ; but it belongs to Laconia CIG 8767. The dedication of 
a Chr. church at Hierapolis in a.d. 1332 would be an historical impos- 
sibility, if our conception of the Turkish conquest of the Lycos valley 
be near the truth : see pp. 24 ff. 

418. CIG 8769, JHS 1885 p. 346, Cumont 130. 'EttI tov iyioT((lrov) 
Kal ^€o[o-(f)3€<rrdrov)] | iLp\u'niaK6('Kov) fffiQv kI TT{aT)pidpx(ov) \ Tevvalov ^ 
[6 €v]\a/3(^oTaT09) ^ 'jrp€a[p(vT€pos)] \ Kx^i]aKbs [E]u(rTo[x^ov [p-^Ta] Kai 
[tQv] I iKydvQiv [avrjov ^looavvas Ki | K^pi,]aKrjs iK[Tr]]Topi(j[<rQv, to] \ KTCjr]fjLa 
Ttjs [cLyi]iii[T{dTrjs)] \ iKKk{ri(rlas) X[p(iaToO) ? | lv]b(iKTmvos) r{. 

If we could follow the text of CIG, the archbishop Ignatius would 
probably be the same as no. 11 in our list p, 120. But CockerelFs 
reading Gennaios seems preferable, and adds one to the list of bishops. 

M. Cumont remarks, lea hahiianis d! HiSrapolu appellaient leur Sveque 
jtatriarche^ de meme que ceux de Tyr (Hardouin Condi. II p. 1356 sqq.) 
acclamaient U leur en lui donnant ce litre; de meme aussi quon voil parfois 
nammrCr palriarche tarcheveque de Thessalonique (Th^od. Lect. op, Theoph. 
Ann. 6oq8 ^ : Duchesne et Bayet Mission au Mont Athos n. 104). 

The KTriTop€s were, strictly, all owners of property in the city (on whom 
certain duties were laid) ; but kttJtcop is often in late Greek used in the 
sense of ktCcttcop, and especially the founders of monasteries or churches 
are called KTrjropcs or KrriTopiaaa, On the form iKTi}TdpL<raa cp. no. 267. 

419. Copied by Cockerell JHS 1885 p. 346, Cumont 131. EiycVios 
6 ^AaxtoTos ap')(^Lb(.dK(ovo9) k^ ^</)e(rT(a)y) tov hyiov k\ ivbo^ov iTTOcToKov k^ 
$€o\6yov ^LkCinrov. In garland underneath, the monogram of Xp(toT09) 
between A and CO. 

In this inscr. we have a clear proof that a church (doubtless lie church) 
of Hierapolis was dedicated to St. Philip. This might have been assimied 
as certain, on accoimt of the traditional connexion of Philip with that 
city, a tradition dating as early as the second century. Further the 
inscr. shows that the local tradition was attached to Philip the Apostle. 

1 So Cockerell in JHS 1. c. CIG has « GHAAB in copy for OEYAAB. 

*lyvo[T]lov, M. Cumont's suggestion Ffv- ' P. 162 de Boor rov de SfaaaXovUrjs 

va[b]iov is seductive, but contradicts the ini<rKonov Qeodaypoi 6 iaropiKb? irarpiapxrjv 

points of agreement in both copies. 6voiiaf^€i aXoya>r, /X7 cidwy to bmri 

App. christian inscriptions. 553 

There is much discrepancy in opinion whether it was Philip the Deacon 
and Evangelist {Acts VI 5, VIII, XXI 8), or Philip of Bethsaida the 
Apostle, that settled in Hierapolis. Probably there will be a general 
disposition to acquiesce in Lightfoot's conclusion ^ that we must follow 
the earliest testimony, that of Polycrates, bishop of Ephesos c. 190 a.d. 
He says that Philip, one of the Twelve Apostles, was laid to rest in 
Hierapolis along with two daughters virgins, while a third daughter of 
his was married and buried in Ephesos ^. The divergence of later autho- 
rity ^ is to be explained by pure confusion between the two Philips, a 
confusion which was facilitated by the fact that Philip the Deacon is 
said to have had four daughters who prophesied at Caesareia [Acts XXI 
8). This confusion affected Eusebius, who says that Philip the Apostle 
lived at Hierapolis with his daughters (III 31 and 39) ; and yet refers to 
Acts as mentioning these daughters in Caesareia. 

420. Hierapolis. CIG 3920. ^Xaovio^ Zcu^ts ifyyaarrjs Trkeua-as wrip 
Makiav ch 'IraAfai; ttKocLs kpbofjLrJKovra bvo KaT€(rK€va<r€V to fijrqfi^lov kavrl^ 
Koi Tols riKvois 4>A.aov(<p &€ob(ip<a Koi 4>A.aovicp Gevbq. Koi <|t iiv iKclvoi avv^ 

The religion is doubtful. The extreme freedom in granting the use of 
the tomb to any person whom the sons may allow is not in accordance 
with pagan feeling, and the names of the two sons are suitable for Chr. ; 
but it is of course impossible to attain any certainty about a point which 
Fl. Zeuxis would carefully conceal. The date must probably be not later 
than the middle of the second century^ to judge from style and the 
name Flavins in every case. See above pp. 106 f. 

421. (R. 1883). On the site of Tripolis. 6 tottos KvpiaKov^ d[v]aXoiia 
[bi T&v riKvoiv ?] 'H^ep^ov Kk Kvpiafc^;. 

The inscr. belongs clearly to the fourth century or later, from the 
coarse style of the lettering. But the mention of the survivors who have 
made the grave is a mark of the early style. According to M. Le Slant, 
the maker of the tomb ceases to be mentioned in Roman Chr. inscr. after 
A.D. 408, in Gaul (which was always half a century later than the 
Roman fashion) after 470. We may therefore conclude that this inscr. 
is not much later than a. d. 400. 

^ Ed. of Coloaaians pp. 45 f. Euseh, III 31. 

^ ^iXiTTTTov tS)v Bd>8(Ka atroGT^ktoy hs ' This is practically reducible to the 

K€KoifjLriTai (V 'IcpoTTciXct fcat bvo Bvyaripts Dialogue of Gains and Produs^ the work 

avTov y€yrip€ucviai napdivoi, Kai ^ crcpa of a Roman ecclesiastic, 25 years or so 

avTov BvyaTTjp iv *hyi(f TLvivpan froXt- later than Polycrates (according to 

Ttvaaptmj cV 'E^cV^ avanavtreu ap. Light foot j. 


6. The S.W. Frontier Lands. 

42a. Aphrodisias ^. LW 1593, ^^^ 8633, Kaibel Ep. e Lapp. 1067, 
Cxunont 86. 

'EfeTToi/ei To^i KSjMps kfi [O^fHTnripia [f^yirpri 
i( IhCmv Ka]/i(ira>[i; 6] ^iXiypios, 6<f>pa aa<ia[ri 
ioTV re Kcd v^oiiraSi ot€ ytlyLaros toTarai &p[r]' 
TToXXov XpifTTos] 6\pavTOs ^[ttJI \p6vov ovvopia tovtc[v 
vavroKpirtop iX6])(pv re fiivciv V€[v]oi Qeodcipi};. 

Waddington's restoration is better than Kirchhoff's. roiJrofv], Kaibel. 
The style and lettering suit the fifth century or even the fourth. 

The expression Xpurrds ixpavros occurs in an inscription of Hadriani 
(Perrot Explorat. ArchSolog. p. 6^. 

423. LW T649, Cumont 88. [^]X^cVa)] 17 ^a(ri[X]ta <roV /6 A'Oftd (tov 

424. Aphrodisias. BCH 1885 p. 84. et; Ocos 6 fidvos aQC^ KfiDi^orai;- 
T€ii{ov\ Cp. Wadd. 2704. 

425. CIG 8919, Cumont 90. 0(eor({K)e, porjOi r<^ kJctjuio | (j[/iji€pov Ki 
i;t[ic]a I K€ avp[io]if 7r4a(r]evL(r]a). 

The conclusion is very suspicious : Texier is the only authority. 

426. CIG 9272, LW 1650, Cumont 93 bis. Tottos ^iKoOi^ov]*. 

This formula is very often Christian (cp. Wadd. 1507), but not 
exclusively so. It is a translation of the Latin form locus or loculus 
(which is used by both pagans and Chr.) ; it occurs in the Catacombs, 
and in many indubitably Chr. inscr. (especially in Cilicia and Isauria) ; 
and the presumption is that this Latinism was characteristic of Eastern 
Christians. See no. 421. 

427. CIG 9273, Cumont 91. [+] XMT Tottos Aov/ca ^iAottoVov. 

The symbols XMT, which de Rossi' interprets as XptoTJ9, Mixa^i^, 
TaPpLrjkf Waddington had preferred to understand as Xpto-ros 6 ^k MapCas 
T^vvrjOtCs. XMr is found on many inscriptions in Syria, most of which 
bear dates from the end of the 4th to the beginning of the 6th cent. 
Outside Syria examples of this formula are uncommon, occurring in 
isolated cases in Phoenicia, at Ephesos (Hicks no. 534), at Cyzicos (^AtA. 

* No. 422-431 are all from this city. ' BuUettino di Archeologia Crist, 1870 

' Waddington prefers <^iXo^*[«v], pp. 18-31, 115-121, 1890 p. 42. 
* cemetery of the Friends of God.* 

App. christian inscriptions. 555 

MUth. 1881 p. 126), at Bargylia (BCH 1894 p. 24), at Thebes in Egypt, at 
Syracuse, at Athens (Bayet BCH 1878 p. 32). A slightly different 
form in the Hauran is XE M f : see Wright and Souter in Pal, Explor. 
Fund QuarL St, 1895 p. 51 (apparently implying a vocative form Xpiari). 

428. CIG 8905, Cumont 91 bis, K(vpi)€, fiooCOi to a-o bovKo Ma</<r}ipri (?) 
Inscr. of this common form are probably, in some cases at least, 

sepulchral. As M. Le Blant, Manuel p. 10, points ont, /amulus dei^ hovXos 
Tov deov^ when it occurs in the epitaphs ^, is applied only to the dead : 
the term may be called a Chr. substitute for the pagan rjptas. This form 
of epitaph is characteristic of the fully developed Chr. style, in which all 
connexion with the world is left unnoticed : parents, country, profession 
are forgotten, the maker of the grave is not stated, nothing is recorded 
but the name of the dead and his relation to God as a suppliant. This 
Chr. style was developed during the fourth century. The formula Xpiari 
fioTjOfi Ti^ bovX(^ (TOV is remarkably common in the fifth and sixth 
centuries ; but it originated not later than the first half of the fourth 
century. It occurs in a Syrian inscription dated 331 (Wadd. 2704); and 
an inscription of Syra which contains it probably belongs to the fourth 
century *. 

In Gaul M. Le Blant, Manuel p. 24, points out that the expression 

famulm Dei was in use between 449 and 552 a.d. The name Masares, 

which is probably native Anatolian, connected with Masaris and Masas 

no. 91 and Add, 23, favours a comparatively early date for this inscr., the 

rudeness of which may be due to bad education. 

429. MM. Paris and HoUeaux in BCH 1885 p. 83, Cumont 87. 6 
pinToav x<apLaTa iv to) TtX'V ^X^* ^^ dj'd^e/xa iiird tG^v n^ TraTip<av &s i^^pds 

TOV 6€0V +• 

The curse of the 318 fathers who assembled at the Nicene Council in 
A.D. 325 is common in Chr. epigraphy. It is invoked against those who 
disobey a law or regulation ^, or injure a building, or steal a MS. The 
fathers are called 0i6<t>opoi irardpcs in an inscr. of Larissa in Thessaly, 
MM. Duchesne and Bayet Mission au Mont Athos p. 133 no. 193. 

' In other ways, e. g. on seals (see vroXtrcr roU avpaplott. The Constantinian 

Schlumberger SigiUographie, pcutsim), it monogram and the style and lettering 

is applied to the living. M. Le Blant mark this inscription as probably not 

quotes tS)v opiXrjadynov r^ Bavart^^ 6fpa' later than the fourth century. 
yr<$vra)v Otov XP'7M<i'r<C^in'a>i' Cotist, hill, ' CIG 8704 1. 38 t6 atnOtfia dn6 roy 

' See Rev, Arch, 1876 Novemb. p. 287 AyUnv diroaT^Kav koi djr6 rovrirf fr(aT()pay, 

y^^ofjdfj r^ boviKt^ aov EvXtfuvt^ *E0c(ri9 fc< r^v dphv tov [*I]ovda. 
xipvavnoBiKTji ?) t^s f A](riaff koX tois orr- 


430, LW 1648, Kaibel Ejt. e Lapp. 439, Ciimont 87 bi», 

Ka\i&Ttov A\]ijro[ii] B«ir/«)[(rt Kparfirat 
tls aiava p-ivovira irdXai rdv Atiffi/.i/pi/u"ou. 
Kaibel and Cumont are agreed as to the religion ; otherwise I should 
hardly have ventured to include this fragment, as metrical inscr. are very 
free in expression. 

431. Aphrodisias, CIG 8644, Cumont X5. top ai'dw}j.ov. vfixv[ ]| 

a-no iirdpxov \ koX ^Cov hiKa<TTOV \ [l]vb{iKnapoi) w iJ.'j(vi) a. \ 0eox<ipiOTO j 

'Ax^fiov, [ 1 ^ovirxos I 'Pa^ovAlov, \ UpOKd-mos [6 nai?] | Qeobopos 

iiva\[y]v6(rnj^ 6]'Povi(liov?\ \ iTndrpov', \ &(ott>u\ai{T]os biAKo{vos),Mapiavdt\ 
SidKo{voi), Tfopyis I 6 ^«X^ov 'A^SeAJKfou. 

The dating and signing by witnesses of a document (probably of fifth 
or sixth century). The form 'A^^KkCov for 'AjSepniou, no, 673, is inter- 

433. (A. H. Smith 1884). Kara-Eyuk-Bazar (Themisonion). [ — ] 
S(«I)s [ — 1 ill fx^o-u [ — TO fltfxAia t\ov (5)kov ira\ivd^a[fTai — . Or, perhaps, 
[to] ifi fiiirif [t]ov (6)kov (ra\evfljJtr[€Tai]. 


433 ii*. Cibyra. BCH 1878 p. 608. 'Ejrair/jar 'Eira^p^ rui Troipi pi- X- 

This inscr. is uncertain. Nothing suggests Chr. religion, except the 

name Epii| bras for both fatlier and son, p. 513. This name, a shortened 

form of Epaphroditos, was also in ordinary pagan use ; but the Colosaian 

Saint was likely to spread it among the early Christians in the district. 

433. Cibyra. BCH l878p,6l3. K(ilpi)e ^o^fli rt|j BouXoffov NiKoXdor. 

This inscription has been engraved round a large cross on a pagan 
cippus which had been recut for a Christian gravestone. See no. 438. 
No. 384 IB Bimilarly engraved about a large cross. 

' *P*i[do(?] 'KirmV(ioiJ CIG. 

App. christian inscriptions. 557 

434» (R. 1886). Beuyeuk Yaka, in front of the mosque. 

+Oe€OCTONAPXAr€AON 6 e€bs top iipxa{y)yiXov 

CYNni A20NT0YCTH • (riv\'n\fi\a^ov rovs (i. e. rots) i^[s 

KOYMHCMOVnACHN Koviir\s ftou iraoTji; 

KAinPACINONTON KaX itpaaivov rov [dp- 


It is impossible to judge accurately as to the ends of 11. 11-4, which are 
broken. There is room for three letters after 2, two after 3, and three 
after 4 ; but the length of the first line which ends so as to leave a short 
gap at the right would suggest that nothing is lost^ except one letter in 2. 
The sense however shows that two are lost at the end of 4. Should we 
imderstand (ruvifj)\a^v rols Tr\s K{<i)tiTis tiov TTaa{i)v Koi itpaalvtov r&v dpOo" 
b6^(»)v, or 7rao'(i)' i{rjica4 irpaa-lviav tQv ipOoho^oav. 

435. (R. 1886). Kilij. Sterrett WE 604 (Cumont 270 bis^). kip. Ad- 
yiVpos TifiOKpirovs ica[T]€(rK[€v]a<ra ^ai;r4i koI rf yvvaiKl fiov koI to is t4kvois 
Kol iKyovois' ^r^py ^^] firibcvl pLrjrc (rvvyevfj i^dv eij/at, eJ 6[i fJLrj\ lorai 
avTf^ TTpos Tov 0erfr, M^re yrji ^ fH7[T]e o[v]pavos rriv yjfvxfiv axfTov irapabi^Tai. 

The usual Chr. formula is united with a curse of more pagan type, 
with which compare CIG 3915 LW 1683. A similar mixture in no. 56^. 

436. (A. H. Smith 1884). Andeda. JHS 1887 p. 255, Cumont 108. 
Oblong marble slab : on top cross within circle. On side tov hyCov Kocr- 
Tovrivov K€ ns ayCas *E\ivi,s between crosses. On front evx^ ^i,kCiro[v 
TTo\i,T€]vofjLivov ^' ifilv. The engraver seems to have omitted one of the 
successive syllables iro. 

437. (A. H. Smith 1885). Pogla^ on a fragment of entablature. 
[ ]s fiera hvOpditaiv. 

The late lettering marks this inscr. as of the Chr. period. 

438. (R. 1884). Pogla. Amer. J. Arch, IV 1888 p. 14, Cumont 107. 
H" EvTv\r\s i XafnTp6T(aTOs) iiro ir^poydvoiv) vir^p (ra)[riy]p(as avTov Kal Trj[s 
yvvaiKos aifTolju koI T^iV yvrja-Coiv avTOV iraibCmv iv4aTri<r€V tov[to1^ tov 
crTa[v}p6v ha 2)re<^(ii;ov 6[€l]ov * avTov +. 

439. (R. 1 886). Colonia Julia Augusta Prima Fida Comama. Ramsay 
Am. Jaurn. Arch. 1887 p. 264, B^rard BCH 1892 p. 420*, Cumont 109. 

* Sterrett reads Tifioicpdrov, <rvvyfv(iy • Smith reads «(Xiiro[v K]ofup[[]ov. 

fropadc[£]at[ro], and omits yfji firfr*. I * The determination of the exact title 

compared his published copy with the of the Colonia as Prima is due to M. 

stone. Berard. 

' yiji is certain. • for 6 in copy. 


^\ov\la KaXAiTTTTia/;)/ Flcfa MapCav 'OicTaovtW tt^v ykvKVTirrjv Ovyaripa 
avTTJ^ IX. X. 

440. (B. 1886). Colonia Comama. On a fragment of the archi- 
trave of a heroon. ^lovKia KaXXtTrTrtai;^ Flcta r^ ye]j/oft€i;>y BxryarpX ovttjs 
MapCq ^OKTaovCa KaWiTrmarrj. 

It is more probable that Maria is here the feminine of the Latin nomen 
Marius^ which descended in the family of one of the coloui settled by 
Augustus at Comama. 

7. Trajanopolis. 

441, 442. Ushak. Wadd. 728, CIG 8909, Cumont 174. (A) + 
Xpiard^ 0€ov Hvapus Kal Oeov (ro^la, icipios, ipiol porf069, koI ov <l)ofi'q(ropxn 
tI -n-otijcrei fAOi ivOpcDiros. (B) *Ap\dyy€\€ /3oiJd€4 r<p 5ovA<p aov, (B) is 
eng^ved on a cross which is inside a crown^ and (A) is engraved around 
the crown. 

The opening of (A) is-modelled on i Cor. I 24 (as Mr. A. Souter points 
out to me), and the conclusion on Psalm LVI, 1 1. The archangel to whom 
the building was dedicated was probably Michael^ whose worship was 
widely spread in Phrygia (Church in F. E. p. 477 and no. 404, 678). 

443. Ushak. CIG 9265, Cumont 173. Arip.r]Tplov imaKdirov: AG) in 
a circle. 

The symbol AQ) belongs to the period ^55 to 509 in Rome, and 377 
to 547 in Gaul (Le Blant Manuel p. 29). 

444. Ushak. CIG 3865 /, LW 727, Cumont 172. frovs T$y\ fAri{vds) 
Ilepctrfov I. EvTVxrjs EiTv\ov Tariq yvvaLKi koI Trarpl /ut. \. Xpto-nai;ot[s] 
Kal kavT<^. 4>€XAtVas [T]qix€Vo6vp€vs [Xarviios?] A.D. 278-279. 

The character of this inscr. is similar to those of the country S. and 
S.E. from Kotiaion; the name of the stone-cutter (karvnos) is often 
added in that district; cp. Mordtraann Aih. Mitfh, 1885 p. 17, CIG 3830, 
3827 r, LW 824 ; and the use of the word \piariavol on the tombstone 
is also common there. But neither characteristic is peculiar to the 
N. Phrygia, both occur also in S. Phrygia, Petersen Lykia II p. 74, 
above no. 393. No. 444 his. See p. 568. 

8. Pepouza. 

445. (R. 1883, 1887). Sarikli^. Incomplete in JHS 1883 p. 407, 
Cumont 159. The stone is buried upside down at the mosque * : believing 

* In CB the name is wrongly given Karghali (see pp. 31 and 576). All are 

Sureili. It means 'the turbaned people,* Mohammedan now. 

and probably denoted originally the * The Iwdja said that the mosque was 

Mohammedan village that grew up built anno ^(P^i>i»« 11 42 ( A.D. 1730). 
opposite the Christian Deli-Heuder or 

App. christian inscriptions. 559 

that it was Christian, I returned in 1887, and dug it up with the con- 
nivance of the hofija and disclosed the first five lines. Itovs tXc'. [ *A<f}(f>Ca 
^povyiov K[ar€0']|jc€va(rer rh icoi/jtTyT(75]|/>to[i;] | kavr^ \ koX T<j) divhpi avrr^s] \ 
AtoSoVo) Kf Tois I ykvKVTCLTois ri\KVOis airijs ^pov\yC(a k^ Tarfa koI \ rfj 
OpeiTTrj 'Pob6\Trrf [liyi (sic !) h\ fw hv \ hv Oikr\<r(»> ^^(ra)|' fiera h\ t^v 
^lirfji] I TcAcur^i; ovh^vX ejfoj/ core kripi^ rc^^i^ej, fiovov rff Ovyarpi fiov T(l|r^' 
el TLS 8c Irepos iTn<T€v^v]\K€i, Icrre iTTiKardpaTos itapa \ Oe^ Is tov iC^vav^. 

The concluding formula gives a Christian modification of a form at 
Prymnessos) of curse against violation of the tomb. In reliance on this 
the inscription was published as Christian in 1884; and this classifica- 
tion was accepted by M. Cumont and is now confirmed by the disclosure 
of the word Koiiir}Trjpiov. The date is A. D. 250-1 ; and at that early 
time the substitution of a Christian term for the customary word ffpi^ov 
had begun. 

446. (R. 1883, 1887). Sarikli. JHS 1883 p. 408 [fj belva Kar^aKeiaaev 

Tw iivhpX ] KoL Tjl iir^TpX ainov \ MeKrLvri Kk 4>pov|y^<p r<p iivhpX avjr^s ^k 

^pQvyii^ I AovKiavr\s koL ttJ | OpeTrrfj \wv \ [BJ^o-o-t; ** iv <j) KT^fu|di7<r€re ice ^ 
vv\yL^ri TOV <t>povyCov \ TaTi,avrj' ovbivX b^ k\&v Icrre iriptp T€6r]v\[ai, ei hi 
Tts TokpLrja^i ^, lore] avT<^ '7r[pd9 tov OcSv. 

In 1 884 I mentioned that this inscription was engraved on a sepulchral 
bomos exactly similar to no. 445, * belonging certainly to the same period, 
probably to the same family : it is therefore also probably Christian.' 
This conjecture was confirmed in 1887 by the discovery of part of five 
letters of the concluding formula. Unfortunately the beginning of the 
inscription is concealed by great stones forming part of the building, so 
that my attempt at excavating failed. Without the opening words, the 
relationship of the second Phrougios is uncertain ; possibly Luciana was 
the lady who made the tomb for her husband, her father-in-law and 
mother-in-law, her son Phrougios, and her adopted child Bassa. 

The rare name Phrougios is found also at Kotiaion, Aizanoi, and Lao- 
diceia Combusta CIG 3989. A place in the agora of Hieropolis was named 
Phrougis (p. 683). On a coin of Alia (p. 594) the name c|>POYri 
occurs, which should probably be completed as ^povyC^ov], though possibly 
J. Friedlander may be right in taking it as the Latin name Frug^. 
Phrougios is perhaps a derivative from the national name ^piJy-ey. 

447. (R. 1883, 1887). Karib-Hassan. JHS 1883 p. 407, Cumont 

^ iStvav in 1887, ^&va 1883 : tnpog ^ The name is doubtful ; it is not 

1887, trtpov 1883: the copy of 1887 is certain what letter should be restored, 

more likely to be correct. In the date and perhaps no letter is lost. 

E is very &int and uncertain. ^ Perhaps simply tl di pi) op. no. 45 !« 


158. Avp. ^AXi^av\hpos 'I2pe\X(|ov icareo-Ket^lacra rh KVii.r\Ti]\piov ifiaxyrtS \ koI 
Tjj yvvaiKC I fjLov 'AAvTrf^. 

This inscription is eng^ved on a small altar of short heavy type, nearly 
two feet in height. 

9. Sebaste and Dioskome. 

448. (R. 1883). Sivasli. CIG 3872(?,Wadd. 735, Cumont 160. hovs 
rXf , fiq^vds) c', 8'. Aifp. Aiowais [ . . . ]ov€[ . • • | C]^(ra Kar^a-Kciiaa-^v to 
fjp^v T^ ivbpl avTTJs Ev [....] I k^ t^ vl^ fiov Tartavia Ki ra> d5eA.<^J) fiov 
E£rpo7r<p [k^] | ri vl<^ E\fTp6Trov Ki rfj yvvaiKl avrov 'Povi^e&iy /m. | x» ^l ^^ ^ty 
tr^pov iin(r€vivK€i Is tovto \ rd fjp<^Vy lore aifTia irpos tov O^Sv ^. A. D. 253- 

The last five words are concealed among the ornamentation^ apart 
from the rest of the inscription. The name of the father of Dionysis 
is uncertain. She married Eutropos, for whom Dionysis makes the grave, 
along with her son Tatianos, her brother Eutropos, and her brother's son 
and wife. 

449. (R. 1883). Seljiikler. M. Paris in BCH 1883 p. 456, Cumont 
161. ['A]i;t(cSi;409) ^ HoXXloiv \ TrairroiTdKrjs ^ \ avr<p koL rfj yvvat.\Kl Avp, 
^Afifilq Zrjv\ob6Tov Koi roiy t^kvols avrov KaT€(r\K€va(r€v rd fip\^ov. eZ hi tis 
trcpov I iiti(T€vivKri Tivi, f<r\T€ avT^ irpds t6v Scov, \ frovs t\jl\ firj(v6s) 
(^, K. A. D. 256. 

The name Antonios at Sebaste, no. 472. 

450. (R. 1883). M. Paris in BCH 1883 p. 457, Cumont 163. KX(av6to9) 
Tp6<f>ipLOs I f«r kavT^ Ka\T€(rK€va(r€V \ p.6v(j^' ts | 5' hv ivfiaXr]^ lorai | avr^ 
irpos TOV 6€[6v]. 

451. (R. 1883). Sivasli. CIO 3872 J, Wadd. 734, Cumont 162. Avp. 
Mcaa-ikas ^ ^€pa(r\Triv6Si Zar/xJy, /3oi;Xevn}[s]|, fwr kavTia KaT€(rK€va\<r€v koL ttJ 
avpLplia 'Afi/A^a | Koi ry iKy6v(a Mca-aAkq, \ to fjp^ov ovk i\ovTOs \ i^ovaiav 
hipov iTTi(r€\v€VK€lv pL^TCL 7^1/ r€|r^i; TOV Mco-o-dXa. el h^ p[v% iarai avTt^ 
irpos TOV I Oeov. 

452. (R. 1883). Seljiikler. Wadd. 737. Irov? vofi'. \ [A]vp. nai}|[\>off 
Evyei/^|[ov] *EppLay6\[po]u KTr](ri\[fA€v]os tovto \ [fip^]ov. /utT;(i;os) ^. A.D. 388. 

There is nothing except the late date to show the religion. Formerly 
I stated that the use of fjpt^ov so late probably implied paganism ; but 
that is an error (no. 354). There were probably, but not certainly, two 
A*8 in nai5[X]Xos, and that spelling would favour a pagan origin. 

* Waddington, from Le Bas'a not very has Cj P O N C . Franz read 2Tpov[yv\ov], 

accurate copy, has the date YAZ, and In 1. 3, 4. Wadd. reads EvTp6n[a] t^ vi^ 

reads Aiowals [EiJ]Tp(J[7r]ou. But my Eu. ; but there is a gap, requiring [k€]. 

copy has EiiIONl while Le Bas ' M. Paris read [TjiV. and fraKTOTrwXiyir. 

app. christian inscriptions. 


453. Seljukler. BCH 1893, p. 269. ^Opcnviavov kcI 4>k(ap€VT[as Ovyirrip 
*HA[i]J7roXt5^ iird Kcipras ^Tap\rjcrLav&v(?) SLvi(rTriaav(\) a-rCXXrjv rrj iavTov(l) 
Td(f)<f^' i<mv h\ ir&v ficica ((' ei bi tls KaKovpYrj<raL &s ff OvyiTrjp ttjv ^rjTipa 
ovK ix6pTaa€u oirc fj firJTrilp] rriv Bvyaripa, oSroas /at) xopracrd^ rty ^k . . . 

The editors express some doubt of the text. Except the late date^ 
which can hardly be earlier than the fourth century^ there is nothing to 
suggest the Chr. religion. I thought of a cohort of Stablesianoi ; but 
M. Radet treats this inscr. in Rev. des Univ. du Midi 1896 p. 290 and 
accepts the opinion expressed by M. Beaudouin that Ktipras is the name 
of a place. The editors mention that the engraving is irregular and 
rude ; and I trust they will not think it wrong, if I express the hope 
that the inscr. may be re-examined to see whether BHPZ AC may be read 
(K for B and T for Z are easy mistakes in a di£Scult text, as bitter 
experience has shown me) : Borza would then be the same place which is 
called Borzos in no. 489. 

454. (R. 1883). Khirka (Dioskome). + ivckrjfKpOri to ireUov ^PlvtI- 
varpos + Ivb^LKTiodvi) if koI firjvl ff tf ' fip.(€T4pov) Kvp[lov) +. 





The western custom of stating the day of death without stating the year 
is hardly found in the East, as M. Cumont remarks. 

VOL. I. PT. II. 

* HATO I in the copy. 


Compare 'lovXe^ay Eiape'oras . . . >irvyji . . . eZs ovpaviov XP. paaiXelav 
fi€Ta 7<av ayCayv av€kvtJ^(l>Orj in an inscr. found on the Via Latina, and 
ranked by De Rossi p. CXVI as antiquissima (i. e. third century). Our 
inscr. cannot be earlier than the second half of fourth cent. Indictions 
began to be used for dating documents in Egypt^ where they occur as 
early as a. d. 329. Beyond Egypt they were not in use till after 350. 
De Bossi p. XCVIII knows no inscr. dated by ind. until 423 and 443 ; 
and no Roman inscr. is dated by ind. until 517 and 522. 

Dating by indictions begins in Gaul only a.d. 491 as M. Le Blant III 
p. I ] 7 says ; but it may be expected at an earlier date in Asia. M. Le 
Blant Manuel p. 44 points out that the custom of marking on the tomb 
the day of death was repugnant to Greek feeling, which never cared to 
dwell on such mournful facts ^ : the day of death is recorded only in the 
fully developed Chr. system of burial customs, when it was regarded as 
the beginning of a better life : in Gaul it begins to be mentioned as an 
almost invariable rule in 431 a.d. The change is nearly contemporaneous 
with the ceasing to mention the maker of the tomb ; at Rome the maker 
is mentioned for the last time in 408, in Gaul in 470. The simple cross 
at the beginning of the epitaph was customary in Rome from 450 to 589, 
in Gaul from 500 to 680 ; but it began in N. Phrygia at a much earlier 
period, probably in the third century. 

10. Akmonia, Keramon Aoora and Alia. 

455-457. (R. 1883, 1888). Susuz-Keui Rei\ £f. Gr. 1889 p. 23, 
Cumont 164. (A) [Aip, 'Ajpto-Way ['A7ro\]|\ft)i;fou riy6pa\(r€V ipybv roirov | 
irapa MdpKov Ma^|oi5^ 7r^(xeft)i^) l iiri l. It€l* . Below this was added at 
a later time in smaller and ruder letters, KaT€(rK€va(rav rci T€\Kva avrov 
^Ak4^av]bpos Kol KaX\C(rTpafT]os /^iryrpl kcu irarpl \ /a. x« 

(B) vTro<r\6n€vos TJj | y€(.TO(Tvvri tQv 'np[a)\T]oT:vX€iT&v ipp[€]\va fitic^X]- 
\a[ra] | bvo K[aT]a iJi7J[va ?] | koX &[ya>yd]v 6pv[k\t6v ®, iboDK€v \ i<f>' <f Karci Itos 
p[o]\bLa(0(Tiv TrjV avfifi[i]\6v fiov Avpr}\[av, 

(C) [iav bi fxri iBiXaxriv] poblaai KarcL lros|, [i(r]rai airrols 'irpc[s | T^]if 
biKaLoaij[v\rjv] rov 0€ov, 

Defaced symbols on side C. In the middle of side B a crown, across 

^ M. Le Blant has overlooked a few ^ There seems to have been no letter 

Phrygian inscr., in which the day of after 8 at the end of the line, 

death is mentioned as being the day on ' TON in my copy of 1883, TON 

which offerings are to be made at the in 1888. No letter was engraved after 

grave, e.g. no. 20; but the date of death Y at the end of the preceding line: 

in CIG 3309 may be taken confidently K must have been omitted accident- 

as a proof of Chr. origin (19 Apr., 263). ally. 

app. christian inscriptions. 563 

which the letters [AT^A and [fnro] were engraved. Probably the date 
in A contained one number^ or perhaps two; the space is narrow for 
a second letter and leaves no room for a third. The inscr. belongs to 
the third century: irei [t] to [rit] (a.d. 215-295) are the limits. 

I am indebt^ to Prof. Mommsen for some of the readings : the plot 
was 10 cubits square, and Aristeas furnished two workmen with two- 
pronged picks and a corresponding force of diggers. 

The principal inscr. on side A is continued on side B : ' Aristeas pur- 
chased the ground, and promising . . . . , gave it on condition . . . ' 
Aristeas was a Chr., and we must understand that the Society to which 
he left his bequest was a Chr. benefit and burial society (see no. 412). 
As we see in Ch. XIV § 3 (1), Akmonia or more probably Keramon 
Agora (to which, strictly, this inscr. belongs) was divided into trade- 
guilds, which were probably local divisions (see Ch. XI § 22 (5)): the Chr. 
Society was modelled after them in name and outward appearance, as at 
Hierapolis. Similar titles were familiar to the pagans, e.g. ol iv ^E<f>iaia 
kpyirai Tipo-nvk^lrai CIG 3028, ^v\r\ MeyoAoTrvXetrwr at Side Lanckoronski 
I no. 107. That 'neighbourhoods' should be united merely on account 
of the contiguity of the people was also a familiar custom : cp. Josephus 
Bell, Jud, VII 10 Tpiit^rai ra TtXridri Ttpds €v<DxCaVf Koi Karci <f)vkci9 koI yivr\ 
KcX y€iTOvlas iroiovficvoL ras i<m,aa€LS. An inscr. of Orkistos, still impub- 
lished, begins ol Trepi r^v ydrovlaaLv (a remarkable form for y€LTvlaaiv) 
Tov x6pov (i.e. xipovy cp. p. 36). And in Rome each Synagogue was 
almost certainly named, as Mommsen points out [HutorUche ZfL LXIV 
pp. 426 f.), after the street in which it was situated, ^ kypi-nirqcrioi, 
YLainrqaioiy ^i^ovpYi<noLf Avyovcrrriaioiy &c. (compare the abode of Jews 
outside the Porta Capena, Juvenal III 15). 

The use of roses, which was very frequent among the pagans in 
banquets and in ordinary life, was common to the Chr., as Tertullian 
says ^ [Apolog. 42), except that the latter never made them into garlands 
for their heads, but employed them loose : the Chr. used them also at 
funerals (Minucius Felix Octav. 38, 3). Especially it was customary to 
hold a ceremony Rosalia on the anniversary of Saints and Martyrs, 
Tomaschek uber Bmmalia und Rosalia Sitzungsber. Wien. Akad. LX 
p. 379 f, which I know only from Frankel Inschr. Rerg, II p. 266, quotes 
many examples. Frankel mentions the pobKrfxSs of St. Timotheus Patr. 
on May 9, and of St. John on May 8, also the Rosalia of St. Niko- 
laos at Myra on May 9 {dies S. Nicolai aestivalis). Sepulchral use of 
roses was also a custom among the pagans : at Nikaia a bequest to the 

' He speaks of flowers in general ; Felix Odav. 38, 3, it is clear that he 
but from the imitation in Minucius refers specially to roses. 

P 2 


Gerousia iiii ry pohiC^o-OaL airdv CIG 3754 : pobio-fxos on ist Panemos 
(34th May) in the Imperial cultus at Pergamos Frankel 1. c. : Bosaria at 
Capoa on 13th May CIL X 3792: Rosalia of the Conlegium Silvani on 
20th June CIL X 444 : Dies Rosae of the Collegium Aesculapii et Iltfgiae 
CIL VI 10234 on nth May: Dies Rosationis at the grave of T. Flavins 
Syntrephus CIL VI 10239 on aist May: these ceremonies consisted in 
a banquet (CIL VI 10234), in which garlands of roses were given to the 
guests, as Frankel says. He quotes also Caetani-Lovatelli lafesia della 
rosa Rome 1888, and Mommsen in Berichte Sachs. Gesellsch. 1850 p. 67 f. 

458. (R. 1883). Susuz-Keui» + i-n^p ri[x^s Kk <ra)]T7ypi}ay k[^ 4<^^<r€0)s] 
Tov hfjLaffjL&v Av^6,v]ovTos irfpecr/S. k^ iravrds] tov VKo8[o/ui)}/uta]roy tov [\aQv ? 
Tov] hyCov l\pv<l)a)vos ?] (or r[€Oi>pyCov]) : the last letter is doubtful, T or F. 

The initial cross in monimiental inscr. (as distinguished from epitaphs) 
is dated by M. Le Blant in Gaul from 445 to 676 {Manuel p» 29). 

459. (R. 1 881). Islam-Keuii aravpds <l)v\aKTrjprjov vko[v\ + vTrcfp 

It is possible that there may be a longer gap at vkc[v]. The cross 
begins a new line, which contained an inscription of the type of 458. 

460. Islam-Keui. Sterrett in 1883 copied the following on the back 
of the stone which bears no. 5^3* oravpbs (f)vXaKTrjprjov vkc{v] : then 
follows a second line undecipherable, • (J>OC • Y(J>€NH[ ]. 

This is evidently the same as CIG 3876, and seems to be different 
from 459. 

461. (R. 1 881). Ahat-Keui : on a fragment of architrave in very lat« 
style. ZcoriKos Ov[p]avCov [kqI ol iZ€\<l>ol ?] | 'AraroXios k€ OifpJ[y(.o9 — ]. 

The inscription is in two lines, and there is no clue to the length of the 
gap at the end of the lines. 

462. R. (1883). Susuz-Keui. ['A]X^far8pos 6 ical | ['A]xo\ts Crja-as Itt> 
o\'] I PovkevTrj^, \ iyopavo^rj<ras, \ aeLToyvrja-as, \ Travr}yvpiapx'i^<rc{s]\, ^CTprj- 
aas Ttdkiv \ [iv ?] rfj iyopa Kv{6,Bovi) 9'], a-Tparriyrja-as, [ — ]. 

The surname 'AxoAts for ^A\6\los looks Chr. ; it is only found in late 
time (see p. 493), and the meaning is suitable for a baptismal name. But 
the office of Panegyriarch (p. 442) seems unsuitable for a Chr., unless great 
laxity among the Chr. existed at Akmonia. 

463. (R. 1881). This text is engraved on the side of a rather elaborate 
* door-stone' which was seen in 1881 by me at a fountain between 
Islam-Keui and Ahat-Keui : the same stone was seen and copied in 1883 

App. christian inscriptions. 565 

by Sterrett in a waggon going along the road near Ushak ^. C^|o'i[v | 
y']iyav Klvhv\v\ov ^KCTr€<^€v|[y]oV€y. 

464. (E. 1887). Kaili. i iyrjos *AKi\vbvvoi in two vertical lines on 
the right and the left sides of a bust with nimbus. 

SS. Akindynos, Victor, and others, were martyrs at Nikomedeia under 
Diocletian : AA SS 20th April p. 747. They seem not to be mentioned 
in any of the earlier martyrologies. This inscr. is late, and cannot be 
quoted as a proof of the early spread of the fame of Akindynos even 
in the fourth or fifth centuries*. 

465, 466. (B. 1883). Susuz-Eeui. MM. Leg^rand and Chamonard 
BCH 1893 p. 371 give (A) with some slight differences, but omit (B) 
which is on the other side of the stone. 

A. [koI r]37 (r[vi;]|)8i<j) Tpo<f}ifxri | ^Tioftjcrer |.* TiWfiioy * AyL4pL\fxvos ^ttkt- 
o'K€[vj|d(ra9 rd tov 7ra['7r]|7roi; airov fjLvri\fx€lov, (6a\lf€v r|Tji; iavrov yvvaiKa \ 
Avp. ^Omjaijxrjv Ev|fA7rtoTov i^dv \ b€ lore Kal tov i\'JTL<F<rK€vi(ravTa 
[^A]fiipi\fxvov T€6rjv€ Is rh Trpo\yovLKbv avrov fiiniix€\lov' iai; b4 ris iTn\€iJ[p]ri(r€i 

fX€Ta rd T€6rji{a]t tov ^Aixip(,fj{v]ov frepov \ [Ti]va [ ]gt[H f^Tai airr^ 

irpds rdv 6€6vt]. 

B. [el TLS avrQv TL]va Oi^ero^ [S[\]A.oj;, X(ij3otT[o iTrp]o(rb6KriTOv 8 | ical* 
6 iLb€X(f)ds a[vT]\&v ^ Afiipifivos' iav \ bi tis avr&v firi <f)oP\r]6fj tovtodv t&v 
Ka\Tap&v, rd ipas bpiliravov €lai\6oi,To | els ras oUrja-Ls av\TQv koI ixr\bivav 


The curse in (B) seems to be directed against certain persons specified 
in the lost exordium, brothers of Amerimnos : if any of them buries any 
other person (besides certain specified individuals), may he receive an 
unexpected stroke, such as their brother Amerimnos suffered. 

The name Amerimnos is a remarkable one. It is not in accordance 
with the native nomenclature of Phrygia, and does not resemble the 
Greek style of meaning. One would readily incline to think that it 
has a Christian origin, and that it was a baptismal name given to Titedios 
when he became a Christian. It marks him as the man who * takes 
no thought for the morrow ' (Matth. vi. 34 p.^ oiy fi€pifxvri(rrjT€ €ls ttjv 

The conclusion of (A) is unfortunately mutilated and uncertain ; there 

^ This example confirms the account ' My copy has after tnoirjaiv a leaf, 

already giv^n of the transport of large which in BCH has been taken for Pi/. 
stones (see pp. 366, 698, 738). * L e. ^a^(ai)To. 

^ Pa98io S, Bonifaeii § 2 (Ruinart ' Two small letters O N are engraved 

p. 326) cV r^ <l>oP(pqi hv^P9 ^^^ biKOiOKpi' above K in koi. 
aias TOV 9coO. 


remain only the tops of the letters in the line following ir^pov (they 
are all omitted in BCH) : at the beginning [Ti\va is certain^ then followed 
an infinitive, which I cannot restore to suit the traces ^ ; and the two 
certain letters EC are too slender a foundation to justify any confidence 
in the restoration (I(r[ra4 iTtiKariLparos] would suit equally well). 

The imprecation in the conclusion of (B) occurs also in no. 563 (see also 
564), where it is added to an extension of the Chr. formula (probably 
Jewish). The comparison with no. 563 confirms the view that no. 465 is 
not native Phrygian : the style has something of the Semitic tj'pe, and 
it is more likely to arise from the Jewish influence in Akmonia than from 
native custom. Rev. A. F. Findlay quotes ' Lasirab the mighty king of 
Gutium .... he made and he gave : whoever this stone removes^ and the 
record of his name writes upon it, the gods Gutium and Ninna and Sin 
shall tear up his foundation and wipe out his seed and shall not prosper 
him in his going.' Yet the name Amerimnos seems not likely to be 
Jewish. On the whole, probably this inscr. marked the grave of a 
Jewish Chr.; but it would appear that the Church in Akmonia was 
of a debased type, much infected by non-Chr. elements. 

The name Titedios is unknown elsewhere : probably it would be wrong 
to read Ti. Tcdioy. 

467-469. (R. 1883). Otourak. On four sides of an altar. A. irovs 
rqrf' Kk rripQiV ivroXa^ iLBavirtav' Kk iyia I/jtc 6 kaX&v itivra ^kOavaros 
^^TtiTVvyjivos, pv-qOh imb koA^s i.pyjL€plas brjfxoTiKrjs Ka\dv ovofxa 'IcnrarciAijy, 
^x; irCiMTjaav adivaroi 6€ol k^ [^]i; Spoi^ Ki virip Spovs' i\vTp<i(raTo ycip 
TToWovs iK KQK&v Paffivoiv. ^Ap\L€pia *ETnrvv\avov TifxrjBivra into 0€&v 
i0av6,T<i)v' KaOUpoiaav avrdv Atoyas [6] ^ k€ ('E)7rtn;i;xai'oy k€ Tdnc[v] vvv<f)ri 
Kk ra riKva airrQv ^OinjaLfios kI * AXi^avbpos k^ 'A<rK\ay Kk 'EirLTVvxcLVOs. 
Defaced relief in the centre : a rude cross incised in its place. 

B. ['AJ^araros ^ETriTvv\avos TiCov TifxrjdU vtto ^Ekclttjs Trpwrrys, bevrepov 
VTTO Mivov Aiov ['H]Ato6pd/xov Atos, rpLrov ^oifiov ^ A.p\riy€Tc[v] Xpria-fxoboTov^ 
iXriOm bc^^p]ov lXafi[o]v xPW[t^lp^OTi[v] i\rj[0€]Las h irarplbL k^ (i)v o[p]ois 
XprjcpLoboTiv vopLovs Tifflv ^ iv Spots [x\j)r]<rij.ob6Tiv' [7r]a<rtr tovto l^ia b&[p]ov 
i$ iLOavdT(av Ttavroav. ^Mavan^ Trpcorcp iipx^pl K[aK\iTiKVi^ T\li^ Ki fMriTpl 
Tar&t fj It€K€ KaXa riKva, KoXdv ovofxa, Trpwror ^Addvarov ^Eirtrvvxctpov 
&pX('€piay aa>Tj]pa iraTpCboSy ro/xo^ef-nyjy *. Three reliefs : at top radiated 
head, beneath it the horseman god with battle-axe on shoulder (much 
defaced), below him bust with hands folded over the breast. 

^ Bdyfrai would suit at the beginning, necessary : see comm. 
but is too short. » Perhaps rl[(]iy, 

* 6 IB not on the stone, but seems * Engraver's error for vofioOirriv, 

App. christian inscriptions. 567 

C. 'Adcbarot irp&Toi ipxk^pls 6fjLib€\(f)0L Aioyas k€ {*E)TTLTvvxavos, criOTrjpes 
varplboSi vo/Aod^r[ai]. Relief : bird with a ring in its mouth. 

D. Relief : a Siren. 

This quaint inscr. dated a. d. 313-314, contemporary with the struggle 
between Maximin and Licinius for the sovereignty of the East^ is a 
memorial of the last persecution of the Christians. A high-priestess 
Spatale ^, to whom the gods gave honour within and beyond the bounds 
of Akmonian territory ^, initiated into the Mysteries Athanatos Epityn- • 
chanos. She had ransomed many from the evil torments (of Christianity). 
The tomb of this Epitynchanos^ himself a high-priest, was erected ^ by 
Diogas Epitynchanos his brother, and by his wife Tation, and their children 
Onesimos, Alexander, Asklas, and Epitynchanos. He was son of the high- 
priest Athanatos Pius and Tatis, and he had been greatly honoured by 
the gods, Hekate and Zeus and Apollo. He was succeeded in the high- 
priesthood by his brother Diogas. 

This series of priests, Spatale, Pius, Epitynchanos, and Diogas, repre- 
sent a revival of paganism in the Akmonian district towards the end 
of the third century. Maximin was recognized as lord over Asia in 311. 
He abandoned about 313 the attempt to condemn and kill Christians ; but 
he continued to aim at discouraging them and re- invigorating Paganism. 
He sought to create a hierarchy opposed to the Christian ; and men of 
high character were selected as High-priests of provinces, to exercise 
a general control over the priests, and to take measures against the 
spread of Christianity; and controversial writings against the Christians 
were encouraged and spread abroad. These Akmonian High-priests belong 
to this class of persons, and the epitaph of Epitynchanos to this class 
of documents. 

Licinius, in his struggle with Maximin, favoured the Christians : pre- 
viously he had joined with Constantine in the edict of toleration published 
at Milan 313 A. d., and he renewed this edict at Nikomedeia after defeating 
Maximin. The support of the Christians was so important as a political 
factor that Maximin was obliged to issue from Tarsos a similar edict 
before his death 314. But after Licinius had gained the victory, he 
resumed a policy similar to that of Maximin ; and strenuously discouraged 
the Christians. 

This Akmonian inscr. is a confirmation of the account of Maximin's 

* On the form *I<nrardKri see no. 267. • The sepulchral formula frifirjat row 

' Compare the expression used about dclva is rare in this part of Fhrygia 

the fame of Asklepiodotos, a man of (occurring in the Fentapolis no. 600), 

the same pagan reaction a little later but very common in N. and £. and S.E. 

in date is rat vntpopiovs airffKurt r^v and in Lycaonia. 

dn6ppriT0¥ Bipiw Damasc. ap. Suid, 8. v. 


policy given by Eusebius and Lactantius. The phraseology vies with Chr. 
expression : with rrip^v ivroXis cp. no. 380 ; ivrokal, the commandments 
of 6od^ is a characteristically Chr. and Jewish word^ compare <f)Lkiv' 
T0X09 CIG 9904 (Jewish) and the sentiment of Kaibel Ep. e Lapp, jaj^ 6 
(Chr.) ^. iXvTpdo'aTo TroWois iK KaKw fiaa-ivtov is a parody of the Chr. 
zeal for conversion * : iyia I/ac 6 XoAc^j; irirra is modelled on Jokn iv. a6 
iyd (Ifu 6 XaX&v col. T/xe^ the modem form ctfiat^ see no. 394. 

With the opening of B compare LW 805, CIG 3827 q, 2a)rc^j?(9) 
^EKirji ^Ovrja-ifios kI ''A<f><f>r\ AriyLoa64irq rbv iawQv vlov T€iiir\6ivra viro 
^oiTtCpri^ ^EKirrji KarfUpioaav (on which see Mordtmann's remarks Atk. 
Mitth. 1885 p. 17), also GIG 3857 k : these inscriptions belong to Eotiaion 
and Appia^ but coins of Apameia show the goddess CHTC I PA in the form 
of Hekate triformis, p. 348. The formula Tifiridivra on a tombstone was 
imitated by the Christians^ see LW 828. 

A Roman inscr.^ Kaibel 1449 (quoted above on no. 197)^ is a good 
illustration of this quaint inscr. In it the term Upev? r&v de&v is treated 
grammatically as a personal secondary name (unless we should under- 
stand that the eng^ver omitted a personal name after 6 Kal) : compare 
Theoteenus and Asklepios as the names of Roman governors^ p. 507. 

^ Some would rather take it as Jewish: * tva Xvrp<o(nfrai ^fuis dir6 naaijt avo- 

1 agree with EaibeL luas Tit. II 14. 

Note 1. No. 444 his. Ushak, omitted on p. 558 an^ by M. Cumoiit. CIG 8837 

iKftXfjovpyqOr] \ t6 €pyo¥ rovro | dth avvdpofirjs \ Atovros irp6Tonp[i(Tfi]vT€pov, 

Note 2. y(pai6s as a Chr. presbyter may be supported by the names given to 
the Jewish presbyters, ycpovcria, yipovrt^, iraKaioi (Th. Reinach, quoted on no. 561). 
On Chr. and Jewish analogies in Asia Minor, see pp. 300, 545 f, 675. 



§ 1. Geographical character p. 569. § 2. Pepouza p, 573. § 3. Bria p. 576. 
§ 4. The horse-road to the East p. 579. § 5. Sebaste p. 581. § 6. The Komai 
of Sebaste p. 582. § 7. Aloudda p. 585. § 8. Nais p. 587. § 9. The North- 
eastern Trade Route and Elannoudda p. 588. § 10. Blaundos p. 591. § 11. 
Mjsotimolos p. 592. § 12. Alia p. 592. § 18. Keramon-Agora p. 505. § 14. 
Trajanopolis p. 595. § 15. Leonnaia or Leonna p. 597. § 16. The Turkish 
Conquest p. 598. 

Appendices: I. Inscriptions, (i) Pepouza p. 600. (2) Sebaste p. 600. (3) 
Aloudda, Dioskome, Leonna p. 608. (4) West Side of Banaz-Ova p. 610. (5) 
Alia p. 613. II. Bishops of the Banaz-Ova. (i) Pepouza or Justinianopolis 

p. 616. (2) Bria p. 616. (3) Sebaste p. 616. (4) Elouza p. 617. (5) 

Blaundos p. 617. (6) Trajanopolis p. 618. (7) Temenothjrai and FlaviopoHs 
p. 618. (8) Alia p. 618. III. Routes in Banaz and Tchal Districts p. 618. 

§ 1. QEoaBAPHicAL CHARACTER. The district now called Banaz- 
Ova is a gently undulating plateau, of irregular shape (approximating 
to lozenge form), about 3,000 ft. above sea level. Its boundaries are 
clearly marked by Murad-Dagh (Mt. Dindymos) N., Burgas-Dagh E., 
and the broken hills of the Katakekaumene (which separate it from 
the valleys of the Hermos and its tributary the Eogamis) W. On 
SE. the plain of Eumeneia and Feltai, which is at a lower level, is 
clearly separated from it by a low ridge, which stretches from Burgas- 
Dagh to Tchal-Dagh. On S. the eastern Tchal-Ova is divided from it 
by a branch of Tchal-Dagh, but the district of Motella, which for 
historical and epigraphical reasons has been already treated in the 
preceding chapter along with Tchal-Ova (the Hyrgalean Plain), 
belongs geographically to the Banaz-Ova, which here sweeps un- 
broken down to the edge of the deep Maeander-canon. I have not 
explored the south-western comer of the Banaz-Ova : so far as I have 
seen it, the plain inclines downwards towards the great ca&on to 
about the level of 2,000 fb., and the Mossyna mountains sink into 
rugged broken country amid which the Maeander finds its way in an 
exceediugly bold and magnificent gorge. See pp. 4, 122 f, 208, 236. 


The Banaz-Ova measures about 30 miles from N. to S., 25 to 35 
from E. to W., and 50 from NE. to SW. 

The Banaz-Ova is drained by two rivers, the Banaz-Tchai (whose 
ancient name was perhaps Senaros), and the Eopli-Su, the ancient 
Hippourios. The Banaz-Tchai is more than 70 miles in length from 
its source to its junction with the Maeander: it ci*osses the Banaz- 
Ova from north-east to south-west, and receives several tributaries 
from Mt. Dindymos (Murad-Dagh) and Burgas-Dagh. The Eopli-Su 
has a course of little more than 35 miles, drains a small extent of 
country, and except after rains, probably contributes no water to 
swell the Maeander. The course of these two rivers has never been 
followed : they have been crossed by travellers at a very few points, 
where the great roads pass them. In the upper part of their course 
they run in channels about the level of the plain: but, as they 
approach the middle of the plain, the channels grow deeper, till they 
become great canons \ mile or more broad with perpendicular sides, 
200, 5CX), even 900 ft. high. The centre and south of the Banaz-Ova, 
being drained by these deep channels, is dry and treeless; but the 
soil seems to need only water to render it very productive. The con- 
ditions of the district were probably the same in ancient as in modem 
time, like the Steppes of southern Russia. The surface was too dry 
to favour cultivation, or support trees : it was exposed to the free 
sweep of the fierce ^ north winds in winter and to the parching sun. 
The population in the central plain was probably scanty, and few 
important cities existed in it. But cities of the third or fourth rate, 
and villages, were numerous, especially on the skirts, where the 
river-channels are still near the surface and the water-supply more 
abundant. Towards E., then, we find the sites of Alia, Sebaste, and 
Bria ; on N., Temenothyrai, Trajanopolis, and the Grimenothyreans ; 
on S., Pepouza with its groves of vallonia oaks, and Motella, a mere 
village ; on W., along the Lydian frontier, and frequently included in 
Lydia, are Blaundos, Nais, Klannoudda, Sala, and probably Tralla 
and Mysotimolos. Of these, Sebaste, Blaundos, and Temenothyrai 
are cities of the second order of importance. 

The frontier between Lydia and Phrygia varied at different periods. 
The Elatakekaumene formed a special district, sometimes called Lydian, 
sometimes Mysian, sometimes Phrygian, but throughout the Byzan- 
tine period it was definitely included in Lydia. On SW. the frontier 
was even more uncertain, and will be discussed in connexion with 
the cities. 

^ I have never suffered so much from biting winds as in Banaz-Ova in Nov. 


There are few approaches to the Banaz-Ova, easy enough to permit 
of traffic. From the coast- valleys of the west, it may be entered from 
Maeonia by the gorge of the Hermos. This is a singularly difficult 
route ; and the peculiar type of rocky path through the gorge E. of 
Koula makes it one of the hardest roads for horses that I have seen 
in all my experience of Turkey. It seems to have been the line of 
the * Boyal Road ' from Sardis to Fteria and to Susa ; but that is one 
of the characteristics which stamp the 'Royal Road' as being, not 
a trade-route for caravan traffic, but a road for couriers and the Royal 
Post. No one that has ridden this path into the Banaz-Ova would 
ever make it a oaravan-route. 

Another approach is from the Kogamis valley, i.e. from Fhila- 
delpheia. There is a short track by Takmak now used by light 
horsemen or by foot-travellers to Ushak; but it also is not to be 
thought of as a route for traffic. All trade follows one of two lines 
near each other, going nearly due east from Fhiladelpheia for about 
40 miles to the neighbourhood of Ine and Qeubek. Here the routes 
diverge: one goes north to Ushak: a second goes ENE. to Islam- 
Keui, an important point at the extreme comer of Banaz-Ova: the 
third goes nearly due east to Sebaste and thence turns south to 
Eumeneia, or as an alternative leaves Sebaste on the left and keeps 
on to Eumeneia and thence across Duz-Bel to the east. Of these 
three roads, the first is important only for the trade of the rich Ushak 
district (Trajanopolis, Grimenothyrai, and Temenothyrai), the third is 
a short route for light horsemen and foot-passengers to the east, but 
the second is one of the great trade-routes of history, carrying to 
Smyrna the trade of the east and north-east. It has been especially 
important throughout the Middle Ages, after Smyrna had become the 
single harbour for commerce with western lands ^ ; but it has a per- 
manent importance in its own nature, being second only to the 
Maeander valley route in convenience as a path for trade between 
the Aegean coasts and the east. 

An approach from the Lycos valley to Banaz-Ova can be found 
and is occasionally used for traffic ; but it is so circuitous a way to 
the coast, that it can never have had any great commercial im- 
portance. The easiest route would go by Tripolis and Sala to Geubek : 
the shortest by Hierapolis across Tchal-Ova, Dionysopolis, Atyo- 
khorion, to Hadjimlar and Islam-Eeui. This latter is a route of some 
importance for horse or foot-passengers. 

^ The building of the Ottoman Railway up the Maeander valley destroyed 
the importance of the more northerly route in recent years. 


An easy approach to Banaz-Ova is from the Eumenian valley. This 
was used by Manuel Comnenus in 1175, when he advanced from the 
Rhyndacos to the plains of Lampe (p. 2%^\ and again in 11 76, when 
he advanced from the Lycos by Baklan-Ova (Lakerion) to drive the 
nomad Turks out of Banaz-Ova (Fanasion): see pp. 21, 239. It is 
probable that the trade of Pepouza and Bria, possibly also that of 
Sebaste, found its way by this path down the Maeander valley to 
Ephesos in the Graeco->Roman period. 

Entrance to Banaz-Ova is absolutely barred on E. by Burgas-Dagh ^, 
except at the NE. comer. Here two roads enter Banaz-Ova. One 
comes from Sandykli-Ova (the Pentapolis) through the Moxeanoi and 
down the stream which flows past Dokela and Akmonia into Banaz- 
Tchai : this road is barred by mountains from any connexion east of 
the Pentapolis. The other comes down the Hamman-Su to its junc- 
tion with Banaz-Tchai at Iskm-Eeui ; and four mUes further south 
it meets the Akmonian road near Susuz-Eeui. This is the one and 
only line of trade leading out from Banaz*Ova to N. and E. ; and 
Islam-Keui or Susuz-Eeui ^ must have been an exceedingly important 
knot of communication in the busy times of the Roman Empire. 
It holds the key of the whole valley : it is the open door towards 
which many tracks converge. 

Communication is easy across the northern part of the Banaz-Ova ; 
but in the centre and south the great canons of the rivers and of all 
their tributaries, with perpendicular walls, 5cx) to 900 ft. high, impede 
anything like heavy ti*affic. Hence even a path so far to N. as the 
road direct from Philadelpheia and Ine to Sebaste is difficult ; and it 
seems to me possible that Sebastene trade went to Laodiceia and 
Ephesos. Further S. than that line, trading communication across 
Banaz-Ova is not to be thought of. Even N. of it, the explorer 
observes that the line of communication between two places tends to 
keep N. of the straight air-line between them, in order to take the 
canons more easily. 

The character of the country and the roads did not escape that 
excellent traveller, Hamilton. He says, H p. 159, * I now became 
fully alive to the difficulties of getting through this part of the 

' M. Radet differs, probably from want knot of the roads ; but of old the pecu- 

of personal survey, see p. 597 note. liar situation and importance of Ak- 

• The two villages are in the same monia (Ch. XIV) made the roads con- 
narrow entrance, on the same road. In centrate at Snsuz-Keui, which thus 
respect of natural advantages they are became the market of the fortress 
almost equal. Islam-Keui is now the Akmonia: see § 13. 



country, intersected as it is by so many deep fissures, as I may almost 
call them ; and I perfectly understood why the caravan roads keep 
to the north by Geubek, where the plain is not intersected by such 
obstructions/ Even at Geubek, however, the canon of the Hippourios 
is very serious ; though smaller tributary caHons are not there deep, 
as they are more to S. M. Radet describes the character of the 
country in similar terms, on the authority of a French traveller, 
M. Collange. 

§ 2. Fepouza is little more than a name to us ; but the order of 
Hierocles is so well marked, that M. Radet and I ^ have independently 
and about the same time reached approximately the same conclusion 
as to the district in which Pepouza lay. 

Philostorgius probably means Pepouza, when he says that Petousa 
of Phrygia was the place to which Aetius was exiled^ 356 a.d. 
Epiphanius, who died a.d. 402, says that Pepouza was in his time 
deserted and levelled with the ground -^ ; but it is apparent that he 
speaks in exaggerated depreciation of a place which he recognizes as 
being still a centre and resort for the heretics. It was still in exist- 
ence as late as a.d. 787, when Theophylactus, superior of a monastery 
at Pepouza *, was present at the second Nicene Council 

Pepouza is chiefly memorable as the cradle of the religious move- 
ment called Montanism. The district where the effects of this 
movement can be first traced lies about Eumeneia, Otrous, and 
Apameia ; and Pepouza must lie somewhere near these cities. The 
situation which we have inferred from Hierocles, in southern Banaz- 
Ova, near the edge of the Eumenian plain, suits this condition. 

Further, Pepouza was probably not far from the earliest scene of 
the activity of Montanus. Now he was first filled with the Spirit at 
Ai'dabau in Phrygian Mysia * ; this peculiar term may very well indi- 
cate the Mysian country that lay S. and SE. from Philadelpheia on the 
Phrygian frontier®. K Ardabau were in that region, the situation 

* Radet En Phrygie p. in. We differ 
as to the village : he says Utch-Kuyn, 
I have selected the site beside Kara- 
Halilli and Deli-Heuderli : see above 
pp. 243 f. Utch-Kuyu is in the Hyr- 
galean Plain, which debars me from 
following M. Radet. 

' Hist, Eccles. IV 8 : the correction 
UtnovCa is printed in the edition of 

' Haeres, 48, 14 TifjL&a'i¥ o2 rotoOroi 
r<57roy riva Hpfjfiop cV rj ^pvyc^, UtncwCav 

* Praeses Pepuzon Acta Cone. Nic, II, 
Act IV p. 792. 

* €V Trj Kara rfjp ^pvyiav Mvcia the 

Mysia which lies beside Phrygia, Euse- 
bius H, E,Y 16: see p. 196. Perhaps 
for 'Apda/3av read Kdpdapa, i, e. KaXXa- 
rafia (p. 1 99) : or perhaps in the inscr. 
quoted on p. 199 read ol fcci[roJc«c[oc rV 


* It might quite suitably denote the 
country about Ancyra and Aizanoi, 



which wo have assigned to Pepouza would be intermediate between 
it and the cities of Eumeneia, &c.^ in which the opposition to Mon- 
tanism in the Phrygian Church was first roused. 

Pepouza was considered by the Montanists to be the earthly centre 
of the true Church, the New Jerusalem in this world, and a neigh- 
bouring village Tymion was united with it in this honour: to this 
city all the Christians were to gather themselves ^. There Christ had 
manifested Himself to Priscilla, or else to Quintilla, for accounts 
apparently varied ^. 

The Montanists continued to live for centuries in their own quarter 
of Phrygia. They had a number of villages, .each of which possessed 
its own bishop : they used a year of 360 days beginning on 24 March 
(IX Kal, Ajyr.), ^ with a cycle of eight years. They are often called 
Pepouzitai from their chief centre Pepouza *. Many Laws and rescripts 
directed against them are given in Codex Tkeodos. XVI Tit 5. But 
as late as 722 we hear of severe measures taken by Leo lU to convert 
them, when many of them burned themselves in their own churches '^. 

M. Radet has observed that Justinianopolis in the later Notitiae 
seems to correspond to Pepouza in Hierocles. This acute and con- 
vincing suggestion illuminates the subject ^. Its truth is confirmed by 
an argument that M. Radet has not employed. In the sixth century 
Justinian laid waste with fire and sword the home to which the Mon- 
tanists still clung ^ : we may confidently think that their centre was 
still at Pepouza, and that the reason why Pepouza is not mentioned 

which was sometimes called Mjsia; 
but that region does not suit the other 

* no\ixvi6v Ti rrjs ^pvyias t^v Hcfovcrnv 
*Ifpovo-aXi7fi a>vo/ia(r€ Comment, of Aris- 
taenus on Cone* Laodic. Canon, in Beve- 
ridge Pandectae Canonum Condi, &c. I 
p. 456. 6 HinovCav Koi Tvfitov *Icpov(ra- 
\rjfi ovofidaas {irSkfis de ilaii^ alrai fiiKpa\ 
TTJs 4fpvyias)j rois itavrax'&Btv cVct owaya- 
ytlv ($€\<^v Eusebius H. E,Y iS. 

* (t>aG\ yap ovroi . . . . ^ KvivriWav fj 
UpiaKikXav . . . . €v rj n.iirov[]j iccicadcvdi;- 
Kivaij Kal Tov'KptaTovnpos avrfjv /XrjKvOtvai 
Epiphanius Haeres, 49, i. 

* Sozomen H, E, VII 18 and 19. 

* In a rescript of Honorius and Theo- 
dosius, dated A. D. 423, Fhryges quos 
Pepuzitas site PriscUlianistas vel alio 
latentiore vocdMo appellant are men- 

tioned as heretics deserving strict re- 
pression (bo also in 428) Cod, Theodos, 
XVI 5, 59. Sozomen VII 18 speaks of 
the Montanists or Pepouzitai. 

^ Theophan. p. 401. Dr. Salmon in 
Diet. Chr, Biogr, s. v. Montanus, thinks 
that this is false, because the Montanists 
were destroyed by Justinian. But, like 
Gibbon, we see in Theophanes a proof 
of the failure of Justinian's stern mea- 
sures. Probably the heresy was never 
really extirpated till the Turkish con- 

* After these paragraphs were written, 
I found that I had myself adopted this 
view in the Table in JHS 1883 p. 373 
(CB tni/.\ and afterwards discarded it 
for the different opinion stated above 
p. 223. See below § 3. 

^ Procopius Hist, Arc, 11, 



at any of the earlier Councils, and a bishopric Pepouza is not recog- 
nized in the older class of Notitiae, is because it was given up to 
heresy. The New Jerusalem, then, was destroyed by Justinian ; but, 
of course, he would not leave the place a desert. He would naturally 
make a new foundation, and give the place a fresh start as an Orthodox 
city with the name Justinianopolis ^ ; and this city was recognized as 
a bishopric by Leo VI about 900 in his reorganization of the ecclesias- 
tical system^ when the Empire was recovering its vigour after the 
long and desolating Arab wars. 

Oikokome was united in the same bishopric with Justinianopolia 
It was therefore a neighbouring town or large village. There is no 
evidence as to the precise situation ; but I cannot think with M. Radet 
that the bishopric* of Pepouza extended into the valley of Peltai, and 
that Oikokome was in that valley at Sarilar. The mountains must be 
taken as the boundary of the bishopric^ and Oikokome must be sought 
on the north side of them, in the skirts of the Banaz-Ova, whether at 
Earib-Hassan, or elsewhere (see § 4). 

The name Pouza or Pazon occurs near the sources of the Sangarios : 
a Novatian synod was held there in 368 ^. It is probably the same 
place as the Pepouza, which is mentioned as a town on the frontiers 
of Galatia and Phrygia ^. Thus the existence of a second form Pouza 
for the Phrygian Pepouza, which was suggested on p. 244, is made 
probable \ Further, forms with S and ( are interchangeable in Asia 
Minor '^; hence we may perhaps conclude that the village Boudaili 
preserves to the present day the old name Pouza in a form adapted 
to give a meaning in Turkish^. The name Tymion might then be 
plausibly identified with the modem village Dumanli. 

Justinianopolis, the later foundation which replaced the destroyed 
villages of the heretics, was situated either at Kara-Halilli or Deli- 
Heuderli, two villages about a mile from one another. At the latter 
there are evident remains of an ancient city, though I failed to find 
inscriptions. Kara-Halilli'^ is the modem religious centre of the 

' Similarly when Anazarbos was de- 
stroyed in 525, it was restored by Justin 
and called Justinopolis, Theoph. p. 171. 

' Ka\ ol €p ^pvyiq dt 'Afrcaiw/, avvodov 
iv Hovfo Tji Kcififj iroiTiaavrts Act, Cone. II 

SSy ed. Labbe. It is called UaCovKiafirj 
by Sozomen VII 18. On the variation 
in vowel see pp. 382, 222. 

' IlarovCav iroKtv rivii Uprffiop apdfiMaov 
rakariat Kai KannadoKias Kal ^pvyias' Hart 

di Koi SXXri Ilfirov^a tract, de haeresiims 

ap. Coteler. Eccles, Or, Mon, I p. 293 
where the Pepouza of the Galatian 
frontier is wrongly said to be the Mon- 
tanist centre. 

* Compare Pasa-Faspasa, Salouda- 
Salsalouda, p. 244. 

'^ See § 7 Aloudda-Elouza. 

• Compare Qereli p. 168, Sivasli § 5. 

"^ The men of Black Halil : the form 
was difficult to catch. CoL Stewart 
gives Earghali, Jackdaw-town. 



district : it is a large village with a Medresse or school of religious 
law; and the people showed themselves more inhospitable and 
intolerant there than in any other place which I ever visited. It 
has been heir to the religious importance of Pepouza (compare p. 30). 

Sarikli ^, which has a rather fine mosque (no. 445), is in all prob- 
ability the centre in which the Turks originally settled^ when they 
were first fixing themselves in the country alongside of the Christian 
population during the second half of the twelfth century. The Chris- 
tian and the Mohammedan centre were distinguished as Sarikli (the 
turban-wearers) and Deli-Heuderli ^, like Seljukler and Sivasli (p. 581), 
or like Tefeni and Karamanli (pp. 303, 279 f^ 30 f). 

The ritual of the Montanists in Pepouza retained many traces that 
recall the primitive Anatolian character. The importance of women 
was great: they were prophets, and presbyters, and bishops. Epi- 
phanius describes a common ceremony in their churches, according to 
which seven lamp-bearing virgins entered dressed in white robes, to 
prophesy to the congregation : these wept and mourned over the lot of 
mankind, and worked on the emotions of the people. The usual 
calumny propagated against all hated religious sects, that of using 
the blood of a child in their sacred rites, was reported of the Mon- 
tanists in Orthodox circles. The name Tasko-drougitai was given 
to them from two Phrygian words used in this district, racricoy, peg, 
and Spovyyo9, or Spovyo9, nose, because in praying they placed the 
forefinger on the nose ^. This was esteemed a sign of humility and 
of willingness to submit to the justice of God. 

§ 3. Bria. Hierocles places in this part of Phrygia, between Pepouza 
and Sebaste, a town Briana ; but from a few rare coins with the legend 
BRIAN UN, and from the ecclesiastical documents in which such forms 
as Ivria, or Ibria occur*, we can restore the correct forms Bria the 
city and Brianoi the inhabitants ^. The situation of Burgas suits so 

* Wrongly called Suretli in CB. 

* I was told by a Turk that Deli- 
Heuder is John the Baptist ; but cannot 
vouch for the fact. Mr. Browne can 
learn nothing about such a name. 

^ The nickname was also rendered in 
Greek as Pa^salorhynchitai. In a trac- 
tate published in Cotelier's Ecdes. Gr, 
Man, III pp. 377 f, the words raaiccJy 
and dpoiyns are said to be Galatian, in 
accordance with the error already men- 
tioned as to the position of Pepouza. 
See also Epiphanius Haeres. 48 and 49. 

* See next page. 

' Writers on Numismatics previous 
to Mr. Head adopted the false form 
Briana from Hierocles; just as they 
invented a city-name Tomarena from 
the legend TOM A PH NUN, which 
implies a name Tomam. At Concil. 
Constant. A. D. 553 MaK(86vios BpiavS>p 
occurs, and from such forms Hierocles 
elicited his name Briana ; but bishops 
are very often designated by the name 
of the people, instead of the city, and 
this had caused various en-ors. Compare 

2. PEPOUZA. 577 

admirably the position assigned by Hierodes to Bria that the identi- 
fication, though not proved by any definite evidence, may be accepted 
with considerable confidence. 

The name Bria is an interesting piece of evidence about Phrygian 
ethnology and language. Bria was a Thracian word meaning town 
or city'^. It occurs in Mesembria, Menebria, Poltyobria, Alaaibria*, 
Salybria; and here in Phrygia we find it used as a proper name, 
' the City/ It is obvious that Brea mentioned in CIA 31 as the seat 
of an Athenian colony should be regarded as a by-form of the same 
name ^ : possibly Breia was the form actually intended there : Amphi- 
polis is probably the place meant in the inscription. 

It is shown in the commentary on no. 2i8 that Bria, Briya, and 
Berga were dialectic varieties of the same word, and Bergoula and 
Brioula^ were diminutive forms derived from it, and used like it as 
proper names in the sense of ' the city.' Bergoula of Thrace is still 
called Burgas : Bria of Phrygia also is still called Burgas : in both 
cases we recognize the modem name as the ancient name persisting in 
a slightly modified form *. 

Only one circumstance casts some doubt on the identification of 
Bria and Burgas. Not a relic of ancient life has ever been observed 
there. Sterrett and I passed thi'ough the village hurriedly in 1883 • ; 
we did not halt, but, if we had seen anything to attract attention we 
should have stopped and made a more thorough examination. We 
did not, however, examine the cemetery, or the mosque, or the village 
as a whole, still less the neighbourhood. M. Paris in 1883, and 
MM. Legrand and Chamonard in 1891, seem also to have passed 
through Burgas ; and they have published nothing found there. But, 
though the ancient name remains, it does not follow that the modem 
Burgas is on the exact site of Bria. It is more probable that the 
ancient city was built on a stronger and more defensible site some- 
where in the neighbourhood on the eastern side, upon the skirts of 

Alina § 10. The modem name Gondane ^ Bpia yap rrjv irSKuf ^aal Op^ts Steph. 

for a village W. of Antioch Pisid. is Byz. 8.y. Mt(n}fi^pia, 

evidently formed from the old ethnic * AEMit, 1895 P* i^^* 

Tav^ai)voi. Gondane often gets a more ' As Mr. JGG Anderson suggests, 

thoroughly Turkish form as Eundanli * Brioula see p. 191* 

(see p. 581) from the peasantry; but ^ We must suppose that Bergoula 

I convinced myself after repeated con- was also called by the simple form 

versations that the natives used the Berga. 

form Gondane when they were speaking ' I had been unexpectedly detained 
unconsciously, and Eundanli when try- at Payam-Aghlan § 6 ; and was hurry- 
ing to be accurate. ing southwards late in the day. 
YOL. I. PT. II. Q 


Writing in 1883, I inferred from Hierocles that the territory of 
Bria lay between Banaz-Tchai, Burgas-Dagh, the Eumenian viJley, 
and Tchal-Ova ; and, as the only remains of ancient life in that wide 
district were situated near Sarikli and Earib-Hassan, I supposed that 
the city which owned that territory was situated there. But we have 
now seen reason to conclude that there must have been two cities in 
that large district ; and, as Pepouza occupied the SW. part of it. we 
must give the NE. to Bria. M. Radet has independently reached the 
same conclusion about Bria, and approximates to this localization of 
Pepouza ^. 

As to the history or antiquities of Bria nothing is known, except 
that on coins of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna the name of 
CTPAriyyot; AnOA[An]NIOY occurs. 

In the earlier Notitiae the name Bria is usually corrupted to *lKpia^ 
with prothetic iota, and the clerical error K f or B ; but some MSS. 
which I have collated read 'Ifipia?. The form *lKp(as coming imme- 
diately before UXoi^oov in Not, I has caused the latter bishopric to be 
corrupted in one MS. into Kapia? ^. 

Hierocles mentions both Pepouza and Bria: the earlier Notitiae 
mention only Bria, and omit Pepouza: the later mention the latter 
alone (under the new name Justinianopolis) and omit Bria. Must we 
not infer from this that there was only one bishop for the entire 
district of Pepouza and Bria, and the earlier system gave precedence 
to Bria (doubtless from hatred of Pepouza the nest of heretics), while 
the system of Leo gave precedence to Justinianopolis 1 

Justinianopolis is always united in the same bishopric with Oiko- 
kome. Can we look for the latter near Bria, understanding that Bria 
was in a higher position on Burgas-Dagh, and Oikokome in the 
plain 1 As to the origin of the name, it appears in the forms OIko- 
KCDfjLTj, OiKovofiov, and OivoKcofit] : may we not infer from these variants 
that the full name was eh t^v OtKovofiov Kcofirjv ? Evidence may be 
discovered to prove or disprove these suggestions, which are purely 
hypothetical as yet. 

In these identifications I have returned to my original view, as 
shown in the table attached to my CB part I ^, where Justinianopolis 

^ My identifications are published in his edition of Georg. Cjpr. also girefl 

vol. I pp. 244 f. M. Radet's appeared the true reading. This false reading 

almost simultaneously in his En Phrygie Kapias has given rise to some vain 

p. 112. imaginings in M. Radet's always inge- 

' Parthey prints it so in his text, but nious mind (see Rev, des Univ, du Midi 

gives the true reading from a better 1896 p. 7). 

MS. in his appendix p. 319. Gelzer in ' See JHS 1883 p. 373 : above § 2. 

3. BRIA. 


is placed to correspond to Pepouza and Bria. I deserted this view 
for a time, taking Oikokome, which was grouped in the same bishopric 
with Justinianopolis-Pepouza^ as a grecized form of the name Vicus ^, 
a village of the Siblian country, and Justinianopolis as the great 
fortress of Khoma. But, as M. Radet rightly says, the occurrence of 
both Justinianopolis and Siblia in the list of Leo is a strong objection 
to my late theory ; my opinion that in several cases an old bishopric 
had been by pure carelessness left standing in the later Notitiae in 
addition to the later bishopric (e. g. Justinianopolis and also Siblia, 
Flaviopolis Ciliciae and also Sis) is in itself improbable ; and several 
of my examples are failing me, as my studies grow more complete. 

I must therefore beg the reader to make some changes in Ch. VI 
§ 8, to eliminate the name Justinianopolis^ (leaving the historical 
theory unchanged, for the importance of the fortress Khoma remains 
unaffected^, and its early history as a fortress is attested by 

§ 4. The Horse-Road to the East. This route has played a con- 
siderable part in history ; but it is very obscure, and little notice 
has been taken of it. In 1883 Sterrett and I, while exploring the 
Eumenian valley, first heard of the route across Duz-Bel; and we 
were told that it was the short road for travellers from Philadelpheia 
to the east. Soon afterwards while riding south across Banaz-Ova 
from Kalin-Kilisa to Avgan, we crossed a broad track leading E., and 
learned that it went from Philadelpheia to Ishekli (Eumeneia) and 
over Duz-Bel. In 1886 I attempted to show how important the route 
over Duz-Bel was in the later Byzantine time ; and the theory which 
I then sketched out ^ formed (with some improvements) the foundation 
for Ch. VI §§ 7-10 of the present work. In 1893 the importance which 
this route had in the travels of St. Paul became clear to me ^ ; and 
a glance at any map shows how direct a path is afforded by it from 
Ephesos to Pisidian Antioch, while it is far more pleasant for a horse- 
man or a foot-traveller than the great Trade-route, which keeps on 
a much lower level in its western stages. In studying M. Radet's 

^ Grecized as jScticof in an inscr. of Khoma originated not so early as Jus- 

Smjma M<m8, Smym, no. /3' ( 1 875 p. 1 1 1 ), 
Amer. Joum, Archaeol, I p. 141. This 
identification of Oikokome with Vicus 
is accepted by M. Radet. 

' Read Ehoma-Soublaion for Justini- 
anopolis, and Vicus instead of Vicus- 

' I should now suppose, howeyer, that 

tinian*8 time, but rather in the Icono- 
clast period, when the defences against 
Arab raids were strengthened. 

* Amer. Jaum. Arch. II p. 123. 

" Church in B, E. pp. 93 f : the Apo- 
stle*s route is stated hypothetically in 
ed. I, clearly and decidedly in ed. II 
and later. 

Q 2 



suggestive essay En Phrygie, it became clear to me that the' road 
which he supposes to have run from Philadelpheia to Apameia is 
really the Duz-Bel route : with some slight modifications in details ^ 
his idea can be adopted. 

The clearest point about this road is the corrupt name socratu. 
M. Radet looks out for some name of seven letters ^ to replace it, and 
suggests Motella, or preferably Pepouza. But close to Motella lies 
'Arvox^ptou ; and eh xxopiov Mri/oy^ might be latinized and corrupted 
readily into s-cor-atu or socratu. Considering that the village lies on 
the south bank of the Maeander, and that the road passes along the 
north bank, as M. Radet rightly recognizes, this interpretation seems 

Further, M. Radet has rightly seen that two roads from Phil- 
adelpheia are mixed in one on the Table. When we cut out the first 
(stations Tripolis and Hierapolis), there remains, Philaddfia xv 
Trallis xxviii Socratu ix Pella xii Ad vicum xiiii Aparaea Cihoton *. 
Now all these places have already been discussed in our pages. 
Taking the distances between them roughly from our map, they 
come out Philadelpheia xxv Tralla* xxviii Atuochorion xxiv Pella 
xvi Vicus xiiii Apameia. These numbers suggest that on the Table 
one station is lost between Atuochorion and Peltai ; and at ix M. P. 

^ The real value of a topographical 
view does not lie in the details, but in 
the general character. In almost eveiy 
detail of this road, I have to make some 
slight modification of M. Radet*s view ; 
but, on the whole, we keep very close ; 
and my eyes were closed to the meaning 
of this line in the Peutinger Table until 
he set me on the proper track. I men- 
tion this expressly, as the superficial 
reader might conclude from the expres- 
sion of difference as to details, that 
I was stating a totally different view. 
The idea of a road from Philadelpheia 
to Apameia is a false conception, op- 
posed to any connected and consistent 
theory of the Roman road-system, except 
on the postulate that a road may be 
drawn from any one point to any other 
across the map. 

" * Nov^ rencontrons dans la nomencla- 
ture giographique un mot de sept lettreSj 
Motella^ qui se suhstituerait bien * for 
Socratu (p. no). This is an example 

of the principles in M. Radet's work 
which are essentially inconsistent with 
those that I follow. When the Table 
gives a false name, the principle of 
replacing it by any name containing 
the same number of letters leads to 
results which are contrary to all that 
I can accept. 

' That Greek forms lie at the bottom 
of certain corruptions in the Table is 
certain, e.g. Stabiu=(^f Td/9iov. 

* It is not quite certain on the Table 
that Pella (i. e. Peltai) is intended to be 
on this road; but it intersects a road 
from Eumeneia pointing to Laodiceia 
on the Table ; and this road past Atuo- 
chorion cuts that road at or near Peltai 
(as the map shows) : now on the Table 
near the intersection is the name Pella. 

' Placing Tralla at Aetos, as on p. 200 
note 2, and taking Aetos as the name 
given by the Thracian soldiers, Tralleis, 
settled here to their own town; while 
Tralla was the name used by others. 



from the bank of the Maeander opposite Atuochorion, the road passes 
Bekirli, near which we have supposed the central village of the 
Hyrgalean people to be (p. ia8)^ 

At Tralla-Aetos the road would fork, one branch going on direct to 
the Myso-Makedones and to Ephesos, the other going to the right 
to join the road from Tripolis to Hierapolis. The fact that the road 
Philadelpheia-Tripolis coincided in part with the road Philadelpheia- 
Tralla, would facilitate and almost justify the rendering of the two 
roads on the Table. 

These combinations seem so satisfactory and involve so little change 
in the Table, while using only the identifications which we had already 
arrived at from other reasons, that I need not discuss the other details 
in which I have modified M. Radet's scheme of the road. He does 
not accept a single number from the Table, but requires them all to 
be altered ; and on independent grounds his localization of Oikokome 
or Vicus was found unsatisfactory in § 2. 

§ 5. Sebaste occupies a beautiful situation in the fertile ground 
under Burgas-Dagh. The two villages Sivasli and Seljukler corre- 
spond to it, and arc both full of its remains ^. Sivasli retains the old 
name in a form adapted to give a more Turkish sound. Either on the 
site of Sebaste, or by the beautiful fountains of Bunar-Bashi ^, about 
\\ miles S., there must undoubtedly have been a settlement from 
the earliest time, which was doubtless organized as a village of the 
old Anatolian type. Bunar-Bashi especially unites every qualifica- 
tion for attracting a primitive population. But the city was the 
foundation of the emperor Augustus. That is evident both from the 
name and the coins bearing his name and effigy^, and also from 

^ The Ravenn. Anonym, Cosmographiat 
which goes back to an earlier and com- 
pleter form of the Table than we pos- 
sess, gives some help in such questions, 
in spite of its frightful corruption in 
the form of names, and its extraordinary 
irregularity in their arrangement. It 
mentions Latrileony which (if we take 
T as an error for f) may represent 
Hirgaleon (Parthey p. 106, 7) : further 
Ateus (Parthey p. ill, 9) may be the 
first element of Aiuo-chorion. 

^ It is less than i^ miles from the 
centre of Sivasli to the centre of Sel- 
jukler. Ruins of Sebaste are scattered 
over the intervening space, with tumuli 

containing finely built sepulchral cham- 
bers close to Seljukler, which was built 
on the skirts of the Chr. city by the 
Mohammedan settlers, p. 31. See 
M. Paris BCH 1883 p. 449. 

' The Senaros, mentioned on coins 
of the city, may be these springs; 
but more probably it is the great 
river of the Sebastene country, Banaz- 

* The coins of Sebaste were long con- 
fused with those of other cities named 
Sebaste. Magistrates Dionysios and 
Antisthenes are mentioned on coins of 
Augustus published by Waddington Foy. 
Num. and Imhoof MG. 


no. 495, which seems to be a metrical chronicle relating the early 
history and mythology of the city. From it we learn that Augustus 
transplanted to the new foundation the people of the towns in the 
neighbourhood ; and this fact proves that the emperor's action was 
not simply the renaming of an existing city, but the formation of 
a new city \ 

Men is the most characteristic type on coins of Sebaste ; but the 
more hellenized coins represent the deity of the city as Zeus, a mere 
grecized form of the same Phrygian deity. The title AskaSnos has 
not as yet been found in Sebaste ; but, as it was in use in the Sebas- 
tene village of Dioskome and in Eumeneia, it may be assumed in 
Sebaste also *. The native cultus of the city was evidently the same 
as at these neighbouring cities, so far as the scanty traces permit 
a judgement. 

The hellenized forms of the god and goddess, Apollo and Artemis, 
occur in inscr. 480. 

The foundation of the Gerousia in a.d. 99 by a group of persons, 
men and women, varying widely in age and apparently containing 
all the members of one leading family in Sebaste, is mentioned in 
inscr. 475. 

From inscr. 472 we gather that the supreme board of magistrates 
was styled indiflferently Strategoi and Archontee (see p. 368). 

In this district we meet a new class of sepulchral monument, a slab of 
marble or other stone carved to imitate a doorway. The doorposts, the 
two valvaey the lintel, are all indicated ; one or two knockers are usually 
carved on the door ; and symbols i-eferring to the ordinary life of the 
deceased person are often represented on the panels, a basket, a strigil, 
a mirror, or something of the kind. The door is often surmounted by 
a pediment, triangular, or semicircular, which is sometimes plain, 
sometimes sculptured ; and in the upper Tembris valley, e. g. the 
sculptural decoration of the pediment is commonly the ancient Phry- 
gian heraldic device — a pair of lions regarding each other. The 
inscription is placed sometimes on the upper rim of the pediment, 
sometimes on the lower rim, occasionally on the actual door in viola- 
tion of the symmetry and beauty of the whole. See the illustrations 
Ch. XIV § 2, no. 620, 635. 

Tombstones of the door-type are very common in northern, central, 
and eastern Phrygia; but they are rare in the most completely 
hellenized cities of the Lycos valley or in Eumeneia or Apameia. 

§ 6. The Komai of Sebaste. The process of synoikiemos had not 

^ See § 15. * See no. 88, 197, 496. 



been very thoroughly carried out in the territory of Sebaste, for the 
villages seem to have retained a certain amount of independence. 
We find the people of Dioskome making a dedication to the emperor 
Philippus no. 498, and the people of Le[onna ?] one to Apollo and Arte- 
mis no. 499. The territory was apparently very extensive, and the 
outlying villages were so distant that some self-government necessarily 
remained in their hands, for the title Katoikia seems to indicate what 
we may term the commune of the village, i. e. the meeting of the 
people for regulating their own affairs ; and we must understand in 
inscr. 498 that the Katoikia of Dioskome of the Sebastene people is 
the assembly of Sebastene citizens settled in the outlying village 
Dioskome ^. 

M. Badet seems to regard Dioskome in a different light. He 
places it at the village of Seljlikler, close to the site of the Augustan 
city. Such a situation could only be admitted if we suppose that 
Dioskome was the old village which existed here before Sebaste was 
founded. There can be no doubt that the name Dioskome would be 
very suitable for the old pre-Augustan village in this locality (see 
§ 5). The theory would illuminate the history of the foundation. 
But it is too illuminative to be accepted without clearer evidence. 
We should have to admit that the pre-Augustan village was not 
swallowed up in the new foundation, but continued to exist at its 
gates as a self-administering Katoikia; and that seems improbable. 
Moreover the inscr. mentioning Dioskome was found far away at 
Tabaklar across Banaz-Tchai. It is certain that it has been carried 
for Tabaklar has not the appearance of an ancient site ^ ; and it is 
also certain that stones are sometimes carried a great distance ^. But 
there are two sites nearer Tabaklar, from which stones could be 
brought far more easily than from Sebaste ; and except for definite 
reasons I feel bound to suppose that the stones are brought from the 

^ M. Radet assumes that the Eatoikoi 
were Macedonians, Rev. Univ. Midi II 
p. 288. A katoikia, however, is a settle- 
ment, but not necessarily of soldiers. The 
colonists settled by the Greek kings in 
Asia Minor were in many cases Orientals, 
often Jews : all such settlers were classed 
as Karoi'^oi, Further, strangers settled in 
a town, of which they were not citizens, 
were called icarocKoOvrcr (sometimes ol- 
Kovyrts). We agree with M. Radet that 
the military colonies were the most 
characteiistic kind of KaroiKia ; but they 

were often of non-Macedonian soldiers. 
M. Radet himself says ' ti Vepoque tvmaine 
KaroiKia devint TiquiraUnt de Kcdfjirj * {Rev. 
II p. 6). Why then does he assume 
that in an inscr. c. 246 A. D. it implies 
a colony of Macedonian soldiers ? 

' The stones there are built into a 
mosque and fountain : now for build- 
ings of that class good old stones are 
brought in considerable numbers by the 

' But to a city, not to a village 
(p. 698). See no. 203, p. 366. 



nearest ^. In that case the remains at KliirVfl. nos. 500-503, and those 
at Tabaklar, must be taken as coming from the same ancient site ; and 
the name Dioskome must be applied to it provisionally. 

Dioskome must have been a place of a certain importance, inhabited 
by a section of the Sebastenoi, which, being at a distance of near 
fifteen miles from its metropolis, held its own meetings and managed 
its own internal business. The inscriptions nos. 500-503 show that 
Men was worshipped there with special devotion. On coins of the 
neighbouring city of Alia, Men is represented precisely as in the relief 
attached to no. 500. The title AskaSnos is a proof of the antiquity of 
the cultus. All these facts, taken in conjunction, point to the conclu- 
sion that Dioskome had existed before Sebaste was founded ; that it 
was one of a set of komai on the Anatolian system ^, surroimding 
a central hieron of Men AskaSnos ; that it was probably close to the 
hieron, as is shown by its name ^ ; and that it was incorporated in 
the Augustan foundation. Men was often called by the hellenized 
name of Zeus, see pp. 356 f, 294, etc. 

The same fate probably befell another ancient city situated about 
5 miles N. of Sebaste, beside the tchiflik Payam-Aghlan ^, on a steep 
hill, Hissar. The character of this site is strikingly like that of 
Akmonia. There is every probability that in an earlier and more 
unsettled time it was the chief city of the district, and that Sebaste 
in its beautiful but not very defensible situation supplanted it in 
a more peaceful age. Then the older site yielded to the growing 
importance of the more fortunate Sebaste, and sank into the condition 
of a mere village. M. Radet is in entire agreement with me so far, 
and quotes my words with approval *. Probably, therefore, he would 
also agree with me in inferring from no. 495 that part at least of the 
population of the old site was transferred to Sebaste, and the rest 
remained to act as cultivators and to rank as * the Katoikia of the 
Sebastenes in this Kome.' M. Radet differs from me only in one 

' The deep canon of Banaz-Tchai is 
a serious obstacle to transport from 
Sebaste. The principle of classification 
is stated Ch. XVI App. I. 

^ See pp. 101 f, 124. 

' The name Dioskome, like Meno- 
kome, Attioukome, Hierakome, Atjo- 
khorion, probably denotes the kome 
that grew up at a hieron : see pp. 102, 
132, 167. ATOYKflMH mentioned 
in an inscr. of Altyntash (CB § 92) is 

probably to be interpreted as * the vil- 
lage of Ates,* i. e. Attes or Atys. 

* Payam, the bitter-almond tree, is a 
very common element in Turkish local 
names : Badem, a variety of the word, 
interchanges with Payam, in the mouths 
of the peasantry: when the traveller 
asks which form is correct, the answer 
is ikisi hir^ * the two are one.* 

* See p. 597, below. 



respect. I was of opinion, that the name cannot in our present state of 
knowledge be recovered ^ : he considers that this old city and later 
village was Alydda (Aloudda) of the Peutinger Table and the Anon. 
Bavennas. It seems to me, however, that there is reason to place 
Aloudda a little further to the west, § 7, and to give a different name 
to this site ^. 

The inscriptions in this place would probably reward a more careful 
search than I could make in 1883 ^. Among the few which I copied 
we have examples from the last century B.C., the reign of Tiberius, 
and the third century p. c, no. 500 ff. 

§ 7. Aloudda. The Peutinger Table mentions a town Aludda : the 
true form of this name is probably Aloudda, corresponding to EJan- 
noudda and Attoudda ^, and in later time the spelling Alouda (like 
Attouda) probably came into use. Now in the Byzantine lists we 
find a bishopric Elouza or Ilouza. Considering the examples which 
we find of forms with d alternating with forms containing *, I can 
see no reason to doubt that Alouda and Elouza are the same place ^. 
The form Elaza also occurs in Notitia III : it is probably a dialectic 
variety similai' to those mentioned in § 2 (Pouza-Pazon, &c.). 

Elouza is mentioned by Hierocles between Sebaste and Akmonia, 

' As a heading for the section in CB, 
I used the term Palaeo-Sebaste, expect- 
ing that this would be understood as 
Hhe anonymous town which was sup- 
planted by Sebaste.* It has, however, 
led some critics to understand that I 
fancied this to be the name applied to 
the site under the Empire. 1 have 
therefore refrained from using the 
name ; but my theory remains unchanged. 

' The coiyecture may be permitted 
that this is the Eatoikia Le[onna] of 
no. 480. See § 15. 

^ I went out from Sebaste in the fore- 
noon; and had to return in time to 
make a long ride to the south. The 
consequence was that much was left 
undone both there and at Burgas : see 


^ Attoudda on the earliest coins, At- 
touda on later: Elannoudda on the 
rare coins (all early). On the Table 
Aludda and Clanudda are the forms. 
I do not know why M. Radet uses the 
form Alydda, which is justified by no 

analogy known to me (see p. 617). He 
also speaks of Clannuda. These two 
wrong spellings obscure the arguments 
that tell for my theory, and they have 
probably weighed with him uncon- 
sciously in rejecting it. 

^ See p. 293, and above, § 2 : we find 
Sebadios and Sabazios, Zizimene and 
Dindymene, Nazianzos and Nadiandos 
(Hist. Geogr. pp. 285, 348, Mitth, Ath, 
1888 p. 237). 

' M. Radet differs to a slight extent : 
he holds that the names are different 
and denote different places, but Alouda 
was only two miles from Elouza ; that 
the Byzantine bishopric corresponded 
in every respect except name to the 
older Alouda; and that Elouza is the 
same name as the modern Eldeniz, 
a village close to Payam-Aghlan. Pro- 
bably most philologists will find it 
easier to identify Elouza with Alouda 
than with Eldeniz : on M. Radet's philo- 
logical comparisons, see Ch. XI App. III. 
See pp. 144, 169 n, 435 ». 



in the earlier Notitiae between Bria and Trajanopolis, and in the later 
Notitiae next to Alia^. The comparison of the order in these cases 
suggests that this bishopric was situated in the middle part of the 
Banaz-Ova but towards E., so as to come naturally after Sebaste 
and next to Trajanopolis, and the site of Hadjim suits excellently. 
A bishopric is needed for the great stretch of country between 
Senaros and Hippourios ; and it is a strong proof of the inadequacy 
of M. Radet's theory, that he leaves that country without an episcopal 
centre ^. Moreover, it also tells against his theory that he takes no 
account of Hadjimlar : the fact that is most nearly certain about this 
stretch of country is that the ancient and the modem centre is at 
Hadjimlar. He places ancient cities or villages at Ealin-Kilisa and 
Yapaklar, where I could see no sign of ancient life, and leaves 
Hadjimlar a blank. 

In Nov. 1881 I spent a night at Hadjimlar ^ and saw at once that 
it has been an ancient site, but found no inscriptions. In 1 883 my 
travelling companion Sterrett visited it on his way from Ushak to 
Sebaste. He saw digging going on, from which building-stones were 
being taken. Several of these, bearing inscriptions, had already been 
defaced, and he was only in time to copy the fragmentary decree of 
a city. He also pronounced that Hadjimlar was an important ancient 
site. Further it is the busiest village of this district that I have 
seen * ; and must be regarded as the mai*ket town. Its importance 
lies in the fact that it is the furthest south place which is able to 
take advantage of the ridge acting as a watershed between Senaros 
and Hippourios. It has a natural water supply : the villages in the 
centre of the plain are so deficient in this respect that development is 

* The order in the Notitiae is very 
irregular in Phrygia, but retains some- 
thing of geographical arrangement 
broken in fragments. The geographical 
character of Hierocles*s arrangement is 
well marked in this province, as a glance 
at the map shows. 

* He places Agathe-Kome further 
north at Yapaklar ; but we have seen 
reason to place it elsewhere (p. 261); 
moreover Agathe-Kome appears only in 
the late Notitiae, 

' The form in singular Hadjim (i.e. 
' my hadji *) is also used. The Gassaba 
Railway Survey calls it Adjama. I 
cannot vouch for the true form. In 
1 88 1 I knew no Turkish, and in 1883 

Sterrett was in the same condition ; but 
we used the name Hadjimlar and were 

* I have visited many of the villages ; 
but there are still some to be examined. 
Banaz-Ova is difficult and unpleasant to 
explore, because a wide view cannot be 
got. The plain is not a dead level, like 
the great flat plains E. and N£. from 
Iconium ; it is undulating : most of the 
villages (Hadjim and Geubek are excep- 
tions) lie in the hollows: the roads 
keep as a rule to the hollows also. 
Often one may be unaware of the exist- 
ence of a village only 1 50 yds. distant, 
as the eye looks over it, owing to some 
very slight intervening ridge. 

7. ALOUDDA. 587 

denied them. Here then on the road from Bria to Trajanopolis, we 
place Aloudda. 

Aloudda must always have derived a certain importance from its 
position on the road leading from the NW. Banaz-Ova and the upper 
Hermos valley to Bria and Eumeneia and Apameia. That road was 
not important enough to find a place in the Table ; but in the busy 
and prosperous Roman or Byzantine times it must have been a route 
of considerable consequence. 

Further, Aloudda stands on the line of communication from Islam- 
Keui and the north-east to Dionjrsopolis and the Lycos valley, § i : 
that road naturally passes through Motella, and crosses the Maeander 
at Atyo-khorion. Again, in the Peutinger Table, Aloudda is marked 
on the great road that connects the north-east With Philadelpheia 
and Smyrna. It does not lie on the line of that road, but involves 
a detour of some miles ; and evidently it is marked on it for the same 
reason as Akmonia, which is quite five miles off the road : these were 
towns near the road and sharing in its advantages, but not exactly 
on it. Moreover the Table often indicates by a straight line, what is 
really two sides of a triangle ^ ; and here apparently it measures to 
Aloudda along the Hierapolis road, and thence across to Klannoudda. 
See § 8. 

It is remarkable that a town in such a position as Aloudda on the 
great road should have left no coins, when places like Bria coined 
money. Perhaps it was dependent on Sebaste during the Boman 
period, and consequently had not the right of independent coinage. 
We have seen that the dominion of Sebaste reached to the west of the 
Senaros and extended over some large villages such as Dioskome; 
and we may perhaps count Aloudda among the towns which were 
despoiled of their population and their autonomous city rights in 
order to aggrandize the city of Augustus, no. 495. 

It suits this theory that the only known inscr. of Aloudda, no. 497, 
belongs to the first or second century B. c, when Aloudda was still 
important and autonomous. 

§ 8. Nais is never mentioned except in inscr. 513. The name has 
lasted in popular speech to the present day, and the modem village 
is called Ine. Comparing the results attained in Ch. XI § 10 with 
regard to the influence of religious foundations on the early efforts of 
commercial intercourse, we may hazard the theory that Nais was 
a temple and a settlement whose existence was determined by reasons 
of trade and convenient communication. It lies on the best line of 

Weite At^ladungen erscheinen als direkte Wege^ as Prof. 6. Hirschfeld said. 


road from Philadelpheia and the Hermoa valley to the east. The 
fortified city lay away from any good route, and used Nais as the 
market, the Bazar or the Agora. The temple of the god protected 
the traders, as at Kelainai, and at Karia below Attomlda (p. iS/); 
and hence, perhaps, the name Nais was applied to the village or town 
that grew up round it '. 

Nais was evidently a considerable centre of trade, as there was 
a conventua of Roman traders and strangers resident there (no. 511 S). 
It must therefore have been situated on some important road, and 
there can be no doubt what was the road in question, § 9. 

§ 9. The North-Eastebs Trade Route and Klasnoudda. The 
road § I connecting Smyrna and PhUadelpheia with the east and 
north-east countries, passed near the village Burgas about I3 miles 
from Philadelpheia, Burgas probably marks a Greek fortification 
defending tlie road. About 40 miles from Philadelpheia ia Ine 
(the ancient Naos or Nais), a home for Roman merchants, and 
therefore the point on the road to which traffic from this district of 
Banaz-Ova naturally converged. Ine lies at the head of a cafion, 
through which the water from the hills to N. flows towards Blaundos 
and the river Hippourios. 

Thereafter the modem trade-route keeps up to N. in order to cross 
the Hippouiios at the head of its canon, and thus flnds an easy road 
to Islam-Keui and the pass to NE, ^ It does not admit of a doubt, 
to any one who rides the various roads himself, that this must always 
have been the path by which through-traffic from the NE. and E. 
came to Philadelpheia. But it is remarkable that this is not the road 
described in the Peutinger Table as running from Kotiaion to Phil- 
adelpheia. Akmonia and Aloudda which lie about Ave miles off the 
track are both mentioned on the road, Nais does not appear, and 
where we should look for it Klannoudda occurs ^ The explanation 
must be that the important places were not on the direct line of 
thiougb traffic in ancient times ^. The case is the same at the present 
day: between Ine and Islam-Keui there is not even a village of 


' The fortified town which had Naia 
aa the market on it« territory maj have 
been either Blaundos (aii miles S.) or 
Elanaoudda. § 9. 

* It crosBea the KSpli-Su by a bridge 
between the villages of Elmali and 
SuBUZ-Kuren, about 10 miles S. of Uehak : 
this is above the beginning of the caBon. 
It pftsaes about half-way betweea the 
viUpges of Tubakiai- and Yapaklar. 

' Philadelfla inv Cianudda m Al- 
udda iiv Aqmonia ixiv Cocleo (i. e. 
CotieoJ : evidently a station Apia ia 
omitted before Kotiaion, for the dis- 
tance Akmonia- Apia is about xxxv U.P. 

' Similarly the direct line of the 
Eastern Trade Route between Euphor- 
bium and Julia is omitted and the 
detour by Synnada is given (not, how- 
ever, aa a straight linej. 

8. NAIS. 589 

respectable size on the line of the road, but all the important places 
lie off the track. So Akmonia and Aloudda appear to mark the 
stages in the Table. 

As to Elannoudda, the least difficult supposition — in a case where 
evidence is almost wholly lacking and where every supposition 
involves difficulties — formerly seemed to me to be that the Greek 
name Nais was substituted in the grecizing spirit for the Phrygian 
name Klannoudda ; but I should now prefer one of two alternatives. 
The first is to look for Klannoudda a little way off the direct track, 
and a little further west, so as to suit better the distance from Phil- 
adelpheia, xxxv M.P. As to the exact site, there is at present no 
evidence ; but it deserves note that 3 miles W. of Ine is a village 
Karadja-Ahmed, which has some religious importance. Perhaps the 
site of Klannoudda may yet be found on a point of the hills behind 
this village. The other alternative would be to disregard entirely 
the number xxxv on the Table ^, and look for Klannoudda at Burgas 
in the Kogamis valley, as the town guarding the exit from the hill 
country on to the plain. The types of the KJannouddan coins seem 
to me rather of the style of the lower country, not of upper Phrygia, 
which favours this view. 

The disappearance of Klannoudda from history is a remarkable fact, 
and difficult to explain. The disappearance of cities from the numis- 
matic lists is due either to change of name or to absorption in another 
city. No name likely to correspond to Klannoudda is known ; but if 
it were situated at Burgas, it might have been absorbed in the growth 
of Philadelpheia. See § 15. 

Ine is about half-way between Philadelpheia and Islam-Keui (or 
Akmonia), near 40 M. P. from each. Aloudda is about half-way 
between Ine and Islam-Keui (or Akmonia), near 20 M. P. from each. 

M. Radet has put forth a different theory as to Klannoudda ; and 
the ingenuity of his views about this district make it necessary to 
examine his opinion on this point. He places it at Kalin-Kilisa E. 
of Kopli-Su ; and he remarks, p. 105, * il eat surpreriant qu'aucun 
voyageur et qu'aucun g^ographe rCait reconnu dans ce vocable turc, 
d peine diform^ pourtant, le mot Clannuda V The resemblance, such 
as it is, has occurred to others. In 1 883, while Sterrett and I were 
in Tchal-Ova, we were told of Kalin-Kilisa on the road to Ushak ; 

^ M. Radet pays even less regard to peut nous setynr d determiner Us sites* 
the numbers on the Table : ' tout caleul ' M. Radet prefers this false spellinf^. 

ftrnd^ sur ces nombres serait done ford- The coins read KAANNOYAAEnN. 

ment illusoire : ee n*est pas la Table qui See § 7. 


and the thought that this might be ' the Church of Elan(noudda) ^ ' 
immediately occurred to us, for Kilisa (i. e. iKK\r]<rta) is a name often 
given to ancient sites by the Turks. We therefore made a point of 
visiting the village ; but to our extreme disappointment we found not 
a trace of ancient life ; and we came away with the conviction that 
it was not an ancient site. ArundeFs experience was equally dis- 
appointing to him : he found nothing ancient in the village or in an 
extensive cemetery about a mile away except a Byzantine monogram 
on a stone in a fountain ^. He heard, however, later that at a mill at 
some little distance from the village, there were some remains (though 
in the village itself the natives assured him there were no old stones 
at the mill), and that * it is a place resorted to annually by the Turks, 
from considerable distances, for the observance of some religious 

M. Badet considers that the only reason why unimportant places 
like Aloudda and Elannoudda are mentioned in the Table is that they 
were meeting-places of several roads (dea carrefours oii bijurquaient 
(Tautrea rotdea p. 103). The true meeting-places of roads are (1) the 
neighbourhood of Ine and Geubek, (2) Islam- Eeui or Susuz-Keui (near 
Akmonia), (3) a point where the roads from Sebaste and from Eume- 
neia to Temenothyrai and the cities of the NW. crossed the road 
Philadelpheia to Akmonia : now that point is near Hadjimlar, which 
moreover is also traversed by the short path from Islam-Keui to the 
Lycos valley. We therefore infer from M. Badet's own reasoning that 
Klannoudda lay near point (i)^, Aloudda near (3), and Akmonia we 
know to be near (2). 

M. Badet*s arguments about the Banaz-Ova show great acuteness 
and careful study of authorities, but insufficient exploration of 
the district * ; and his theories, full of suggestion as they are, 
and making a distinct step in the elucidation of an obscure sub- 
ject, lack suitability in details. He does not seize the points of 
certainty first of all, and then work from them. Moreover his map 
is not good ; he depends on Eaepert ; and I am convinced that Kiepert 
puts both Kalin-Kilisa and Hadjimlar too far to S. My own map 
agrees with the Cassaba Bailway Survey on this point. If I be 

^ See derivation p. 435. from Ushak to the Lycos valley goes by 
^ Discoveries in Asia Minor I pp. Geubek and Geune. 
I26f. * His words, p. 98, seem to imply 
' He speaks, p. 105, of a road from personal evidence ; but his difficulties 
Ushak to Dionysopolis : the latter and his statements are not such as I 
cannot have been of the slightest con- should expect from one who had ex- 
sequence in ancient time : the road plored Banaz-Ova. 


right on this point, then the direct path from Hadjimlw to Ine 
would pass very little north of Kalin-Kilisa ; and, as soon as any 
explorer reports that he has found traces of an ancient city near 
Kalin-Kilisa, I shall be perfectly ready to accept the resemblance in 
name as evidence in favour of the identification proposed by M. Badet. 
At present I regard Kalin as an ordinary Turkish adjective : it means 
' thick * : the expression ^ kalin kafa ' ^ thick head ^ ' is often heard in 
conversation among the peasantry. 

§ 10. Blaundos. The site is well known on a spur of the plain pro- 
jecting into the deep canon of the Hippourios, above the village of 
Suleimanli, which lies at the bottom of the cation far below. The city 
occupied a situation very similar to that of Akmonia, and of the old 
hieron near Dionysopolis ^, but is even stronger than any of them, as 
the steep slope barely admits ascent at any point except the narrow 
neck connecting it with the rest of the level Bimaz-Ova. The ruins are 
considerable, and their height makes them visible for some distance 
over the plain. We have reason to remember this gratefully. About 
the end of November, 1881, we found ourselves after sunset without 
a guide, having lost our way from Hadjimlar, wandering through the 
low scrub that here covers the plain, with no track visible, trying to 
find Suleimanli and Blaundos, but having no idea in what direction 
they were. As the light was fading, we descried from the top of 
a gentle undulation the arches of the aqueduct at Blaundos little more 
than a mile distant, and through this chance we were able to reach 
Suleimanli in the darkness. 

In the commentary on no. 472 the coin-legends are quoted which 
show that the supreme board of magistrates at Blaundos was called 
indifferently Strategai and ArcJiontes. The same inference may be 
drawn from the following legends on coins of the second and third 

KA . BAA€PIANOY • BAAYNA€nN (M. Aurelius and autonomous). 


€ni • AP • A . AYP . T€IMOe€OY • BAAYNA€nN (Caracalla). 

€ni . TI • KA . AA€ZANAPOY • APX • A • TO • B • BAAYNA€nN. 

€ni . KA . MAPKOY • AP • A • BAAYNA€nN (Caracalla) «. 

' M. Radet remarks on the discre- ' Compare § 6 and p. 132. 

pancy in respect of form between the ' I give here only coins of which 

Ealinkese (or kase) of Arundel and Ha- I have verified the "readings in Brit, 

milton and Eiepert*s more correct form : Mus., except the last, which is from 

I believe that I was Kiepert's first au- Waddingion Vay, Numism, Mionnet 

thority for the form Ealin-Eilisa. Kafa has others, which confirm the same 

literally * neck,' as Mr. Browne tells me. inference. See no. 514. 



According to Mionnet Suppl. no. 74, the title KOINON • TlPCl . 
AYAI AC occurs on a coin of Vespasian; but the reading is incorrect. 
A specimen exists in the Brit. Mus. and reads TI • KAAYAIOC • 
4)0INIZ . BAAOYNA€nN • MAK€AONnN • €ni • ITAAIKOY (as 
Borrell and Imhoof have observed). 

Besides the two forms of the name Blaundos on the coins just 
quoted, the legend MAAYN A€nN occurs on earlier coins. The varie- 
ties of spelling show that the native name was difficult to represent 
in Greek letters, and probably difficult for Greeks to pronounce. 

§ 11. Mysotimolos. In history Blaundos and Geubek form a pair : 
the one is the older, the other the later centre : as one decays, the 
other grows. Now when that is the case, we find, as a rule, that the 
pair are united in one bishojpric; the bishop for a time ranks with 
a double title ; but at last the old name disappears. Blaundos and 
Mysotimolos rank in that way as a double bishopric ^ ; and this con- 
stitutes strong evidence that Mysotimolos was at Geubek. In the 
dearth of information we cannot at present go beyond this. 

§ 12. Alia. According to the order of Hierocles, Alia was between 
Akmonia and Siokharax, according to the later Notitiae, between 
Siokharax (p. 633) and Elouza. These authorities point to a site near 
Islam-Keui ; and M. Badet rightly urges that this situation must be 
accepted. At the same time we must bear in mind that some diffi- 
culties exist in this identification: (i) we should expect that Islam- 
Keui would be one of the group of bishoprics connected with 
Akmonia, separated from the rest of Fhrygia Facatiana in the earlier 
Notitiae, and restored to it in the later ; for it lies on the best road 
connecting Akmonia with Hierokharax. {%) Islam-Keui is so 
important a situation, § i, that we should expect there a city of 
consequence, not a place that struck only a few rare coins. These 
arguments weighed with me in Hist. Oeogr, p. 138 so much that 
I supposed Islam-Keui to be a market and trading-centre in the 

^ The precise facts in the Notitiae are 
stated p. 206, 600. Blaundos appears 
in the late Notitiae as Phlaudos (ethnic 
Phlaudeis); but, as is shown in JHS 
1883 p. 37, the forms Blaundos, Blaudos, 
Blandos, and Mlaundos are interchange- 
able. Ph in later documents for earlier 
( (original hh) is found also in Phoba 
p. 130. The name Blaundos appears in 
vaiying forms, as Blades in Hellespontus 
(now Balat, which I probably was wrong 

in doubting, Hist. Geogr. p. 133: M. 
Radet and Eiepert are probably right 
here). The ffroi between Mysotimolos 
and Blaundeis-Phlaudeis is omitted by 
most Notitiae ; but that is the case also 
with Diocaesareia-Prakana {Hist. Geogr. 
p. 364), which appears as two separate 
bishoprics in De Boor's Notitia owing 
to the omission of ifroi. On Mysoti- 
molos see also Buresch in Ath. MittK 
1894 p. 126. 

10. BLAUNDOS. 593 

territory of Akmonia, using the coinage of that city (being in fact the 
Keramon- Agora of the Anabasis: see § 13). But the evidence on 
the other side is stronger; and I gladly accept M. Badet's rectifi- 

As at Sebaste, the coin-types show that Men was the chief deity in 
Alia. The similarity of the religious cultus at Alia to that which we 
have previously found common in Phrygia and Lydia is attested by 
a passage of Aelian, which evidently refers to the eponymous heroine 
of the city: ^AXia rfj Zv^(ip€a>9 napLOvau eh dXaos 'AprefiLSos (fjy 
81 kv (ppvyia rb dX<ro9) SpdKcoy ineifxiyi] deto^y fiiyiaro^ rfjy Syjriyf 
Kai d>fi(Xi](r€p avrfj de Anim. XII 39. Here the misfortune of the 
goddess is said to have befallen the eponymous Alia, who is, of 
course, merely a heroized form of the city-goddess : on the subject 
see p. 94. 

Dedications to the city-goddess were sometimes made in the form 
Oea ^AXiayfi (no. 520). It is a similar bent of mind that leads the 
Christians throughout mediaeval and modem time to regard the 
Panagia of some particular village as specially sacred and powerful, 
and to pray to her in particular. So a person who had reason to 
know the power of the goddess of Alia, made a dedication to her even 
at a distance from her city. This fact, taken in conjunction with the 
fragment of Alian religion that survives in Aelian, makes it probable 
that there was an ancient and notable cultus at Alia with a special 
panegyria, to which people resorted from a distance. See p. 442. 

This panegyris of the goddess of Alia may probably be connected 
with the cold healing spring of Irk-Bunar, 3 miles up the Hammam- 
Su from Islam-Keui^. The baths there are a great resort at the 
present day, and give the name Hammam-Su to the stream beside 
which they rise. No. 520 (found at Koula) is probably a dedication 
following upon a visit to this healing resort. 

The name is distorted in the Byzantine documents. Hierocles has 
'ASlol (corrupted from 'AXiol) : De Boor s Notitia 6 'AXtcov^ but most 
other Notitiae^o ' AXlvmv (apparently corrupted from 'AXi7\vSiv^ bishop 
of the people of Alia). The lists at the Councils give the name in 
better form, App, II. Probably a name Alina was elicited from the 
ethnic, like Briana, Kolona ^. 

^ See Sir C. Wilson's Handbook to if so, it is a mistake (arising from the 

Asia Minor p. 131. Guinet Turquie fsu^t that the great /kimmam^ in Anatolia 

d'Asie lY p. 218 speaks of hot springs are almost always at hot springs), 

at Hammam-Boghaz, dans le Nahid de ' III, X, XIII are corrupt, p. 635. 

Banazy prh du chef -lieu. This descrip- • See § 3 : 'A<f)6Pios iw, KoKmvris 431 

tion seems to indicate Irk-Bunar ; and, was bishop of Eoloe. 

VOL. I. PT. II. R 



It is true that the name Alia was perhaps a common one ; we know 
of a katoikia at a village Alia west of Aizanoi, probably an outlying 
village of that city ^ ; but there is every probability that the Phrygian 
city Alia was the seat of the chief cultus. 

The name Alia may be connected with ala quoted by Stephanus as 
a Carian word meaning horse (s. v. Alabanda) ; and the Lydian royal 
name Alyattes may perhaps be a compound of this element with the 
divine name Attes. Dionysius ^ says that Alia, daughter of the Earth- 
bom Tylos, was by Kotys mother of Asie and Atys : these names are 
taken from the midst of old Lydian mythology. 

A remarkable legend on coins of Alia AITHCAM6N0Y • 4)P0Yri 
must mean that a citizen Fhrougios ^ acted as envoy and successfully 
begged help for the state in some enterprise * either from the emperor, 
or the senate, or the Koinon Asias, or the proconsul of Asia. The 
same term is used in the following legends on coins : — 


(Demos on obverse). 
AITHCAM6N0Y • TI • BACCIAAOY • €(() Ancyra Phr. (Nero and 

BACCIAAOY • AITHCAMENOY • Ancyra Phr. (Eoman Senate on 

AITHCA/16I/0V KANAIAOY • Hadrianopolis-Stratonikaia(Hadrian). 

This was the easiest form in which an embassy could be comme- 
morated in the brief legend of a coin. If the terra npeaP. had been 
used, it was liable to be confused with the legati of the proconsuls 
(npea^^vTai}, of whom there were three in Asia. 

The case of Eukarpia is instructive : there appears on its coins 
a fine group representing Artemis both in Greek and in native 
type, sometimes with the legend above quoted, and sometimes with 
€niM€AH0€NTOC • T • KA • 4)AAKK0Y, the former commemorating 
the embassy, and the latter the erection of some work * (of which 

* S. Reinach in Rev. £t, Gr, 1890 
p. 69. 

' Ant, Rom. I 27. See p. 435 n. 

* On the name Phrougios or Frugi 
see no. 446. 

* J. Friedlander compares the legend 
with CIG 5908, where the action of an 
envoy, who had been commissioned to 
request from the emperor a grant of 
land for a temple, is expressed as irp^v 
pfvovra Ka\ atTijaafixvov t6 T€fi(Pos, We 

may therefore understand that in each 
case the coin commemorates some case 
when the citizen mentioned acted suc- 
cessfully as envoy. Friedlilnder misses 
the sense, when he supposes that the 
citizen who is named on the coin prof- 
fered the request to his own city. See 
Hermes IX p. 493. 

* A I A on coins of Laodiceia &c. p. 166 
then corresponds to the epigraphic form 
dia tfrifitKrjTOv, 

12. ALIA. 595 

probably the sculptural gi'oup served as a type, the part for the 
whole). See Ch. XVI § 7. 

§ 13. Keramon-Aqoba must lie at the entrance to the great pass 
out of Banaz-Oya §1. M. Badet, approving my former demonstration 
to this effect, rightly selects Susuz-Keui as the actual site rather than 
Islam- Eeui ; and I gladly accept the correction. We have here 
another example of the distinction between the market and the 
fortress, which has so often met us elsewhere * : Akmonia was the 
fortress lying off the main track in a strong position : Keramon- 
Agora was the open market where strangers traded under the protec- 
tion of the deity in whose worship all the market united ^. We may 
understand that in ancient time Susuz-Keui was the most important 
centi*e of the valley, and Islam- Keui was of less consequence : in 
modern time the opposite is the case \ 

§ 14. Trajanopolis. Its position is assured by no. 515, which is 
built into the mosque at Tcharik-Keui. The stones at Tcharik-Keui 
seem all to have been brought from the ancient site at Giaour-Euren, 
about three miles to N. M. Badet, on the contrary, holds that 
Tcharik-Keui itself must be the site of Trajanopolis. It is, however, 
my regular experience that the stones of an ancient site are found in 
the villages round about, and rarely on the actual site. The villagers 
carry away all good blocks of stone that lie near the surface of the 
ancient site to build their mosques and fountains. Hence there 
remains nothing of the slightest interest visible at Giaour-Euren, but 
the villagers assured me that the fine stones in Tcharik-Keui were all 
brought from the Euren. 

About A.D. 119 the people caUed Grimenothyritai, inhabiting the 
uplands on the south skirts of Dindymos between Ushak and Keramon- 
Agora, resolved to build a city of the Grefek type, and obtained from 
Hadrian the honour of being permitted to call the city after his pre- 
decessor Trajan *. But the synoikismos was not complete, for, as 

* Bat his distinction that Islam-Eeui Xenophon reckons the whole valley as 
would be called ' the last Mysian city the end of Phrygia, separated by Din- 
on the side of Phrygia,* while Susoz- dymos from Mysia. M. Radet also 
Eeui is * the last Phrygian city on the reckons the town at Islam-Eeui as more 
side of Mysia/ is (i) too great a refine- important than that at Susuz-Eeui. 
ment, such as no one who had ridden The opposite was the case, § i, no. 522. 
over the open valley between the two * See p. 413. 

would, I think, suggest, (2) absolutely ' The inscrr. of Eeramon-Agora are 

incorrect : there is not a shred of classed under Akmonia Ch. XIV App. I. 

evidence that the valley S£. of Mt. * rpifuvuBvpiratf 2>y c'orty ^ Tpatay6no\is 

Dindymos was reckoned in Mysia: rather Ptolemy V 2, 15. 

R 2 


M. Imhoof-Blumer informs me, coins of the Grimenothyreis * continued 
to be struck in this and the following reigns in a series parallel to 
that of Trajanopolis. Similarly the Mokkadenoi of Temenothyrai, 
the neighbouring people on the west, between Hippourios and 
Hermos, made their synoikisnios under Vespasian or Domitian, and 
named their city Flaviopolis ; but the people Temenothyreis continued 
to strike coins, and the name Flaviopolis finally almost disappeared 
from use. The site of Flaviopolis at Ushak was determined finally by 
M. S. Reinach ^ ; but the suggestion of M. Radet that there was a dis- 
tinct town of the Temenothyreis ^ seems to me in the highest degree 
probable. The neighbourhood of Kure*, la miles W. of Ushak on 
a tributary of the Hermos (probably the Hyllos of Pausanias I 35, 7), 
seemed to me in 188 1 to show clear traces of an ancient settlement; 
and I should look there for the town of the Temenothyreis. But it is 
probable that the city on the site of Ushak must have become more 
prosperous than the town at Eure ; and we may perhaps regard the 
Temenothyrai of the later centuries as being the city of Ushak, 
which had gradually supplanted the older centre and appropriated its 
name. See p. 599. 

With the abbreviated form Tranoupolis, which occurs often in 
Byzantine lists, compare the expression lege Hana (for Hadriaria) 
used in II 1 1 of the inscription of Ain- Wassel *. See also Trani for 
Traiani in Dessau Inscrip, Select, 1449. 

It is remarkable that the synoikismos of Flaviopolis and of Trajano- 
polis did not take place for more than a century after that of Sebaste, 
showing that the Graeco-Roman civilization did not penetrate so 
rapidly along the * Royal Road ' (see § i) as along either of the gi'eat 
trade-routes from Smyrna and from Ephesos. 

The Antiquities of this frontier district will shortly receive much 
new illustration from a report of Dr. Carl Buresch. In the last letter 
which I received from him shortly before his sad and premature death 
— a letter dictated by him when he was too weak to write himself — he 
mentioned several of his interesting discoveries. Until his paper is 
published, it would be impossible to discuss the district properly ; and 
I have therefore postponed to my next volume the fuller consideration 

* Grimenothyreis is the name on reminiscence of the transportation of 
coins. new colonists hither by Cyrus ? see Hist. 

* Rev. Et. Gr. 1890 pp. 56-65. Geogr. pp. 124, 128. 

* He quotes myself as already holding * Bruns Pontes ed. VI p. 382 ; Schulten 
the view. Hermes 1894 p. 208 ; Carton Rev. ArMol. 

* Does the name Eure contain any 1892 p. 216. 


of the north-western region of Phrygia from Blaundos to Aizanoi, 
merely giving here a few notes to justify my map. 

There is no doubt that some inscriptions at Ushak have been carried 
from Akmonia. I have myself copied at the latter site stones which 
have since been seen at Ushak by others (see nos. 400, 500). Hence 
it is by no means safe to use all texts of Ushak as illustrations of the 
history of Temenothyrai. Some belong to TrajanopoHs, and some to 
Akmonia, though undoubtedly the majority belong to Flaviopolis or 

§ 15. Leonnaia or Leonna. After this chapter was in prints 
I read about M. Imhoof-Blumer's discovery of a new Phrygian city, 
Leonnaia ^ ; and he informs me that the only known coin is of the 
second or first century B. c. Now the Phrygian cities of that period 
which coined money belong almost exclusively to the west. In central 
or eastern Phrygia only Amorion and Synnada, the two greatest 
cities, coined money earlier than Augustus. But in the west coins of 
the earlier period were struck at Akmonia, Apameia, Apia ^, Attoudda, 
Blaundos, Cibyra, Clannoudda, Dionysopolis, Eumeneia, Hierapolis, 
Laodiceia, Peltai, Tripolia These are the cities to which Greek 
municipal institutions would naturally spread earliest. We must 
look for Leonnaia, therefore, in the western part of Phrygia: an 
obscure place like it, if situated in the centre or east, would not be 
likely to strike early coins. Probably every one who considers the 
western cities in succession will agree that Sobaste or the neighbour- 
hood is the probable home of this coin. No other place fulfils the 
two conditions, of being likely both to strike early coins and to 
change its name. Sebaste is in a district which probably developed 
early ; and the name and coins of Sebsiste began under Augustus. 

There are two possibilities in this case ; and evidence is not suffi- 
cient to decide certainly between them, (i) There was a city Leonnaia 
of the pre-Roman period whose name was changed to Sebaste by 
Augustus : (2) There was originally only a village on the site where 
Sebaste was founded by Augustus, and Leonnaia was the city at 
Hissar, five miles N. * (no. 5CX)) : as M. Badet says, lea mines cCHismr 
8ont celled du plus ancien chef4ieu du district Puis, d Vuifie de ces 

* The name is inserted in the proofs speaks of Hissar as being on *le chemin 
in § 6. cTEukarpia {Emir-Hissar) d Flaviopolis 

' Revue Suisse de Numism. V p. 4 (of (Ushdk)^" p. 104, and d, un croisement des 

extract). routes p. 105. With such a radical mis- 

' M. Imhoof-Blumer tells me of an conception (the route which he marks 

early coin reading ATT 1 A N H N . is impossible for a road), it is not strange 

* By an astounding error, M. Radet that his topography differs from mine. 


Spoquea de palx oib Von recherchait avant tout Vespace et le confort, la 
preeminence fut accaparie par la ville de Sebaste . ... La capitate 
primitive, tonibie sous la d^pendance de I autre, fut hientdt rAluite d 
la condition de simple village ^. The coinage must belong to la 
capitale primitive^ to which in that case the name Leonnaia or Leonna 
must belong. 

Decision between these alternatives depends on the question : was 
there a city or merely a village on the site of Sebaste in the pre- 
Augustan period ? M. Paris thinks there was a city ^ : I have taken 
the view that there was only a village : M. Radet adopts both views, 
sometimes regarding it as a Kdfirf, sometimes quoting M. Paris's 
opinion as his own \ I see no evidence justifying a confident de- 
cision ; but the language of no. 495 points to the view that at Sebaste 
there was only a village, not an older city (p. 580). M. Badet is 
agreed as to the meaning of the inscr. On the whole, then, the 
probability is that Leonnaia was at Hissar ; but I quite admit that 
M. Paris may after all be right, and that Sebaste was not a new 
foundation, but only an old city renamed (in which case it would be 

The occurrence of a village in the Sebastene territory whose name 
began with Le . . . . favours our view. If Leonnaia was Sebaste, it 
could hardly remain as a separate village in the Boman time. The 
inscr. was found at Seljiikler; but either it may have been carried 
over the easy 5 miles of road from Hissar, or, more probably, the 
village made its dedication to Apollo in the city. 

§ 16. The Turkish Conquest. The Eanaz-Ova was overspread by 
the nomadic Turkish tribes between 1158 and 11 75. Li 1176 Manuel 
made a slight effort to drive them out ; but though they were (accord- 
ing to Nicetas p. 254) compelled to retire for the time, yet they 
returned, as we may be sure, immediately after the Byzantine forces 
retired. That is the only explicit reference to the Turkish invasion 
of the district ; but it is evident from the campaign of Manuel in the 
Pentapolis in 1158, that the Glaukos valley was already completely 
overrun by the Turks, and places in it had begun to be called by 
Turkish names *, and therefore we may infer that the Banaz-Ova was 

* En Phrygie p. 104. M. Radet g^ves pp 286 ff. 

these sentences as an abstract of my * ^apdirara is cither Hissar-Abad or 

view ; and goes on jusqxiici on ne peut (as Tomaschek suggested) Sheher-Abad 

que souscrire pleinement d ces remarques. (see p. 341) : it is probably Sandykli : 

* BCH 1883 p. 449. see Cinn. p. 196, Nicet. p. 162. Ch. XVI 
' L, c. pp. 104 f, Rev, Univ. Midi II § 9. 


by that time beginning to feel their approach. On the other hand it 
is clear that the Pentapolis was reserved for the Byzantine empire in 
the shameful arrangement made with the Turks about 1072, and that 
in 109a direct communication between Akroenos (Afion-Kara-Hissar) 
and Siblia was still open through the Pentapolis (see ch. XVI § 9) ; 
and in such circumstances Banaz-Ova must also have been in Byzan- 
tine hands. 

The vast undulating plain is peculiarly suited for nomadic life, and 
badly suited for civilized life, hence the ancient names, and probably 
the ancient population, have almost completely disappeared (except 
on the skirts, Burgas, Sebaste, perhaps Geveze p. 31, Dumanli and 
Boudaili p. 575). 

Notes, i. The Mokkadenoi were on the N.W. frontier of Phiyg^a, according 
to Ptolemy, quoted p. 664 (reckoning the country N. from Mt. Dindymos as not 
Phrygian, Hist, Geogr. pp. 145 f). Temenothyrai was a town of the Mokadenoi 
BCH 1895 p. 557 ; and the Mokaddenoi extended as far W. as the hot springs on 
the Hermos, 2 hrs. N.E. i&om Eoula (see inscr. badly published Ath, Mitth, 1896 
p. 116, where read cV Q€pii[a'is] Giycrcwr, teo/^i; r^ff VloKa[bbi)vS>v (y^ff)] ; the copy has 
MOK AAA). In giving the Mokkadenoi to Phiygia, Ptolemy may appear hardly 
consistent with himself in ¥2, 15, where he assigns the Grimenothyritai (between 
Ushak and Islam-Eeui) to Mysia ; but it is clear that he took that people as inhabit- 
ing Mt. Dindymos with its glens and its S. slopes down to Trajanopolis (Giaour- 
Euren), while Mokkadenoi, Moxianio, and Eidyesseis dwell along N. frontier of 
Phrygia, See p. 664. 

2. Before reading M. Radet En Phrygie^ I intended to place Alia coivjecturally 
on the upper course of Banaz-Tchai (which I have not explored), as indicated on 
the map and in Hist, Geogr, p, 138 (as possible alternative). Islam-Eeui would then 
be a village of Akmonia, 


1, PEP0UZ4.. 

470. (R. 1883, 1887). Karib-Hassan. Avp. TarCa 2<»)<r$hov9, <nfv 
T<p vl(^ 'Upcovt, T[pi;]<^a)i{t] T<p iavrrjs ivhpl Kar^a-Keiaa-fv ^ iK rSiV Ihloav avrov 
fit. i, iv ^ Kr\h^vOi]a'€T^ koX a\rn\ koL ra Koiva avr&v riKva ' £AA<p ovk i^iarc ' 
€t hi firj, 6rj(n T<p Ta\i€lu^ Trpoa-rCfiov briv, ^a<f/. 

471. (R. 1887). Ekiiz-Baba (Ox-Father). Aip. AiowVioy [bU rov?] 
AovkCov Up€i{s Aidy Scor^po]? [. . h]€iTrv([<ras. The restoration is a mere 
guess, as there is no clue to the shape of the stone or the extent of the 
gaps after Aiovva-ios and Upevs. Dionysius had apparently given a public 

2. Sebaste. 

47a. Seljiikler. CIG 3871. rj irdKis MdpKov AvprjMov [Seovfjpov?] 
*AvT(ji)V€lvov Se/Saordr [<rTpa]njyovvT(av t&v [iTepl] EiJfcror ^ATro\[\(ovCov? 
ap]xpvTCi)v. The restoration ^covrjpov is given in brackets in ArundeFs 
copy, and may rest on some evidence. 

The importance of this inscription lies in its use of the two words 
ipXpvTCiip and oTparrjyovvTwv^ showing that they were used indiscrimi- 
nately of the same board of magistrates at Sebaste. With this text 
should be compared a series of coins of Blaundos bearing the legends 

(i) CTP • AY . nAniA • €P . BAAYNA€nN (autonomous), 
(a) CTP • AYP . nAniA . €PMO • BAAYNA€nN • MA (Trebonianus 

(3) €ni . APX . A . AY . nAniOY . BAAYNACnN • MA (Volusi- 


(4) € • AP . A . nAniOY . BAAYNA€nN » MAK€ (Volusianus). 

(5) APX . A . AY • nAHlOY • BAAYNACHN • MAK€AO (Treboni- 

anus Gallus). 

* In 1883 my copy bears -aaav. The stranger. Hassan was, probably, the 
first three lines, hidden in 1883, were leader of some immigrants, 
dug up by me in 1887. Earib or Gharib, 


Aurelius Papias ^ (gen. Haitlov and IlaTr^a) wae strategos at Blaundos 
either in the year ^51-2 or 252-3, and the title First Archon was 
applied to him as exactly equivalent : he was the president of the supreme 
board of magistrates. 

An Archon is mentioned on coins of Caracalla and Julia Domna. Ofi 
a coin of Caracalla is represented Perseus slaying the Gorgon, with Pallas 
aiding him; it has the legend €ni • AOY[K • K]€[KIAA]IOY • ANTHN • 
APX. Mionnet Suppl. no. 575 who gives it from Sestini, has AOY • 
AM6ZAA10Y; but in the Br. Mus. coins of Julia Domna mention 
the same magistrate: the name on them is AOY? [KAljKlAAlOY * 
ANTAN I OY. The name Memmius was much used at Sebaste (no. 477), 
and at one time seemed to me to underlie Sestini's M6ZAAI0Y. 

473. (R. 1883). Seljiikler. DifEerently Wadd. 730. jj p. koL & h, & 
^€fiaa"n\v(av iT€iiirj(rav K\[av]biap Ncip^ov Ovyaripa ^AjxCav, yvvaiKa 
(f>iX.6bo^ov, ik€l\lfavTa bh bpaKTois Koi iiripirois iirapaTrjptjTdiS Koi 7ro\vr€X.d>9, 

kt\., under superintendence of [ ] tov Mrivo[y€vovs^ koX] Aioyivovs tov 

KdKov Kol * ApioTOKpirovs tov ^Arrd^ov kou Aiovva-Cov tov Zrjvobdrov, 

According to M. Waddington Zenodotus is named on a coin of Nero, 
and if he was the person here named the inscription might be dated 
imder Domitian. In no. 475, which is dated in 99, MiXlrcov KdKov 
occurs; and he may be brother of Diogenes here. See no. 477. 

The word bpaKToU is explained by Waddington no. 1602 as oil 'taken 
in the hand' for rubbing on the body, i.e. oil for use in the palaestra^; 
and he understands iTnpvroLs as indicating that the oil was not given by 
measure, but drawn by each recipient as he wished from a store which 
was always running free, a sense which is emphasized by iTraparripriTais, 
without any person to watch how much each took. 

474. Sivasli. MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 1893 p. 268 
[ayadfi rjuxj;. [vircp rrjs AvT]oKp(lLTopos [Ao/Atnaj/ov erased* KaC\(rapo9 2€)8a<r- 

Tov T€pp[aifiK0v] veUrfSi koI brjfjLOV ^Pcapiamv Koi brjfjLOV ^fPaarriPw [ ] 

Ka[i T]iv [irpayiiarevofA ?]iv(av [iv ^€Pa]<n[rj ? *Pa)fia^a>v ?] biafiovrjs [koI 
a-corrjpla^?] Ail [x]a/)[i]<roTT}/)tov. MipKos *A6d\ios MipKOV vld9 [AJfttAf?]^ 

* Henno[genes] was either his cogno- Wadd. 1602 a, 730, CIG 2782 (read eX[a]fta 

men, or (more probably) his father's bpcucTois), and Liermann p. 80 quotes 

name. also BCH 1887 p. 379 and 383 (Strato- 

« The text is MHNOl which suits nicea), BCH 1886 p. 520 (Nysa). 

MijvoycViTf or Mrjv6KpiToi^ but not Mrjv6- ^ The fact of an erasure is not re- 

(f)ikos, MrivodoroSf Mr}voxdpritf &c. corded, but may be assumed as certain, 

' The term frequently occurs, see also see no. 513. 


Aovy€lvos Tov PcofAOV iviarqa^ iK rOiv Iblcov avv iriajj KaToa-K^vrj koI bairdvrj. 
irovs poy. iTnp.eXrja'aiiivov 'HpaxAefrov tov ^lXCititov, 

The supplements here given are uncertain, and differ considerably from 
the text as transliterated by the first editors. The date is A. d. 88-9 ^. 
The numerous strictly Italian names in the inscriptions show that 
a certain number of Romans resided at Sebaste^ doubtless as traders, and 
the fragmentary copy suits the restoration in this respect. Some epithet 
of the Demos is required after 2€fia(mjvQv, 

475. (R. 1883). Sivasli. Published with many divergences by 
M. Paris BCH 1883 p. 45a. iyaOfj ruxji. [cr]ovs p^ry'. iirl UpioDv 
^Aa-KXtjindbov [t]ov ^Epfioyivovs koI SivOov 'Apr^fwui/os ol IccXOSvTfs [€]ls ttiv 
y€pova-Cav. Then follows a list of seventy-one names (three being women, 
KXavbla T€vdpavTU, 'lovAta ^lovKiavrj and *lov\la T^vOpavrls her daugh- 
ters) ^. 

M. Paris considers that this list gives the names of those who entered 
during a number of years following a.d. 98-9 ; but, though the engrav- 
ing is a little irregular, I saw no reason to avoid the natural interpreta- 
tion of the Greek aorist participle that these 71 persons entered 
the Gerousia in that year, i. e. that the Gerousia was founded in that 
year. M. Paris^s interpretation would require €l(r€px6p.€voi instead of 
d(rik66vT€^. Th^ one argument that I see in his favour is that the 
lowest name '\ov\la TevBpavrh UpoKKov Ovyirnp is obviously that of 
a younger daughter of Claudia Teuthrantis and C. Julius Proclus ; and 
it might be naturally inferred from the arrangement that the father, 
mother, and two eldest children (whose names are consecutive), entered 
together, and the younger daughter was enrolled at a later time. But I 
think it must be assumed either that Julia Teuthrantis was omitted in 
her proper place by an error of the engraver, or that she was added as an 
afterthought, or that one or two pames at the end were entered in later 
years. The use of the aorist 1(T€\$6i'T€s seems to me conclusive. 

The following relationships among the members are possible : 9 Diodoros 
and 30 Menophilos Lepidos, sons (the latter by adoption) of Menophilos. 
17 Glykon son of 6.Aristonis: 44 Diodoros son of 26 Patrokles, It is 
quite possible that father and son might both be enrolled in the Gerousia 
in the same year ; for evidently 20-25, father, mother, and four children 

* Domitian took the title Germanicug - ^Xcyoiv, 40-1 "AXc^avSpo? MfXiVovos- Aov- 
in 84. yelvot, ^i68(Dpos Sav$in7rovy 46 Fe/tiior Ad- 

* In this list M. Paris's text must be dciv (perhaps scribe^s error for TcXXiof, 
amended as follows: 1. 5 Oeoyemjs UaTra but text is clear), column II I. 40-1 
TOV Kai 'Avto>i//ov, 3^"^ Mi7i'o</)iXoff ff Arjrc- Uanas Miyi'OKptVou tov koi Movrdvov, AH 
dot <pva€i EvncLTopoSf 32 M. OvaXc/3tot these I read on the stone. 


entered together ^ This shows that membership of the Gerousia was to 
a considerable extent a family matter in Sebaste: probably it was 
founded by an association of persons varying greatly in age. It must be 
understood that a grown person is either vios or yipoav ; and that one 
who was not a vios might enter the Gerousia. But the discrepancy of 
age in the family of Julius Proclus is extreme^ and suits rather an 
association founding a new society than the cooptation of new men^bers 
year by year (as M. Paris supposes) into an existing society. 

Names connected with the cult of Mithras are very rare in Asia 
Minor. Mithradates or Mithridp.tes probably spread purely for historical 
reasons^ and was hardly connected with Mithraic worship. Mithres is 
quoted by M. Cumont Monum. relat. au culte de Mithra I p. 80 as ocpur- 
ring five times in Lydia, twice in Caria, once in Pisidia, and once in 
Phrygia; but it too may have its origin not in religious reasons but 
as a mere Greek diminutive of Mithridates. 

The incorrect spelling Mithridates is found as early ^.s Xenophon 
Anah, II 5, 35, III 3^ 4, and in later time became almost universal. It 
occurs at Apameia in the first and second centuries after Christ no. 294- 
297, and at Dorylaion ab. 70-60 B.C. (if we can trust Cicero's spelling 
pro Flacco 17). This inscription of Sebaste is aln^ost unparalleled in 
preserving the correct form so late and so far west. 

476. (R. 1883). Sivasli, M. Paris in BCH 1883 p. 449. Kara tcl 
TtoXKiKii h6^avra rfj ^ovXrj koX T(a 67yfi<p Mffifilav 'Aplarrjv TcvOpavrCba 
iipxUpciav TTJs 'Acrtas ol Biot OpeirTol Trap' iavrQv iTTififXrjo'aiJLivov KA(av- 
bCov) Me/x/x^ov Kvpov tov Tpo(f)4(as avTrjs. Itovs crir^^, nrj^vhsi) iaf, k (or 
I , aK ). 

The date is a.d. 205. Evidently Claudia Teuthrantis, no. 475, in 
A.D. 99 was an ancestor of Memmia Ariste Teuthrantis. The relation in 
which the latter stood to Claudius Memmius Cyrus, her Tpo<t>eis, is 
uncertain. Was the latter a freedman of her family, who brought her 
up when she was left an orphan ? 

477. (R. 1883). SivasU. M. Paris in BCH 1883 p. 451. [*Ay]aefi 
''^XV' V P* '^^i ^ ^' iTilfMrja-av K6('ivTov) ^i\i\n.ov \aplhr\\iov TfvOpivra 
^Aalas &pxup4<»>v lyyovov^ rjpooa ^, ipiarov prJTopay rrjs dvaordcrccos Trpovori' 
a-Qjiivris * SrarctAfay KaWiydirqs rijs pirjTphs airrov, Itovs tkO', iirj(vhs) B\ 

^ See stemma no. 477. On the sense, implying that Q. Mem- 

* M. Paris reads trovt wff. My copy mius was dead, see no. 226. 

H o 

has M . I which may denote /Aijwf rf. * TPOhHZ. M. Paris reads noifjaa- 

' The text has a point after i^peoa. fiimji. 


The date is a.d. 245. Q. Memmius Charidemos Teuthras seems to be 
grandson of Memmia Ariste Teuthrantis no. 476: the latter was 
evidently wife of an Asiareh, as we gather both from the present inser., 
and from the common rule that husband and wife were High-priest and 
priestess of Asia. If^ as is probable^ no. 473 relates to a member of the 
same family^ the stemma may be restored : 

Claudius Nearchos 

Claudia Amia, Claudia Teuthrantis, — C Julius Proclus 

0, A. D. 90 A.D. 99 I 

I I I i ^1 

C. Julius Julia Julia C. Julius Proclus C. Julius 

Proclus Juliana Teuthrantis Aelianus Germanus 

[Julia T.] 

[Memmius] » [Teuthrantis] 

Archiereus Asiae = Memmia Ariste Teuthrantis Archiereia Asiae 

I A. D. 205 

[Memmius Charidemos] = Statilia Kalligone 

Q. Memmius Charidemos Teuthras 

478. CIG 3884. Carried to Ishekli (Eumeneia), where Poeocke 
copied it. 

Dedication to Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, ^ /3. koX i h, 6 ^e^aarrjv&v 
rdv Ihiov Oebv koI €V€pyiTrjv : the statues and bases were superintended by 
[A. Tv]pp(jt)i^C\ov 'Epfxiov, 

The previous editors suppose that Eumeneia changed its name to 
Sebaste and designated itself by this latter name alone for a short time ; 
but it is wrong to attribute this inscription to Eumeneia, see Ch. X § 4. 

L. Tyrronius Hermaios belonged to a family that is often mentioned, 
no. 479, 530, 559. It is noteworthy that he superintended ^the statues 
and the bases.' There were therefore at least two or more companion 
statues erected together, probably of M. Aurelius and L. Verus, with 
a similar inscr. on each of the bases. 

479. Sivasli. MM. Legrand and Chamonard in BCH 1893 p. 26y, 
Itovs <rA', iirj[vds] r[, Aovklos Tvppdvios 'Epfirjs p.€Ta tQv riKvcov Tvpp(jt)vCov 
'lovoTtVov Kol Tvppwvias [Xt ?]6vr]s, Koi Tvppoavias UavX^Cirqs rrjs yvvaiKoy, 
AovkI(^ Tvpp(ovi(f ^lovcTi^ €V€pyiTri /m. ;(. 

The date is a.d. 146 ; and it is therefore possible that Hermes is the 
same as Hermeos who superintended the statue of Marcus Aurelius no. 
478 about 161-6. It seems possible that ^EpjjLTJs might be used in nom. 


with ^EpjjL^ov in gen., as nouns in -49 (for -loy) gen. -lov are frequent in 
Lydia and Phrygia. 

480. (R. 1883). Seljukler. CIG 3871 c, Wadd. 731. ff fi. xal 6 h. 
iTfiiirja-av Kairlrtava SooKpirovy Trpea-peva-avTa iirl tovs KvpCovs avroKpiropas 
aitv Koi T^ v<p ^oDKpdrci airovbaitas Koi Tnar&s, 

On embassies to the emperors see no. 305. 

481. (R. 1883). Sivasli. iyaOfj tv\ji. rhv ivhpcioTaTov koI cycrf/S^- 
ararov (vo-e/^ has been engraved above half-erased Triipav) avroKparopa *X. 
^loBiavov Tov Avyovarov (the letters with dots underneath are above some 
erased inscription). 

482. (R. 1883). Bunar-Bashi. iyaOfj [tvxti]. rbv avhpiL6]raTov koI 
e^y(r€]fii<rTaTov 4>A. [0]ia\ivTav Se/Soorov. In this inscription, all except 
the first three words and the first rarov is engraved above an erasure. 

483. (Sterrett 1883). Sivasli, [fj 2€Pa<rTriv]&v iroKis rd vhpfiov iK 
T&v l[bl<»)v ]. This inscription is on an architectural fragment. 


484. (JRSS 1883). Sivasli. avvbiKila-airra bi av[ ] TroXXci? ip.4fnr' 


485. R. 1883. [fj fi. K]ai 6 b. [6 2€pcur]Triv(av on a fragment. 

486. Sivasli. Wadd. y^6. ^limobajjios Tpo(f>vpL(a v€i& ibCoi /m. x* 

487. Sivasli. Wadd. 73a with different restoration. [T.] Antonius 
Longus F[abia P]apia filio du(lcissimo) memo[ri]ae [causa]. 

488. (R. 1883). Seljukler. Taria Mrivoborov Aiowtrltf riKVi^ /a. x- 
(tovs <njfi', \jL7]{vh^) la', p>\ A.D. a 10. 

489. (R. 1883). Seljiikler. A MAPMAPA nOA€OC BOPZZJ. 

This inscription is written in a vertical line^ each letter above the one 
following it. The final 12 is inverted, and may probably be intended as 
a symbol for ov in the Byzantine style. This city Borzos is obviously 
the same as Brozos, which appears in the Acta of Cone. Const. 536 a.d. as 
another name for Bria (see App. II § 2) : see also no. 453. 

490. (R. 1883). Sivasli. 'Ao-kASj ^ rrj \ir\Tp\ pL, \. 

491. (R. 1888). Yailer. MapKiavbs hovylvf^ kcX ttj yvvaiKl [airov? 
pLv]rjp,ris X- '^^^ HCppLa firiTpl C^otj. 

There is no clue to the extent of the gap. Pirma is the grecized form 
iof Firma. 


492. Seljiikler. BCH 1893 p. 269. Krateinos to his parents Amia 
and Zeuxis. 

493. (R. 1883). SivasH. 'A(r/cX?y7ria87)s (ov rjj avfipCij^ fx. x« 

494. (R. 1883). Differently Wadd. 737. f\rovs vofi\ [A]ip. Uai{k\]os 
Evy€vl[ov] *Epftayd[po]v KTr}<T6[fji€v]os tovto [rd ^ fjp]i^ov fir}(vos) C* ^- ^- 388 . 

495. The epigraphic copy is published without transcription BCH 

1893 p. 269. 

avra rob* cJs 

^v &]apa7j S0L yeivaro [iroTvia fJLrjrrjp ? 
i5\/ros iir* d/cporar[oi; 
ov y hOa Kol €l Trats 
5 <n;juij3]\Tj*- or fiov^^'q-Oiirra pL€Tijopov a 

ivbp€9 vvv] yap iK^ivo ttotI piov ovhcf^v ayavov 
KTlC^<rd]ai pL€fjiio[a-]if TtOrjirores Sp6io[v ovpos 
Kol ir\lv]6ov K^pipLOio r^Tvypiivov v^S^cr ieipai, 
i^ioji, (SoTc v4(t>€cra Ivi K€Cp.€Vov cvpaj{Coi(nv. 
lo &s c/xirjo. Tots fxdka tovto Aioiwaov fi[8€ pijpiay 

iraTpCs] 6^ fjfX€T4prj (6)5 koI Aios ^pap€ 6vpL[6v, 
€VT€ bi irals '7rd[fta] l\p]6v iytCvaTO v€KTapo[€ib4s] 
iLvdp](&TroiSi avTos b^ Oe&v iirl i/€KTap ibf'xlOri 
ovpa]if(^ idaviToiai pi€T4pLp,€vaf, vUa Zrjvo[9. 
15 b€vp]o irikai b* AvyovoTos, M (i.e. iir^l) xpia b-qv^a 4>of^o[v, 

f}\v\ff kXiaiV TTToXUOpa TT€pl,KTl6vO)V av6p[o)Tr(jDV 

icds TavT]qv Korivaa-a^v hs Avaovas ^rjSao-tAcvcrcr, 
rrjv T€ TToAily kol KXijaev ^tt' ovvo[p.]a tovto X€pafrTrj[v 
'PwpiaCcDV Trap' &v]aKTas i7r<iwp.0Vf ol pa SejSaorot 
20 KiK\ri<rKovTaij iyav y]ai) c</)ciXaTo iraTplba yalav 

fjpifCcDV, TT€bCov T €V K]€CpL€vov' fj yoLp^ St d.rjp 
XcvyoAcos Kal "Ap-qs ip.(f>]u\ios 'Af6t ttoWov 
TtipLTt^(TK0v Xaov^ Tob^ \oi>plo]v €la-a<f)iKavov 

This inscr. is discussed by the late Dr. Buresch JTocL /. i/asff. Phil. 

1894 p. 108, M. Cumont Rev, Arch. 1896 p. 173, and M. Eadet Rev. Univ. 
Midi II p. 286. My restoration of 13-23 was composed with the aid of 
Prof. I. By water and Mr. D. B. Monro^ before seeing their papers (except 
that I have adopted ip,(l>v\io^ "Aprjs from M. Cumont). The general sense 
seems clear : ^ Augustus came hither, in execution of the prophecy ^, and 

* There is hardly room for to, which ^ Perhai^s €7r(<)l xP*° (false form of 

was probably not engraved (in defiance imperfect from xp^^)y * when the plans 
of proper usage). of Phoebus granted an oracle.' 


taking the populatioQ of the surrounding cities, settled them to make 
this city (Augustus who ruled over the Italians), and called the city by 
this name Sebaste after the emperors of the Romans who are entitled 
Sebastoi, for he loved much ^ our country and the fair plain : for verily, 
when pestilential atmosphere and civil war were slaying many, coming 
hither ^ [and warned by omens] of birds, [he built etc.]/ 

The restoration of these lines will, doubtless, be improved in details ; 
but it gives so suitable a sense as to disprove the suggestion of M. Cumont 
that ^ devayit chacnn des vers co?i^ervffs, il doit en manquer nn ou menie deux 
anfres! Moreover, I have never seen any example of an epigram en- 
graved, as M. Cumont supposes, in long lines containing each two or 
three hexameters, while lines of one hexameter are common. Hence we 
must follow the canon, laid down by G. Hermann and reiterated by 
Dittenberger [Anfsdtze E, Curtius gewidnet p. 293), proficiHcendum vera 
semper ah eo, qvod maxime simplex esf^ nt pauca deesse pufemns. 

The restoration of 1. i-ia is more diflScult, and my text is printed with 
all reserve (ideas of Mr. Bywater, Cumont, Buresch, and J. G. C. An- 
derson are used in it). A council of the gods seems to be held, at which 
a prophecy is made by Dionysos about the future Sebaste and the (pre- 
viously) existing city (Dionysos is doubtless the hellcnized Men, pp. 126, 
295 etc.). The ^ highest summit ' 1. 3 is resumed in ix^rriopov 5 and pCov 
6 ; and oibos 6 designates a temple on this height. The old city and 
temple were on this hill, the later Sebaste was in the plain. The general 
sense of 6-1 2 is : * ^^ at present men, foolish, admiring the lofty hill, have 
been eager to go up to that peak and found a noble temple, and to raise 
aloft the baked bricks, to be situated thus in the clouds of heaven.'^ 
Thus he spake ; and the gods approved the word of Dionysos. And our 
city in this way pleased the mind of Zeus. And when the young god 
produced for men the holy nectar-like cup [this I take from Buresch®], 
he was received [bi apodotic] among the gods,' etc. 

According to this inscr., whatever be its authority, Sebaste was a new 
city, peopled from surrounding cities ; and the foundation was made by 
Augustus, when he visited Asia after the battle of Actium (as M. Cumont 
points out). As restored, the inscr. suits well our theory that Leonnaia, 
in its lofty situation on the hilltop of Hissar, was the capital city of the 
district before Sebaste was founded, § 6 and § 15. 

496. CIG 3872. Sazak. hov^ cvrj^ n(rivos) J h'* MaKOvXeiva 'AiroX- 

^ €<l)€i\aro from (/xXcco (/^cXaro Iliad ^ Understanding -iKdv(o»)y. 

E 61, Y 304). ' But he has V€Krapo[9 otfov. 


3. Alotjdda, DiosKOME, Leonna. 

497. (Sterrett 1883). Hadjimlar. 

oVy ivo{ypiyjfai bi itivra ra oirrct); 8- 
ihoyikSjfa c]Js [jTYik^v \iOivr\v rdv va- 
io['7r]i;rjr, ivaaTrjcrai [bi iv rm rov Scor- 
^pcoy (I) 'AcrKXTjTTtov l^pQiy (r[r€</)ai;- 
ovv h\ avrhv kcX iv rrj bTjyi[o<rlai iravbrjix- 
€i OvaCai diXXov <TT€<f>iv<»>L €[vvolas ivcK- 
€Vy Tov Kcu Tovs SXXovs, ipi<n[€la iyaO^ 
&v ivbp&v ivfiXiitovrai Sjtois TfiiVTOT^ l- 
(rp,€V iTnaTp€(t>€is iv airob6a[€i i^las X" 
dpt^Tos) rots €i€py€TovaiVy ir€ipa(T[6ai id? i- 
yaOov Tivos Trapairlovs [^<r]€(r^at? rep brjpit^. 

Many of the restorations are due to Mr. J. G. C. Anderson. The 
spelling vaiowhiv is remarkable : v€0'jrvrjs occurs CIG a8a6, etc. In 1. 10 
the engraver seems to have omitted tos before roiy. 

This inscr. marks Hadjimlar as the site of a city at least as early as 
50-100 B.C., perhaps even earlier. See p. 586. 

498. (R. 1883). Tabaklar. AvroKpiropi [Philip erased Kal ri avp]" 
iravTi oIk<i^ [t]&v 2€j8ooT[a)y. f\roV9 rX', fxr^vds fic/cdrov, fi AiocrK<ii>p[rjT]&v 
KaroiKCa [ttj]s XaixirpoTirrjs 2€j3a[oT]ryi;cSy ttoAccos in T(av lbCo)v TTopoiv [. . y or 
t]ov KaT€crK€i[a(r€v]. iiTLix^XricrapiivcDv [A. ? 'Eyi;]arfov r\vi^(i)v]iavov [koI 
A.? 'Eyra]Tia[y]ov Kal A[ovk]Iov *EyvaT[lov A]6vyov Ka[l r]aCov ^EyvaTCo[v 
njafrov Koi [. . .Jrtai/oO ^ ^Eyvarlov K\(t)biavov Ka[i ] Aoyjyov. 

The date is a.d. 246. 

498 bis. (R. 1883). Tabaklar, in a fountain, [d ny €laPiiC]uTo 

a[<apLa] (T€pov, pLrfTt ippev pLrJT€ 6rj\v Tpa(f>rj avT<^ p,rJT€ tQv lbl<»}[v rt 

iKiJL(l{Cll\ AovKios ^€ovrjpiav6s Actroy ^€povr][viavd]s AciVy Kal ^^Kovvbrj 
yov[€v<ri\ fi. [x-] 

499. Seljiikler. Wadd. 733. erovs <ria'. [ff] A^6vva Kar]oiK^a 'AttoA- 
Xwi/i Ka\i *ApTfjj[ib]i. 126-7 A.D. 

M. Radet restores Itovs o-ia', [fi(^^oj) A]^[Cov, fj fcarJoiKia 'AttoKKcdvl 
Kc{l *ApTfji[Lb]i {Rev. JJniv, Midi 1896 p. 288) ; but he has to alter con- 
jecturally one of the few letters in the copy on which the restoration has 
to be based. Probably there will be a general feeling in favour of the 
form restored by M. Waddington, one of the most skilful of epigraphists, 

* The right form is perhaps [. . .JytayoO. 


who alone had access to the manuscript copy. M. Waddington thought 
that the gap after A€ was longer than M. Radet allows. If [ivvalttiv] is 
too long for the gap, h^ovva KarjoiK^a agrees exactly with Waddington's 
estimate of the number of letters lost^ and seems quite a possible form. 
Date by year without month occurs no. 474, 475, 506, 508, and often 

The only point where Waddington's restoration excites suspicion is the 
conclusion: the copy has MEAI^ where he restores ['Aprf]/ui[i8]i. ME A I is 
more probable^ giving the restoration Ko[OLip(a<r€v iK 0€]^€X([<av]. 

500. (R. 1883). Payam-Aghlan. [ ]ov iv S\<^ [ry pCf^ fi}<rarr]a 

KoX^f Koi d/ui^)ut['7rT(05, Koi Trp]ds Trdvras 'jrpoa'€irrjve[yiiivo]if dcfic^?^ ic[a]l Trporj^ 
yqyAvov [kv\ rrj irarpCbi [irdlvroTf iv rols KOivoisj koX p,rjbiTroT€ <t>€i(rip,€VOV iv 
iinb<i<r€<riv (sic) Kai i,vaX<ip.a(nv koX Traj{6]ovCais, Iv re rrj ttoXci fjfxQv 
iitKTripMS (Trparqyqaavra kcX ayopavofii^cravTa koX p,Yi <l>€ia'iix€VOv ivoKdiiacriv, 
Koi Trav\l/ri(l>€i, [ — yr;]Ta T€T€iij[riixivov. FH in last line doubtful. 

This inscription probably belongs to the early Roman period, and may 
be dated during the first century b. c. The lettering is of that period ; 
and the language shows a mixture of the vague laudatory generalities of 
the Hellenistic style and the precise businesslike enumeration of offices 
that characterized the Roman style. The spelling shows signs of 
degeneracy ; but that is quite consistent with the period in Asia Minor, 
where spelling and pronunciation early became confused. A city existed 
on the site at that time. 

501. (R. 1883). Payam-Aghlan. Ti fieplan, Kalcrapi $€0v SejSaorot) 

In one case iota is adscript, in another it is omitted. 

502. (R. 1883). Payam-Aghlan. Mev^orparos KoiT^vraJiios t^ itarpl 

503. (R. 1883). Payam-Aghlan. Ai]p. l/nay [j8' M6](rxpv [Kar iiri- 
T]ayriv [tyjs 6ea]s 7r€i'[ ](nv [ \ 

The restorations are uncertain. 

504. (R. 1883). Site near Payam-Aghlan. [6 biiva &€o?]b<ip<^ p., [x- 

505. (R. 1883). Payam-Aghlan. [6 bfiva r]\vKa)j;os ficra r^s a[vjui- 
j3t]ot; Aiowa-Cij^ t<^ vli^ p,. X* 

506. (R, 1883). Khirka: on a marble stele with a relief of Men, 
with Phrygian cap and crescent on the shoulders. *AyaOfi Tv\rj, lrov9 
crvb^, Mrjvl 'A<rKar;i/<f ^pirpa 'HAto<^o3rro9 ^Avti6\ov icol noi/ircfov MdpKov 

VOL. I. FT. II. S 


The date is a.d. 169-70. ^pirpa seems to be used perhaps in the 
sense of OCaaos, *HX(o<f>a)x; seems to be chief of the (fipirpa along with 
Pompeius. Men Askaenos or Askainos is known at Eumeneia, see nos. 
88^ 197^ at ApoIIonia and at Antioch in Pisidian Phrygia^ at Sardis^ and 
at Aphrodisias (CB no. 32, LW 668). 

507* (It. 1883). Khirka. Ti'ios Taria yvvaiKL <f>povlix<^ koX <l>i\Avbp<^ 

508. (R. 1883). Khirka. hovs aoO\ Aovkios Ei</)/)(£rov iavT<^ koI rf} 
yvvaL[Kl] ^Afjifilq (&vt€s fx. x* ^^^ ^^ ^^ -^•^* I94'"5' 

509. (R. 1883). Khirka. Ma[p]ic€AAos 'Pov^ov Tdtos. | TpJ</)tfi09 
KaKpapLibpas. Zpiipaylos Taiov, \ Tp6<f}ipLos Tiptodiov, ^lovXiavdi Koivov, \ 
^ Aya$rj<f>6pos. "AptvWos* Kipiros* 

The upper part of the stone is broken : this list seems to be the end of 
a list of members of a dia<ros. Perhaps we should read KaKpa Mibpas 
(another form of MiOprji). 

510. (R. 1883). Khirka. KAci/reiKos lavrJ koI A6pivri yvvaiKl p,, x* 

4. West Side of Banaz-Ova. 

51 1- (R. 1883). Ine. AvTOKpiTopt [AopiTiavi^ erased] KaCa-api SejSaorc^ 
TeppLaviKi^ TO hi! AovkIi^ Mi,vovkC<^ *Pol5</)<{) v7r((irots), ctovs po)3', pr](i;bs) 
Ilainjpov, ol iv Ndft KaroiKOVvT^s 'PtapaloC t€ koi [^ivoi ?]. 

The consuls are those of Jan.-March a.d. 88. If we could regard it 
as certain that the monument was erected not later than April 1 5, when 
Minucius was succeeded by new consuls, we should have a decisive 
proof that the Phrygian year 17a began before Sept. i, a.d. 87 (for 
Panemos was the eighth month); but it is quite in accordance with the 
usage of the period to use the names of the consuls of Jan. i throughout 
the year. In the ordinary Asian year Panemos lasted from 24 May to 
22, June, in the hypothetical Phrygian year (see p. 204) Panemos corre- 
sponded exactly to April. 

The praenomeu of Minucius was formerly uncertain, and Klein gives 
it as Quintus : this text shows it to have been Lucius. 

The inscr. was perhaps never completed ; at least I could not detect 
any trace of letters after koI. 

512 (R. 1887). Ine. CIL III 7050. Mutilated list of Roman names. 

513. (R. 1883). Ine: on two marble fragments, which probably be- 
longed to one stone. AvroKpiropi Nepcorjt KatVapt De/Saofr&it T^ppaviKm 


fc]a2 rd)i 5i7/uia>t ... 12 M(iK€p rh Ttp&nvXov ivi0rj[K€V Koi r]^ 

ipya<TTripiou But as the gap between the fragments is of uncertain 
extent, it is possible that the inscription was dedicated to Augustus: 

AvTOKpiTOp]i KaCarapi ^efiaa^Tm K]ai T(^ brjfia>i ... 12 MiKtp 

TO Trp6TTv\ov iv4$r][K€ Koi T]a ipyourTTJpia, 

514. (R. 1881). Geubek. DifEerent in CIG 3866. BXawScW Maic€- 
bopcDV rj fiovXri Kai 6 brjp.09 tov hyvdraTov T, 'A<rti/. 'lovXiovor, rdv KpdTiarov 
vdv r. 'AfTti;. riporei/uiov KovaZpirov vjraTiicov, rhv iv itaaiv evepyirqv Koi 
KTi<TTr]v Trjs iroAco)?' iirifiekriaafidvov Ai{p.] TXvK(avos fi' [t]ov Nfypov. 

This inscr. must be compared with the legend on coins of Philip the 
elder: €n • AYP • TAYKXINOC • T • NITP • APX • A • BAAYNA€nN • 
MAK€. The first archon on coins about 250 is the son of Aur. Glykon 
mentioned in the inscr. Niger was grandfather of the latter, and great- 
grandfather of the former : the formula in the inscr. is equivalent to 
r\vKa}vos (rAvKwvos) TOV Nfypov {vlov). This formula of filiation, in 
which TOV is not to be taken with Ntypov, but with (vlov) understood, 
the (son of) Niger, is often misinterpreted by modem scholars, e.g. by 
Dr. Hula^ in Eranos Vindobonensis pp. 100-102, who takes the right 
sense from the formula IlroXc/biato? j3' tov AevKiov (where, of course, tov 
agrees with IlToXcfxatov expressed in the abbreviated way by 5ts), but 
interprets tov as agreeing with A^vkCov, adding the note that the article 
is commonly used with the name of a grandfather or remote ancestor, 
but not with the name of a father. It was also Sxposed to misunder- 
standing among the Phrygian population, whose Greek was often very 
inaccurate; see no. 211. 

515. (R. 1883, 1887). CIG 3865 b. 'Aya[eii T^xvl Ai;T[oKp(iTopa Kaf- 
aapa], 6€ov [Tpaiavov UapOiKOv] vlov, Otov Nepot/a vla>v6v, Tpaiavdv 5)«^o<r- 
Tov 'Abpiavdv brjfiap\iKrjs i^ovtrias, fi TpaiavoiroXeiTiov iroXis Tdv €V€py4Triv 
Koi ktCottjv, iinpL€\rj04vT<av [2(ji)(r]6[iv]ovs ' ApT€[ixi]b(ipov tov MtvCinrov Kal 
^iXivSov Sowr^^vovs. (tovs crb', iirj(vds) AcCov )8'. 

The epimelctai of the erection are father and son. The date in autumn 
A.D. 119 shows that it cannot be inferred in such cases of foundation of 
a new city that the Emperor was actually present, for Hadrian was at 
Rome at that time, as Durr Reueti des K, Hadrian^s p. 24 shows. Hence 
we must modify the expression of M. Radet BCH 1887 p. 118, in 
speaking of the refoundation of Hadrianopolis Siratonikaia, ^ U ett 

* Probably the origin of the error, very rare). Waddington rightly under- 

which is now widespread, lies in S. stands the formula always, if I recollect 

Reinach*s Tt-aiU d*Epigr, Gr, p. 508 (a correctly, 
work where an error of this kind is 

S 2 


inadmimhle quHadrien ait jm fonder Stralonic^e et etani lui-meme aUleurs 
qv!a Stratonicie\^ though I entirely agree with M. Radet^ as to the 
probability of his contention that Hadrian went from Pergamos by 
Germe^ Nakrasa^ Stratonikaia^ and Thyatira^ to Sardis in the autumn 
of A.D. 123. 

5 J 6. (R. 1883). CIG 3865 c with several differences. ^AyaOjj TtJxjy. 
AvTOKpiropa KaCaapa M. Avprj\ioif *AvT(avivdv SejSaordi; ^ApfieviaKdv TlapOi- 
Kbv Kk AvTOKpdropa Kalaapa Aoiukiov Avp'^Kiov Ovrjpov ^t^aaTov ^ApfieviaKdv 
K€ MrjbiKov, ff iroAts* im *l€poK\iovs ^Ap\€T€Cfiov ip\ovTos t6 j3' kk 'ApW- 
fjuavos 'Epfioy4vov9 k^ ^ikivOov Tpvffxavos Kk ypapLfiaTios Aioiroa-lov n[v]do- 
b<ipc{v* iinfitkrjOivTos NeiK[ofi(i[x]ov )8'. Irovs <tvq! y iii]vds i0\ [t]a'«^ y. 

The date is day 11, month 1%, a.d. 167. The final y in a separate 
line may perhaps mean the third copy of the inscr. executed in triplicate 
by the engraver : there would be needed two copies for the bases of the 
two statues^ and a third for some other reason^ perhaps for the archives 

(p. 368). 

517. MM. Legrand and Chamonard in BCH 1893 p. 265. 'AyaOff 
Tvx?/' ^ j3ouXr) AvprjXiov KXdbiov EvrvxriVj linriKSv, Koi 17 Xafnrporirq 
TripL€Vo0vpi<M>v ttoKls fi irarpU rov ev^pyirqv Ik tQv lbl(t)v TtopcDV ^T^i\xr\a'€v' 
iTniX€\rj<rajiivov rrjs ivaariaecus rov ivbpidvros AiprjXlov ^Kc[ir]€kiavov 
ZcvftSos Pov\€VTov, 

This inscr. must be •compared with the legend on a coin in Brit* Mus. 
CKOn€AIAN;OC] THM€NO0YP€YCI (obverse Hiera SpikIetos)\ The 
inscr. belongs to the third century, as is shown by Hlq praenofnen Aurelios 
(see no. 2,'^5), See no. 301. 

518. Ushak. S. Reinach in Rev. tit. Or, 1890 p. 56. [T]bv Afio* 
Xoy[wjTa[T]oi; a[py^ovTa [a t^s] Xa)ui[7rp]oT(i77;9 TrfjiyvoBvp&oilv ttoAccos bia 
7r[a(rw^2/ [ap])(fiv koX Ac[tT]ov[pyjid)i/ ivbo^CDS ^X]$6pTa [fj] \ayLTrpo[T]iTr] 'A/10- 
piavQv TToXts [r/ap qfl^ lines Trjepl 6K[a]T6/c>[a]9 ray [7ra]r/)^[6]as avTov €ie[py]€- 
(T^ajs Kat [<i)]iko(TTop[yOp.s kt\, (Complete, BCH 1895 p. 5.55). 

The person mentioned was citizen both of Amorion and of Temeno- 
thyrai, and had gone through the regular course of municipal office in 
the latter city. Coins of Temenothyrai under Mammaea (and autono- 
mous) mention MAPKOC • APX • A • THM€NO0YP€YCIN : others AOA • 
Z€N04)IA0C . APX . A . TO . B • THM€NO0YP€YCI. 

* The stone has ya for la, ton's) is proved to be right by the full 

' This suggestion (made by M. Radet legend here given, 
from an incomplete coin of Wadding- 


519. Ushak. M. S. Reinacli 1. c. ^ j3. kclL o I. 6 [4>Aa)3i]o[7roA]€iTe3i; 
[T]etfi€yo^vp^]a)i; ^re^/utjr/o-ev Evcrti; 'A[7ro]AAa)riov f\poia rhv ka\}T[Giv\ €V€p- 
y^TTji;. The name Eusis is very suspicious. General Callier s copies, 
wliich M. Reinach used, are very defective; and the restoration does 
much credit to his ingenuity. Perhaps Euxis, an abbreviated form from 
Euxitheos, is the right form. If Eusis is right, it might be connected 
with Eusios, a surname of Dionysos in Laconia, from eSo-ot (for the usual 


5. Alia. 

It is impossible to distinguish certainly the Alian and Akmonian inscr. 
I assign to Alia those found in Islam-Keui and villages on the higher 
course of Banaz-Tchai: those lower to Keramon- Agora and Akmonia: 
and those on Hamman-Su to Siokharax. But one inscr., no. 533, which 
is said to have been seen at Islam-Keui, clearly belongs to Keramon- 
Agora. Inscr. are very easily carried in a return waggon. 

520. Wadd. 699 a : at Koula. M7]voyivt\s Aqklov 0^^ *A\iavfi €vxriv, 
hoifs irapaOrJKfjv Koi iirokafidv* 

As Koula is a great centre of trade, it is possible that this inscription 
has been carried thither from Alia. The name Menogenes suits a city 
where the worship of Men was so well-developed. Inscribed stones and 
other antiquities are certainly carried to Koula from a great distance (see 
p. 152 note). But in this case a different explanation should probably be 
sought, for Ushak, an even greater centre of trade, lies between Koula and 
Alia and would be more likely to attract the antiquities of the latter city. 
Menogenes, a trader or traveller, deposited money in some one's charge 
before his departure; and at the panegyris at Alia, or on some other 
occasion, he made a vow to the Alian goddess about this deposit, and paid 
his vow when he got the money safely back. I may quote here, as an 
example of a dedication to the goddess of a distant city, the following, 
which was accidentally omitted in its proper place in Ch. IV. 

520 bis. (R. 1883). Geveze. [MrjTpl $€(av? StJirvXryi;^ [iv46r]K€v? Avp.?] 

This inscription is on a fragment of what must have been a very 
interesting stele. There is no clue to the length of the gaps, which may 
have been longer. Beneath the inscription was a relief, showing in the 
centre some architectural subject (now broken), and on the right of it 
a helmeted warrior looking towards, and raising his shield high behind 
his head (most of the figure is broken) : doubtless there was a correspond- 
ing figure on the left (now broken). The name Metrodoros shows a con- 
nexion between the dedicator and the goddess. 


521. (R. 1881). Islam-Keui: (R. June 1881). Zoxrtl^Tjy 'lo-oxpvo-ft) 
Ttarpi yAv/cvrdrcp fi. x» 'ccil /i»;Tpt Tarf^ C^<^' 

Isochrysos is given as a man's name in Pape. ^la-oyjpvaovy wife of 
a noble of Stratonikaia named Sempronius Clemens^ occurs in BCH 1 888 
p. 85. 

522. (R. 1 881). Islam-Kern. "Erovy ry!, [Aip.] McEpKos M(£/jic[ov avv 

ic]ai T^ yvx/atfci avroO Aip. Evrv^t^ Ka[l] tois t[^ki;ois M(ipK<{) ? fcai 

f]«rrc9 [l]avr[o]t9 Kar^a-Keiaaav t\o fipi^ov ] koi kripi^ vl« 'Ar<{A<i) rayy^ 

yMpif \x, x« ^^ ^*y ^^ ivofri^ fiera to T€^^rat toj/ MdpKoi; Kat t^v cnivfiiov 
avTov Kol rh iraibCa, cf ris Trpoad^ X^V^ '^^ Papv<l>$ovoVi riKVOiv i<ipa>v 
Tr€pnr4(roi[TO (n)v<f>opdls\ 

The metrical formula of imprecation at the end is exceedingly common 
in slightly varied forms in the rustic and less civilized parts of Phrygia 
further to N. and E. (cp. no. 527). It hardly occurs in the more civilized 
parts of Phrygia. This is the first example we have met, as we reach the 
limits of Banaz-Ova and are about to enter the mountains. The epitaphs 
found at Islam-Keui are distinctly less hellenized and more Phrygian 
than those found at Susuz-Keui or Ahat-Keui. This suits the other 
conditions of Alia, and solves the difficulty which I formerly felt in 
placing it at Islam-Keui (p. 592). The grammatical construction of the 
imprecatory formula shows that it was written by a person incapable of 
correct expression in Greek: and we often find this metrical formula 
beside imprecatory formulae in the Phrygian language. 

523. Islam-Keui. (Sterrett 1883). MM. Legrand and Chamonard 
in BCH 1893 p. 262^. A. "'Etovs rq\ XcAeiSwi; ^AiroWoDviov 'Hkiabri 
[a]vhpl yAvKvrdrcp ical iavrjj (&aa arvv koI toXs [Iblois avrrjs] t4kvois ^HXidbji 
Koi ^Apl(TTO)Vi Karl^aKevaa-ev. B. See no. 460. 

This epitaph is of the more educated Graeco-Phrygian style. 

524.. (R. 1881). Islam-Keui. Kaovapos C^[v kavT^ .... to fjivrjfjieiov 

KA. Ovapos seemed to me not to be the text. The name Kaovopos is 
probably Phrygian : it may perhaps be compared with KojSoAot, baC- 
Ikovis TLV€s TT€pl Tdv ^i6w(Tov Harpocr., and Ko(iA€/xo9. 

525. (R. 1881). Islam-Keui. CIG38762. 'A/m/xta Aioyejrous] Mco-- 

* Sterrett omits the date tj;', BCH on another side of the stone, 

leaves unnoticed a blank line, which * Said to come from Oturak-tchai, see 

Sterrett indicates, and which I fill note on no. 533. 
with Iblois avrris. St. alone notices (B) 


crtK^cp r[<p vlcp] avr^s. CIG notes that a sword is carved at the right, but 
reads Aioy^in/s M6]ia)T[t]K[a> jut. x*]- 

^26, Banaz. MM. Legrand and Chamonard in BCH 1893 P* ^73* 
irovs t\$\ Avpikios *Pov<f>os *EpfxrJ9 ib€\(f>(^ koX 'Pov</)^yr; di;e^t^ Ta\vfi6pois 

fx, X- AvprjXios *Pov<t>os tavT(f koI yvvaiKl [ ]. Probably we should 

alter the text to *Epfiyj, with the editors. 

527. Gumulu^. MM. Legrand and Chamonard in BCH 1893 p. Q,y2. 
Srpdrcoi; aa\Ta[pi]os ^ KaWlarri yvvcuKC k^ YloXweUri Ovyarpl koI TKav- 
K[CTr}iT<^ v<^ IX, \. Koi lavr[<p (r]vv k[€ A]iX. 'Op^orjjy ^ C^v iwurqaa' koL rh 
riKva avT&v ^lovXiavos koL ^TpoTcnv koI Nctic^rrys* cl ny hi iTTipovXeia-ei 
fX€Ta rh T€$rjvai rbv ^TpiTcava^ riKvoav idpuiv itipvnia-oiro (rvv<f>opaS^^\ 

Straton was a saltuaritis^ or g^rd on an estate, like the dpo<f>vkaK€s 
described on p. a8i. This estate was in all probability the imperial estate 
which we hear of in later times under the name Tembre or Tembrion 
(and probably also of Eudokias). It seems to have included the upper 
waters of the river Tembris, and the slopes and glades of Dindymos on 
E., NE., and SE. Its N. limit is marked by an inscr., CIL III yoo4, 
between Aizanoi and Apia or Appia : see Hist Geogr, pp. 178, ^13, 146. 
Our inscr. indicates that it extended as far S. as the borders of Alia. 

528. Hassan-Keui. BCH 1893 p. 272. To Menander, his parents 
'ApiaKavTos and 'A<^<^i(t9, his wife KoCpiWa, and children 'A)3(i(rfca2;ro9 
and Arjfiocr64vrjs. hovs tk^' (a.d. 237-8). The name Cyrilla became 
common among the Christians ; but that is not strong enough evidence 
to place this among Chr. inscr. 

528 bis. This inscr. has by a slip been given as no. 575. 

^ This and the following are placed Tchai near Cutchuk-Oturak (which is 

here doubtfully. MM. Legrand and a different place from Oturak) : there 

Chamonard arrange them in their paper are several villages there, which I have 

between Susuz-Eeui and Banaz ; but seen from a distance but not visited. 

Gumulu and Hassan-Keui are unknown * C A AT AT • • OC in copy, 

to me there, and are not given in any * MM. Legrand and Chamonard read 

map of the district. I conjecture that ir\vv ^[0^1. Aope . . 27* 
they are villages on the upper Banaz- 



bishops op the banaz-ova. 

1. Pepouza oe Justinianopco^is. 
No names are kDOwn. 

2. Beia. 

The discovery that the name Bria took also the forms Breiza and Berga 
(equivalent to Pria, Preiza, and Perga) perhaps may elucidate the 
mysterious signatures at the Council of Constantinople in 536; and 
the signatures constitute an argument that these various forms are 
equivalent. At the first and third actionem of the Council MaKcdoz^to; 
Bpicfi/coi;, Macedofiius Beriantis or Berianensis^ was present ^ ; at Actio IV 
lAaK€l6vios Bpiiviav^ Macedonius Berianensis^ is mentioned at the beginning 
as present^ but the signature at the end of the Actio is Mafcefiortos iitl-- 
(TKoiros Bp6Cov SpCaas viriypayjfa, Macedonius episcopus Bereanus ^ definivi et 
mbscripsi^ showing that BpoXov, Bereanus^ and Bpi,i.v<aVy all designate the 
same bishop. But in Actio V the signature is MaicedoVto? iit. t^9 Bpov- 
(n\vQv '7rA€a>9, Macedonius ep. Brusenorum. Le Quien solves the difficulty 
by taking all the forms as corruptions of the name Elouza ; but this 
seems a counsel of despair^ and moreover Alexander of Elouza was pre- 
sent : see next section. It seemed at one time to me that there were 
present two bishops, of Bria in Act, I-IV, and of Brouzos Act. Y, the 
former having departed early and the latter having arrived late; but 
this seems inconsistent with the two lists of Act, IV, where we must 
identify BpSCov with Bereanus and BpiivoiVy and that is confirmed by 
no. 489, which mentions a city Borzos near Sebaste. 

Le Quien does not recognize any bishopric either of Pepouza, or of 
Justinianopolis, or of Bria. 

3. Sebaste. 
I. Modestus 451. 

a. Anatolius ep. Sebastenorum civ. 553. The order would suit better 

a connexion with the Cilician Sebaste than with the Phrygian. Rufinus 

of Sebaste in Armenia was also present. Le Quien assigns Anatolius to 

Phrygia and also to Cilicia. 

^ He is omitted in Actio II, prob- the right accent, 
ably by a fault of MSS. Bpuipatv is ' Brozi and Butritinus in margin. 


3. Plato 692. 

4. Leo 787. 

5. Euthymius 869. 

6. ConstantiDus 879. 

7. Theodoras some time between 976 and 1025. 

4. Elouza. 

In a list of bishops present at Cone, Ephes. a.d. 431, which is printed 
in Acta ConciL ChalcedatL (Labbe IV p. 284), the name Theodoro Alyddenn 
is given, with marginal correction Anineiemi. The order of enumeration, 
and the original lists of the Council (in Labbe vol. Ill), show that the 
marginal reading must be accepted : Alyddensi is a mere corruption. 

1. Macedonius 518 (see Concil. Constant, a.d. 536 Actio III). 

2. Alexander 536. Le Quien gives Macedonius as still in office in 536 ; 
but see Bria. At this Council there is some confusion between two 
bishops, Alexander of Barkousa ^ and Alexander of Elouza [Elusanus) : 
both were certainly present at Act, III and IV, as they appear in the 
same lists ^. This Alexander must be the Phrygian, not the Palestinian, 
for he is mentioned in Act, III after Palaiapolis, Gordos, Cyme, and 
before Midaion (moreover Le Quien gives Zenobios as bishop of Elousa 
in Palestine in a. d. 536). 

3. Evagoras 7r((Aea>; 'IXov^a>2; is mentioned as absent from Concil. 
Chalced. 451 '. 

4. Patricius TToAccos 'lAovfo)!; Cone. 680. 

5. Eustathius 'EXovfwi; 879. 

5. Blaundos. 

1. Phoebus It:. Ilo\v)(akivhov Avbias 359* I^ this name the second 
part points to KoKivbov a corruption of Ba\<wbov (a form common in the 
Notitiae) : the second part seems to be a corruption of Ti\x6\ov. The 
original form of the entry was probably 4>o?j8os l\iL\i(rTos iir. MvaoTLyiSKov 
Kal BoKavbov, 

2. Elias iir. irSkecDs BXavbov, civ. Bleandri. 

3. Onesiphorus ep. Blandi 458. 

^ The forms BapKovatov, Barcusorumj same lists. Alexander of Elouza does 

ParaxianuSj Pagrasonus, or Justiniano- not sign. 

poliianae civitatia, ^ Theodoulos in 431 belongs to Elousa 

* Another Alexander of Colonia Capp. of Palestine, 
was also present, and appears in the 


6. Trajanopolis. 

1. Metrodorus? see Temenothyrai. 

2. Joannes c. 460. 

3. Joannes 536. 

4. Asignius553. 

5. Tiberius 692. 

6. Philippus TpavovTr6\€(i)s 787. 

7. Eustratius 879. 

7. Temenothyeai and Flaviopolis. 

1 . Metrodorus fourth century ? see above. 

2. Matthias Tifiivov Gvp&v 431 (falsely attributed by Le Quien to 
Themizonium, see p. 274). 

3. Gregorius Tiii€vov6rip(av 787. 

8. Alia. 

1. Gains Tr6\€<i>s ^A\iiv<ov (civ. Aegarorum) 451. 

2. Glaucus ep. Alionorum civ. Phrygiae Pacatianae provinciae 553. 

3. Leo or Leontius 'AA^'coi; (implying an ethnic 'AAcvy, different from 
the legend on coins 'AXtr;j;cSi;) 787. 

p . ^^ > rival Ignatian and Photian bishops. 



The views stated m these pages are founded on patient survey of the 
localities. I entered the country with no opinions, ready to be led by 
the evidence in any direction. The country was almost unknown ; and 
opinions were impossible from dearth of maps and facte. I looked for 
traces of ancient life, and accepted as an ancient site any place where 
I found traces of ancient life. That prejudice against the opinions of 
others, with which M. Radet charges me repeatedly ^ could not possibly 

' I regarded it as a joke on his part, the first part of this work). I have 

and quoted some of his words in a foot- pondered for months over some of his 

note I p. xvi ; bat he repeats the same opinions, which finally I could not ac- 

charge in milder terms Rev, Univ. Midi cept, see p. xvii. 
II p. 115 (in a very generous notice of 

App. ii. bishops of the BANAZ-OVA. 619 

actuate me at that time, for there hardly existed any opinions to be pre- 
judiced against (as a glance into the discussion given in any geographical 
work of the names in this chapter will show). My survey has, of course, 
been incomplete; for the country is vast and travelling slow. It is 
therefore advisable to show both the extent and the limits of my obser- 
vation (though reports of natives and travellers in several cases assured 
me that I need not visit certain villages). The survey is really an im- 
portant part of the evidence in some of these chapters ; for scholars may 
assume that I mention every pla^^e where I found traces of ancient life, 
and that the omission of any village from my reasoning is due to the 
belief that I was justified in regarding it as not ancient. 

(i) 1 88 1 May (with Sir C: Wilson), Kure, Ushak, Islam-Keui, Irk- 
Bunar : up Hammam-Su. 

(2) 1 88 1 Nov. (with Mrs. Ramsay and A. C. Blunt), down Hammam- 
Su, Islam-Keui, Ahat-Keui (Aghar-Hissar, Emiraz ^), Hadjimlar, Geubek, 
Suleimanli, Geune. 

(3) I ^^3 ^^^y (with Sterrett), from Bulladan, Mandama, Geuzlar, 
Sazak, Demirji-Keui, Alfaklar, Khanchallar, Zeive (Badinlar), Develar, 
Orta-Keui, Bekirli (Utch-Kuyular), Seurlar (Bekirli, Tcham-Keui, Des- 
temir, Utch-Kuyular), Yapchilar, Kai-Bazar, Demirji-Keui, Seid, Mah- 
mud-Ghazi, Isabey. 

(4) 1 883 June and July (with Sterrett), from Kidyessos, Otourak, down 
Hammam-Su, Islam-Keui, Erjesh, Susuz-Keui, Tcharik-Keui, Ushak, 
Balma, Elmali, Serikler, Kalin-Kilisa (Avgan), Tiyan, Keukez, Erziler, 
Seljiikler, Sivasli (Payam-Aghlan), Bunar-Bashi, Burgas, Pederlar, Tcho- 
kakli, Keul-Kuyu, Deli-Heudcrli, Kara-Halilli, Karib-Hassan, Geuzlar, 
Sarikli, Utch-Kuyular, Bekirli, Zeive, Kai-Bazar, Eski-Seid, Seid, De- 
mirji-Keui, Sazak, Kabalar, Gevcze, Geuzlar, Mandama, Ada, Jabar, 
Sighama, Serai-Keui. Sterrett made separate excursion Kara-Halilli, 
Pashalar, Bey-Keui, Keuseli, Muradja, Medele, Zeive. 

(5) 1 883 August (with Sterrett), from Philadelpheia, Devrent, Yuruk- 
Keui, Ine (Karadja- Ahmed), Ushak, Iki-Serai, Tcharik-Keui, Tabaklar, 
Yapaklar, Khirka, Kizilje-Suyut, Susuz-Keui, Ahat-Keui, &c. : see Ch. 
XIV App. III. 

(6) 1883 October (alone), from Kidyessos, down Hammam-Su, Islam- 
Keui, Devrent, Orta-Keui, Giaour-Euren, Iki-Serai, Ushak, Keul-Keui, 
Tchardak, Bey-Sheher, Devrent, Sheikh-Elym-Dede, Esseler, Takmak, 
Kran-Kcui, Deliler, Philadelpheia. 

^ When an excursion was made start- enumerated within parentheses after 
ing from and returning to any place, the the name of the starting-point, 
villages visited on that excursion are 


(7) 1886 August (with Brown), from Afion-Kara-Hissar, riding by 
night, by straightest road down Hammam-Su, past Islam-Keui and 
Yuruk-Keui, reach Philadelpheia on the fourth morning. 

(8) 1887 May (with Hogarth and Brown), from Hierapolis, Bel-Evi, 
Isabey, Seid, Demirji-Keui, Kabalar, Sazak, Orta-Keui, Badinlar, Medele, 
Destemir, Tcham-Keui, Haz-Keui, Kirk-Yilan, Utch-Kuyular, Zeive, 
Seurlar, Beyilli, Kavaklar, Tchitak, Sarilar, Gumje, Exava, Dumanli, 
Kaikilli^ Sarikli, Karib-Hassan, Ekuz-Baba, Yaka-Keui in Eumenian 

(9) 1887 July (alone), from the monument country by Tchal-Keui, 
Tunlu-Bunar, Otourak, Islam-Keui, Ahat-Keui (Emiraz, Gaili, Doghla^ 
Aghar-Hissar), Susuz-Keui, Ine^ Yuruk-Keui, Philadelpheia. 

(10) 1888 May (with Mrs. Bamsay), from Serai-Eeui, Mandama, 
Geuzlar, Sazak, Kabalar, Develar^ Orta-Eeui, Badinlar, Zeive, Seurlar, 
into Eumenian valley. 

(11) 1888 June (alone), from Serai-Keui, Mandama, Emir-Keui, Ak- 
Dere-Devrent, Kodja-Geuzlar, Sazak, Khanchallar, Zeive, Bekirli, Utch- 
Kuyular, Boudaili, Kara-Halilli, Deli-Heuderli, Durakli, Yeghiler, Irje 
Tchiflik, Irjci-Keui, SusuzTjCeui (Gedikler, Oghuz), Islam-Keui, Otourak. 



§ 1. The Akmonian district p. 621. § 2. Foundation and religion of Akmonia 
p. 625. § 3. Population of Akmonia (i) Tribes and Guilds p. 629. (2) Gerousia, 
Neoi p. 630. (3) Hymnodoi p. 630. § 4. Moxeanoi p. 631. § 5. Diokleia 
p. 632. § 6. Siokharax p. 632. § 7. Aristion p. 633. § 8. Kidyessos p. 634. 
§ 9. Orina p. 635. 

Appendices : I. Inscriptions p. 637. II. Bishops p. 663. III. Ptolemy V 2, 27 
and Strabo p. 576 (XII 8, 13) p. 664. IV. Routes p. 666. 

§ 1. The Akmonian District. On the E. skirts of Banaz-Ova lies 
a mountainous region, separating it from the Pentapolis of Phrygia on 
the upper course of the river Glaukos (Sandykli-Ova). This region 
was inhabited by a people called Moxeanoi ; and on its N. W. edge 
was situated the great city Akmonia. The highest point in these 
mountains is Ahar-Dagh, a lofty flat table-shaped hill (perhaps over 
7C00 feet high). Ahar-Dagh is a very prominent object in the 
traveller's view from even the western parts of Banaz-Ova, and from 
the outskirts of Ushak : the level flat line of its broad summit catches 
his eye as it rises over all intermediate hills. It is a marked water- 
shed. From its N. slopes runs the highest source of the Tembrogius 
or Tembris, which flows into the Sangarios and thereby into the Black 
Sea. On its S. slopes rise branches of the Maeander, Ahat-Keui-Su 
flowing W. to Banaz-Tchai, and Aram-Tchai S. to the Glaukos ^. On 
N.W. rises the Hammam-Su, and on E. the Akkar-Su, which runs to 
the great lakes of Paroreios Phrygia ^. 

The Ahar-Dagh, as a centittl point in the mountain system of 
western Anatolia, exercises a strong determining influence on the 

^ The latter rises in a great deep S. It is marked (not quite correctly) 

nearly circular hole, with very steep from my report as Krater in Eiepert*s 

sides, apparently about two miles in latest map. 

diameter, like a vast cup. I skirted its ' The last two spring, not from the 

outer rim for a mile or two. There actual hill of Ahar-Dagh, but from 

seemed only one break in its lofty side- the sides of the ridge that contains the 

walls, where the stream flowed out to Tembris (see next paragraph). 


road-system. It stands midway between the great mass of Mt. Din- 
dymos (Murad-Dagh) and the lofty volcanic mountains between 
Sandykli and Afion-Kara-Hissar. Travellers going N. or N.E. from 
Banaz-Ova have therefore small choice of roads : unless they are going 
to the Fentapolis they must ascend the Hammam-Su to its source 
near Siokharax, and then cross a broad lofty ridge which projects 
N. from Ahar-Dagh and acts as a sort of aqueduct to bear away the 
Tembris towards Kotiaion. Here the road forks beside a tumulus 
with a Turbe on the top, which stands on the outer edge of the ridge 
and commands a wide view ^ ; and one branch, descending the valley 
of the Akkar Su, traverses the whole length of Phrygia Paroreios, or 
goes £. to Oalatia while the other branch goes N. to Apia and 
Kotiaion. This road is at the present time one of the main trade- 
routes of Anatolia (Ch. XIIE § 9). 

The road to the Fentapolis ascends the Ahat-Keui-Su by Akmonia 
to Diokleia, and then crosses a low ridge till it strikes a stream flowing 
S. by £. : it descends this stream a few miles, and then crosses another 
ridge into the Sandykli-Ova ^. The fine open valley in which the 
Banaz-Tchai, the Hammam-Su, and the Ahat-Keui-Su unite, is there- 
fore a singularly important point in the road-system of every period 
in Anatolian history. Several important thoroughfares converge to 
it and again diverge from it. Yet, singular to relate, this valley has 
never been occupied by an important city: the beautiful situation 
and immense natural strength of Akmonia, only four miles to the east, 
made it the military centre of the whole district, and gave it the 
command over a great part of the valley where the roads and rivers 
meet. But the wealth of Akmonia must have depended mainly on 
this valley, and the remains at Susuz Keui (Keramon- Agora) ^ and 
Islam Keui (too numerous to have been all brought from Akmonia) 
prove that under the Pax Roniana the superior convenience of the 
open valley made it the permanent residence of a considerable 

' A Turbey with the grave of a Dede 
(heroized ancestor), is a relic of pre- 
Mohammedan superstition which has 
been incorporated in Mohammedanism 
as a practical religion. Such founda- 
tions very often mark an ancient site. 
This particular tumulus, as I believe, 
marked a stage on the ^ Royal Road * 
and was used for signalling, among 
other purposes : the line of the Royal 
road is marked by mounds at im- 

portant points, especially where it 
enters mountainous district (e.g. near 
Islam-Keui, at Besk-Karish-Eyuk, at 
Bei-Keui). See pp. 29 f. 

* The horse-road crosses this ridge ; 
but the wagon-road keeps on down 
Aram-Tchai, and then turns left to 
Eukarpia and Sandykli. On M. Radet's 
error about the road to Eukarpia see 

PP- 572, 597 n. 
^ See Ch. XIII § 13. 


This close connexion between Akmonia and the open valley where 
Keramon-Agora lay furnishes the explanation of the Akmonian 
foundation-legend. Akmon and Doias were brothers, sons of Manes 
the great god of the district, § a : from the one brother the city derived 
its name, while Doiantos Fedion was called after the other. We 
have here evidently a local legend explaining by the usual device 
of a genealogical myth the relation in which the plain stood to the 

The streams which flow from Ahar-Dagh to S. and W. traverse 
narrow, fertile valleys. The most important is Ahat-Keui-Su : on its 
upper waters lay the town of Diokleia, and about four miles above its 
junction with the Banaz-Tchai was the great city of Akmonia. On 
the Aram-Tchai and its tributaries no town of any importance could 
ever have existed, for the situation is contracted and quite unsuited to 
maintain city life, but villages or small towns flourished in the green 
shady valleys, especially at the villages of Yannik-Euren and Hodjalar. 
In 1883 Sterrett and I visited almost every village of the district, and 
arrived at the conclusion that no city except Diokleia could be placed 
amid this hill country ^. Under Ahar-Dagh, in particular, about Ulu- 
Keui, Akche-Badai'ik^ and Eldesann, the character of the mountain 
glens and the absence of any trace of ancient life forbade us to place 
any ancient city or town. 

The most probable situation for the second town of the Moxeanoi, 
Siokharax, was at the N. limits of their territory, on the road from 
Banaz-Ova, near the sources of Hammam-Su, about the villages of 
Otourak and Halaslar. Further £. on the same road were two 
marked sites, probably the two cities Aristion and Kidyessos, of 
which the latter (the extreme frontier town of Pacatiana) struck a few 
rare coins. 

Geographically, these towns form a group — Akmonia, Diokleia, 
Siokharax, Aristion and Kidyessos. Now in the older ecclesiastical 
system^ it is remarkable that none of these Ave cities are mentioned. 
Yet they all were bishoprics (except Siokharax) ; and some of them 
were represented at the Councils held in the fifth and the eighth 
centuries. Why then should they be omitted from all the Notitwe, 
which show the older system, while they are mentioned in the Noti- 
tUte of the later system ? I see only one conceivable reason : this 

^ At Yannik-Euren the remains are a similar village. There were a few 

certainly not those of a city but of fragments of marble at Tchukunlja, 

a mere village or halting-place on the but it was a place of no consequence, 

road between Eumeneia and the Penta- Elsewhere we saw nothing, 
polls. At Hodjalar and Dolatann was 


group of bishopiica formed a special subdivision of the great province 
Pacatiana^ and they were not grouped under either of the metropoleis 
Laodiceia and Hierapolis. We have already, pp. 108 f, concluded that 
Justinian subdivided the large province Pacatiana. The governor of 
the entire province he had made a Cornea ; and it was natural that he 
should subdivide it, placing the pai*ts under special officers. The 
importance of Akmonia, and the fact that these five bishoprics formed 
a group at the extreme £. comer of Pacatiana, suggested that this 
section should be separated. Thus Pacatiana was divided into three 
parts, Laodicean^ Hierapolitan pp. 108 f., and Akmonian. 

It is certainly extraordinary that, if an Akmonian group was 
constituted, it should never be mentioned in the early NoUtiae^ as 
the Hierapolitan group is mentioned^ under a separate heading. But 
it would be still more extraordinary that, if there were nothing dis- 
tinctive in the position of these five bishoprics^ they should be omitted 
from all the Notitiae of the period. It is a question and a choice 
between difficulties. 

This arrangement was probably brought to an end, when the N.W 
group of bishoprics was severed from Laodiceia. To compensate for 
the loss it would appear that the Akmonian group was restored to 
Laodiceia: the two changes seem to have occurred between the 
Councils of 692 and 787 ^. 

It must be confessed that the order of enumeration at the Councils 
gives no ground for distinguishing an Akmonian group. But there is 
not really sufficient ground for forming a judgement from the signatures 
of 553, 680, and 692, the only Councils which touch the case ^. None 
of these Councils were largely attended by Phrygian bishops ; and 
there is no certain case of any bishop from this gi*oup at these Councils. 
Still, if our conjectural reading Akmonia in 680 be right ^, it would 
follow from that one case that Akmonia was then one of the Laodicean 
bishoprics ; in that case we should have to suppose that this group 
occupied some peculiai* and intermediate position subordinate to 
Laodiceia, yet not on the same footing with the ordinary bishoprics 
mentioned in the Notitiae, 

* See table of Phrjgia Ilierapolitana 
Ch. Ill App, III. In Do Boor's NotUia 
the N.W. group is severed fiom Laodi- 
ceia and attached to Hierapolis; and 
the Akmonian group is mentioned under 
Laodiceia : now De Buor's Noiitia gives 
the changes introduced under the Icono- 
clast Emperors somewhere about 740. 

2 Akmonia in 68odepends on a change 
of the text, where Le Quien prefers 
a different alteration. Diokletianopolis 
in 553 may be the bishopric of Thrace 
(or elsewhere) ; and the order in 553 
is too vague to afford any ground for 
reasoning. See A2)p. II. 

' See Appendix II. 


§ 2. Foundation and Religion op Akmonia. The city stood on 
an elongated hill (a spur of Burgas-Dagh) which stretches towards 
N.W. between Ahat-Keui-Su and a small tributary that joins it 
from S.E.^ The position is one of great natural strength, similar 
in character to those of Blaundos, of Lounda, and of Leonna ^. On 
the steep sides of the hill are numerous graves, many of which have 
been uncovered since 1883 : the stones which are recovered from them 
are partly used in the village and partly sent to the masons and 
stone-cutters of Ushak. There are ruins of a theatre, an odeon, and 
some other buildings on the site ^ and elso dilapidated walls of defence, 
showing that the natural strength of the position was fully taken 
advantage of to make an almost impregnable fortress of the Qreek 
period. The character of the situation resembles the foundations 
rather of the early Diadochic period than of the Fergamenian kings ; 
but the Fergamenian character of the early Akmonian coinage is 

The remains of Akmonia mark it as a city of great wealth and 
importance ; and this is confirmed by its dignity as enjoying the 
Neokorate, and as the seat of a high-priesthood in the Imperial cultus. 
Yet, in spite of its importance, it is rarely mentioned in literature ; 
and its history is a blank. Feaceful, continuous development and 
prosperity seem to have been its lot. Its territory did not extend 
very far to E., on which side Diokleia is only about six miles distant ; 
but on W. it ruled the rich valley Doiantos Fedion § i, and commanded 
the trade of the N.E. route, Ch. XIII § i and 9. 

In this situation Akmonia was in frequent communication with the 
N. Phrygian cities, and its inscriptions show traces that connect it 
with their development and distinguish it from the S. Fhrygian cities, 
such as Apameia and Eumeneia^. 

According to the foundation legend *, Akmonia was a city of the 
ancient Fhrygian period, though it was probably refortified by the 
Greek kings : its founder was Akmon, brother of Doias (§ i), and son 
of Manes. Manes was evidently the local name for the great god 

^ I cannot understand why Kiepert ' Excavation would be fruitful. See 

in his most recent map indicates Ak<- Hamilton I 112 if., BCH 1893 pp. 259 f. 

monia near two miles to E. of Ahat- * See no. 466. 

Keui. One can throw a stone from the * Alexander Polyhistor trtpi ^pvyiat 

walls of the ancient city into the streets lib. Ill quoted by St^phanus s. v. 'Ak- 

of Ahat-Keui, which is right below, fioviu (cp. Ao/arrw w.). Kriaai d' avrffp 

Akmonia should be marked S. and SW. "AKfwua rhv Mdvceor : *A. 'yap ical ^oiavrd 

from Ahat-Keui, not E. <f>atTiv di€\<f)ovs. Nonnus quoted p. 

« See pp. 237, 584, 591 » 607. 483. 

VOL. I. PT. II. T 


of the district, as we see from inscr. 466 : he was assimilated to the 
Greek Zeus, but his native Anatolian character is expressed by the 
additional names Manes andDaes ^, and the title Heliodromos, ' the Sun 
in his course/ and he is represented as the Sun-god with radiated 
headj and as the horseman-god, no. 467 B, to whom the name Men 
is especially appropriate *. Probably, Manes is an earlier and more 
purely native form of the later name Men, which is modified to give 

a meaning in Greek ^. Akmon is originally a name used in the cultus. 
Akmon is the heaven *, corresponding to the ultimate sense of Zeus. 
According to Nonnus XIII 142 he was one of the seven Korybantes. 
The battle between Zeus and the heaven-scaling Giants was a myth 

' The title Daes is obscure : is it con- 
nected with ^cior, the Phrygian word 
meaning jackal ? cp. Smintheus, Bassa- 
reus, Mouse-god, Fox-god (Class, Rev, 
1896 pp. 21, 158, Ridge way). 

* See PI. II 5. An article of interest 
and value by M. Perdrizet on Men, 
BCH 1896 pp. 55 ff., is founded on a 
theory of the nature of the pagan gods 
which I cannot accept, viz. that Men 
is the Moon-god and nothing else (and 
80 each deity has a definite sphere). 

' Manes appears in Lydian legend as 
an early king, father of Atys (who in 

his turn was father of Asies) : in this 
mythological form, Manes is evidently 
the father-god of the Lydians. Herod. 
I 94, IV 45. Manesion and Manegordos 
were old Phrygian cities. Manes Ma- 
nosou personal names CIG 3989 h, 

* aKfKou' ovpavos [aKfiovldai' ovpavidai) 

Hesychius. It occurs in the correspond- 
ing forms in Vedic Sanskrit, Zend, and 
Old Persian in the same sense. In 
Greek mythology Akmon is sometimes 
the father of Ouranos, sometimes the 
same as Ouranos (Bergk on Alcman 
fr, 108, Roscher Lexicon), 


familiar in Akmonia. It is represented on coins ^, and, probably, in 
a relief of which a fragment (p. 626) was seen by Hamilton. This deity 
approximates in character to Zeus Bronton, who is so frequently 
mentioned in N. Phrygia. 

The Neokorate on coins of Akmonia begins under Alexander Severus ; 
but is more likely to have been conferred by Caracalla, who was very 
liberal with that honour. A coin described by M. Imhoof-Blumer 
represents that Emperor on horseback approaching a hill on which 
stand two female figures : this would almost suggest that Caracalla 
visited Akmonia on its hill ^. 

The title Stephanephoroa (no. 536), according to the theory which we 
follow, was applied to the magistrate who wore the garland, and repre- 
sented the authority in political matters, which originally belonged to 
the priest of the supreme god, Manes-Zeus. 

There was a cultus of the Emperors in Akmonia, as in every city 
of the Empire. In an early inscr. no. 534, the priest is styled /Seta* ^0- 
phanteSy i.e. Flamien Augutti ; about a. d. 60 (coins, p. 639) and 200, he 
has the dignity of a high-priest, no. 532; and we find Poppaea, 
no. 530, honoured as Sebaste Eubosia, 'Imperial Fertility,* and on 
coins the * Goddess Rome * appears in the features of Agrippina the 
mother of Nero. 

The epitaphs at Akmonia are engraved either on stones of the 
' Door ' type, described in Ch. XIII § 5, or on single blocks from heroci 
of a more pretentious kind. The latter seem to have been in some 
cases small temples ^, to judge from the style of the stones that remain. 
The former were often of a very elaborate and artificial kind ; and the 
illustration from a drawing by Mr. A. C. Blunt (see next page) may be 
taken as a fair specimen. Such stones were prepared in the trade, 
and kept on stock, a blank tablet being left to contain the inscription, 
which in this case (and in some others that I have seen) was never 
added. In other cases there was no special tablet prepared to receive 
the inscription, which was incised round the edge of the stone, or even 
irregularly across the carving of the door. Many of the * Door-stones ' 
are surmounted by a pointed or semi-circular pediment, in which case 
the inscription usually runs round the edge of the pediment, or across 
the division between the pediment and the ' Door,' or both. 

In 1 881 we saw on the site of Akmonia a toi*so of a statue of 
Herakles, of full life-size, evidently a copy of the Farnese Herakles 

* PL II 3. 4. as at Smyrna. 

' MG p. 391. He suggests that the ' On this kind of grave-monument 

two women may be the Nemeseis, double see Ch. X § 4 and p. 99. 

T 2 


of Glykon, Evidentlj this statue was the model which the Akniamaa 
artists usedfor the types of the coins on Plate II fig. 6, 7 ' : both are 

deticribed by Mionnet, one ib of Caracalla, the other of Qallienus ; the 

' No [o, Mionnet Supph no. 19; no. 
1 1, id. no. 33. The club of Herakles in 
no. 16 ia rest*il on a rock according 
to Mionnet, on a skull according to 

M. Imhoof. I am indebted to the kind- 
neui of the latter for the casts which 
ivre here re|iroUuced. 


former is more correctly described and reproduced by M. Imhoof- 
Blumer GM p. 204 and PI. XII i. 

Statues of this kind, or other works of art, were often presented 
to their city by rich citizens, whether in their private capacity or 
as magistrates. At Cyzicos Fl. Aristagoras in his priesthood gave 
a statue of the goddess Homonoia {Ath, Mltth, 1881 p. 130); at 
Stratonicea Sempronius Clemens gave many statues (BCH 1888 
pp. 87, 95) ; at Lagina Eros gave a statue of Hermes while acting 
as Agoranomos (BCH 1887 p. 160); at Sardis Chryseros gave five 
Erotes as Agoranomos (CIG 3946, LW 618, J. Schmidt^ Ath, Mitth. 
1881 p. 146) ; see above pp. 415, 433. It is observable that it is often 
an Agoranomos who presents such statues. It was part of his duty 
to beautify the streets by works of art, as well as to superintend 
weights and measures ; and in no. 549 both purposes were fulfilled 
by the erection of the Zygostasia, which therefpre probably took 
place while the person commemorated was acting as Agoranomos. 

There is an almost complete dearth of evidence as to the character, 
position, duties, and number of the Agoranomoi i» a Phrygian city. 
The references can as a rule be naturally taken b^ denoting a single 
official, elected annually ; and one passage w^ould almost suggest that 
he w^as a member of the supreme board of magiptrates (see pp. 70, 69). 
But there is no passage which can be said to di3prove the view that 
there was a body of agoranomoi (such q^s existed in Athens, Sparta, 
HalikarnassoSy &c.). It is highly probable that their character was 
more and more assimilated to that of It9.1ian aediles, as municipal 
institutions were romanized ; but the local inscr. give little evidence ; 
and it is not safe to apply to the smaller Phrygian cities, which 
assimilated Greek institutions only in Roman times^ the facts that 
can be learned about Agoranomoi in Greek cities. 

§ 3. Population of Akmonia (i) Tribes and Guilds. In Akmonia 
the division into tribes occurs side by side with a grouping accord- 
ing to trade-guilds '^, It would appear that the latter was the older 
classification ^ ; doubtless at Keramon- Agora the tittdes existed under 

^ Xpvcr(pa>s ^' dyo,iav6fio9, Schmidt 
(against Wadd.) wrongly connects ff 
with ayopavufios. In all cases where 
doubt exists, /S' or dis or to ff is to be 
connected with the preceding word, 
as in CIG 2572, 2583, Ath, Mitth. 1889 
p 99 (CIG 3429 is wrongly punctuated : 
the wrong connexion in CIG 9259 has 
strangely misled Hatch, Hamack and 

many other theologians, see Headlam 
in JHS SuppL Papers 1*892 p. 24). No. 
534, LW 755, is exceptional, due to 
translation from the Latin bis praef. 

' r\ TUiv yva(f)€<oy avv€pyaaia no. 53^) 
cp. no. 8 : (l>v\ff *AaKKfinids no. 53 ^» *Ap- 
rcfico'Cfir 532* 

' On this subject see above p. 105 


the old Lydian and the Persian rule (Ch. XI § 10) ; but the names of 
the tribes mark them as an institution of the Greek period. Remem- 
bering the marked Pergamenian character of the early coins of 
Akmonia, we may conjecture that a refoundation was made by the 
Pergamenian kings. In the third and second centuries b. 0. Attalus 
and Eumenes were doing everything in their power to extend their 
influence in N. Phrygia, intriguing with the priests of Pessinus, making 
alliance with the Gauls, sending armies through the N. districts of 
Phrygian Even when the Seleucid kings were in possession of S. 
Phrygia, the N. was more open to Pergamenian ambition. In accord- 
ance with these facts, we may regard a close connexion between the 
Pergamenians and Akmonia, and even a Pergamenian ktibis, as 

(2) Gerousia, Neoi. Both these bodies are mentioned in inscr. 
549, where an income of the Neoi is implied : see (3). 

(3) Hymnodoi. At Akmonia, for the first time in Phrygia, we meet 
this body, whose existence, however, may be assumed in most Phrygian 
cities 2. The Hyvinodoi were a body of persons connected with the 
native cultus, doubtless practLsing certain ceremonies of a musical 
character in honour of the gods, as their name denotes, but also in all 
probability having a social side, like a sodalitas among the Romans^. 
They had, probably, an annual income, with the management of which 
the Argyrotamias was concerned; and this income was perhaps 
secured according to the method that has remained in use in Anatolia 
for religious foundations £0 the present century *, and which was the 
recognized practice among the Romans. A fixed rent, much below the 
permanent value, was charged on an estate ; this land belonged to 
a private owner (originally, as a general rule, to the donor), and 
descended in his family ; and, so long as he paid the fixed rent to the 
society or foundation, his possession was absolute ^ This custom is, 

(where, however, the name Akmonia 
should be deleted in I. 18). 

^ On this subject, see under Apia or 

" Probably their name varied, but 
their character was similar, in different 
cities : the Semeiaphot'oi of Hierapolis 
p. 97, the Xenoi Tekmomioi of the Lim- 
nai. Hist. Geogr, pp. 409 ff., the Kory- 
bantes of some places, the' Boiikoloi of 
Ch. X § 2, were societies of a similar 
character, half religious, half social, 

like 'the Brothers' of the Anatolian 
Seljuk cities pp. 97 f. The existence of 
societies like these made it easier for 
the Christians to organize themselves in 
similar societies. 

' M. Levy Rer. Ft. Gr. 1895 p. 247 
seems to hold this view : I follow him. 

* The government recently took over 
the revenues of most foundations, charg- 
ing itself with the maintenance. 

* When Pliny founded an orphanage 
in his native city Comum. he provided 


according to Mommsen, styled avitum in an inscr. of Ferentinum 
OIL X 5853 and in one of the receipts found in the house of the 
banker Caecilius Jucundus at Pompeii, while in another receipt it is 
called avitum et patrituni^. The duty of the Argyrotaviias would, on 
our theory *, embrace the responsibility for collecting these rents and 
paying them to the foundations which owned them. See No. 549. 

There is no absolute proof that this system of charging income on 
land was the case with the college of Hymnodoi, but analogy and 
general probability ai*e in favour of the theoiy. It is probable that the 
same method was practised in other similar societies ; and from them 
it has descended to modem times. In almost every respect the dervish 
establishments and Tekkes ai*e analogous to the societies oiHymnodoi, 
Theologoi, Setneiaphoroiy Boukoloi, &c.^ 

The inscriptions afford no evidence as to the duties and conduct of 
the society of Hymnodoi, We are left to conjectures founded on the 

When the cultus of the Emperors was founded in an Asian city, it 
was commonly modelled upon the constitution of the existing seats of 
religion. The priest of the Emperor wore the crown, just as the priest 
at the hieron of the great god did*. As there were hymnodoi and 
tfieologoi connected with the hieron^ so we find hymnodoi in the 
Lnperial cultus at Pergamos, Smyrna, and Ephesos ; and we may 
assume that similar eodalitatea were formed in other cities^. 

Hymnodoi of the Gerousia are mentioned in one case at Smyrna. 
The nature of the connexion is uncertain. M. Levy sees in it a con- 
firmation of his theory about the original of the Qerousia ®. 

A boy from Akmonia named T. Flavins Sarpedon won the prize for 
acting in comedy at the Artemisia in Ephesos (probably in the second 
half of the second century) "^ : this fact, combined with the existence 
of a theatre and an odeon, shows that some literary interest existed in 
the city. 

§ 4. MoxEANOi. This people is mentioned by Ptolemy in the 
neighbourhood of the Eidyesseis and Peltenoi and Lykaones and 

for it in this way, making over an estate ' See p. 630, n. 2. 

of his own to the municipality and * See p. 56. 

taking it back in permanent possession " On the Hymnodoi in the Imperial 

at a small fixed rent, Epist, VII 18. cultus see Frankel II no. 374. 

^ The reading is not absolutely cer- • See Ch. X § 22 (3), and M. Levy's 

tain : Mommscn Hermes XII p. 123. suggestive paper Bet, Et Gr, 1895. 

^ It is slightly developed from the ^ Brit. Mus. no. 606 : the agonothetes 

suggestive explanation given by M. was L. Aurelius Philo. 
Paris, see Ch. XI § 23 (3) and no. 549. 


Hierapoliiai ^, a description which points to either the Banaz-Ova or 
the hilly country between it and Sandykli-Ova ; and inscr. 615 decides 
in favour of the latter. In this sequestered situation, they could not 
play any part in history ; and the name seems never to be mentioned 
by any other writer. They may, perhaps, have been a race older 
than the Phrygians, driven by the latter into the mountain region, 
see Ch. XV § 8. 

There came to be two chief centres of the Demos, Diokleia and 
Siokharax ; and about the year aoo, dissensions arose between the 
two as to which was the premier city of the Moxeanoi. The quarrel 
seems to have been carried before the proconsul or even before the 
Emperor; and in inscr. 615 the people of Diokleia boast that it had 
been decided in their favour. Similar quarrels between rival claimants 
to the title * First City* occurred very frequently: Tarsos vied with 
Anazarbos ^, Ephesos with Smyrna and Pergamos, Nikomedeia with 
Nikaia, Philippi with Amphipolis ^ ; and in such cases, each claimant 
aimed at cumulating titles on itself, inventing new ones and appro- 
priating those invented by its rival *. 

§ 5. Diokleia. The approximate situation of the city is placed 
l)eyond question by inscr. 615 and by the name of the village Doghla 
or Dola, near which it was found ; but no traces in situ of Diokleia 
are known to me. The autonomous rights of the city are proved by 
some rare coins of the time of Elagabalus, reading AIOKAE ANHN • 

The reading AoK^Xa in place of AiSKXua given in the older editions 
of Ptolemy V 2, 23, seems to rest on no MS. authority; but it is 
probably the correct native form, which was hellenized as Diokleia. 
The same change occurred in the Dalmatian Doklea ", which is more 
commonly called Dioklea. The Emperor who was born there bore 
first the name Dokles, then the grecized Diokles, then the latinized 
Diocletianufl. In the Council of Chalcedon 451 and perhaps of Con- 
stantinople 553, the Phrygian Diokleia is called Diocletianopolis 

{App. n). 

§ 6. Siokharax. The name is known only from some very rare 
coins: the first known belonged to M. Waddington; and when in 

* Mofiavoi Ptolemy V 2, 27 : see App. Btf^Ofiivrj Koi ff i^coxc., /xoi-i; TeTeifirjufvrj kt\, 
III. * I must be understood as an im- 

* Waddington BCH 1883 pp. 281 ff. perfect 3E. On the coins of Siokharax 
' See my St. Paul pp. 206 f. the same form occurs. 

* E.g. Tarsos Trpwn; koi fuyiarrj Ka\ " Ptolemy II 17 (15), and Pliny III 
KaWi(TTrj /iiyTpoTT. Toi>v y (irapxiav irpoKa- 28 (l43)* 

4. MOXEANOI. 633 

1883 my paper in JHS pp. 417 f was published, he sent me an 
account of the hitherto unknown coin, the legend of which he road 
as [l]€POXAPAK€ITnN- MOI€A^; but since that time, others have 
been published, with the legend clearly €ni • 4)IAICK0Y • AIAOYX • 
CIOXAPAK€ITnN • MOIEA*. From this legend the corrupt entry 
in Hierocles ^lovyapdra^ between Alia and Diokleia can be easily 
corrected into ^lovydpa^ for Ziovydpa^. 

With regard to this town nothing is known ; and no inscr. remains 
to throw any light on it. The general situation is fixed within 
a reasonable distance of Diokleia and Alia. I formerly placed it 
conjccturally at Otourak at the head of Hammam-Su ; but there is 
no definite evidence. M. Radet accepts the suggestion: and it may 
stand provisionally. The only other suggestion pos^iblo would be to 
seek it at Hodjalar, which was the most important site among the 
eastern Moxeanoi ; but that does not suit so well the order in Hierocles 
(Alia, Siokharax, Diokleia). 

The quaint name Siokharax is of unknown derivation (on Kharax 
see p. 229). It has been exposed to a steady process of deterioration 
in Byzantine times, as was natural with such a strange form : c. A. D. 
.530 lokharax (Hier. corruptly), c. a.d. 750 Orax or "OpaKa (De B. 
Not.y^Qpa^ OT^DpaKa (late Notitiae). 

§ 7. Aristion is even more obscure than Siokharax. The order in 
Hierocles and the Noiitkie is our only guide. Now the district about 
Geune and Karadja-Euren on the upper Akkar-Su has evidently con- 
tained an ancient site, as the remains are numerous ^ ; and Hierocles 
whose order comes from W. to Kidyessos, mentions Aristion imme- 
diately before it. Hence I have appropriated the name to that site : 
but there is no sufficient evidence. The order in De Boor's Notitia, 
Kidyessos, Aristion, Hierokharax ^, confirms this assignation : it seems 
to go along the trade-route. 

Aristion was a bishopric ; and a bishopric is wanted in the valley 
of the upper Akkar-Su, which is of considerable extent and feii;ility. 

' Hee Acade mi/ S tJlar. 1SS4. Sterrett and I concluded that these 

^ Lohhecke Xff.f, Niiwisfii.iS^^. 2^, came from Karodja-Eurcn, the main 

Babelon Rev, Num. 1892 p. 120. A<XoD- site. 

xos is probably a native Phrygian name * The names are much corrupted in 
(see no. 294) : M. Babelon suggeats that form; and Eeretapa is introduced among 
it is a grecized form of the Roman them by a mistake in order. The order 
AUncius. in the later Notitiae is too haphazard : 
' Sir C. Wilson speaks of Byzantine Themisonion, Diokleia, Aristion. Jus- 
remains at Duz-Agatch, a neighbouring * tiuianopolis. 
village ( Handbook p. 131): in 1883 


M. Radet places Aiistion in the country of the Moxeanoi at the 
village Eldesann or Aldizoun. I can see no probability that this is 
correct: (i) Eldesann is from all points of view an impossible site 
(see § i): (2) M. Badet passes the certain site at Karadja-Euren 
unnoticed, and crowds the ancient names into this hilly country, where 
he apparently has never been and whose character is evidently unknown 
to him ^ : (3) there were two towns of the Moxeanoi ; and without 
evidence it is not justifiable to suppose that Aristion also was one 
of their towns. M. Radet's sole argument for his identification lies 
in the resemblance between Aristion and the form Aldizoun, which 
he gives on authority unknown to me : the name sounded to me Elde- 
sann, but Kiepert writes it Aldedizen. Identifications on the ground 
of such a very slender resemblance possess no value, unless preceded 
by the proof that the ancient name belongs to this neighbourhood^, 
and that the locality is suited to be an ancient site. (4) If Aristion 
were a city of this district, Hodjalar is the site. 

§ 8. KiDTESSOS is the last and most impoitant city of the Akmonian 
group. It struck coins from the time of Nero onwards. The coins 
are uncommon, but show considerable variety, and the legends point 
to a city of some consequence : 


€ni . AYP . OYAPOY • AOnCTOY • KIAYHCC€nN (Philip). 
€ni . AYP . MAPKOY • APX • T\?£i • TO • B KI[AYjHSZE[nN] 


In the time of Domitian we can hardly suppose that the term high- 
priest could be applied on coins of Kidyessos in any sense except 
' high-priest of Asia ®/ 

The Sitchanli-Ova was the territory of Kidyessos, as is proved 
by no. 625. This valley is of considerable extent and exceedingly 
fertile ; and a city of some importance is to be expected in it. But it 
projects far into the province of Salutaris ; and I was astonished to 
decipher the name of Kidyessos on a badly defaced pedestal in the 

' He places also a bishopric Orine ancient cities, discovery would be a very 

among these hills, § 9. simple matter. A marked feature of 

"^ He essays the proof by quoting the M. Radet's topography is the extreme 

order of Hieroclcs, Diokleia, Aristion, ease of his methods: everything is 

Kidyessos : he draws a line across the simple — on paper, 

map from Diokleia to Kidyessos, and ' The form KuSfiiyo-fls in Ptolemy may 

finds Jlldesann near the middle of this be a native form, see App. III. 
line. If that were the way of finding 

7. A R 1ST ION. 


cemetery of a village on the N. edge of the plain. Tlie discovery was 
a critical step in the progress of Phrygian topography ; for, without 
this fixed point to work from, the whole surrounding district would 
be a matter of guesswork, and there would always have been a false 
presumption that this valley, like the country to N. and to S., was 
part of Salutaris, not of Pacatiana. 

The inscriptions give little information about the city. They are 
few in number. The continuous demands made by a large city like 
Afion-Kara-Hissar for good stones or marbles has almost exhausted 
the supply of surface stones in the districts ai'ound and in easy com- 
munication. Moreover there are in the Sitchanli-Ova several large 
villages with fine mosques and buildings, which have used up many 
ancient marbles. 

§ 9. Orina. Among the hills of the Moxeanoi M. Radet places 
also a town which he calls Orive. Jfieroclea mentions in Salutaris 
a place K\fjpo9 *0pti/rj9^ ; the latest Notifiae coutain in Pacatiana the 
two entries ^DpaKonv^ 'Dpivoav ; and M. Radet identifier ^Opivrjs and 
'Dpiycoy ^, and places them near the frontier between the two provinces. 
Put (i) a comparative study of the Notitiae shows that the late (and 
verbally most corrupt) Notitiae here present two false forms, the 
earlier forms being 'OpaKcou and ^AXivcoy for *A\ia>i/ (as in De Boor's 
Notitia, in vai'ying order) ^, and the initial letters in the first name 
affected the second. (2) Wesseling s explanation of the two places 
in Salutaris as K\fjpo9 Speivrj^ and /cX^poy noXiriKfj^ seems to me to 
carry conviction with it. (3) It seems to me unjustifiable to suppose 
that any variation of frontier between Pacatiana and Salutaris 
occurred between Hierocles and the Notitiae^, M. Radet's principle 
is one which I cannot admit : un. dioch^e foi^mant caiTefour evtre 
trois frontihres 2)0iivait on resaoHir a la province du nord, ou se 
rattacher d cdle de Vest, ou passer dans celle de Vouest, ou restei* 
circonscHption iiuUpeiidaiite {En Phrygie p. 119). (4) Supposing 
that Salutaris originally included the site of this supposed Orina 
(which later was transferred to Pacatiana), how can that province 

* *Opiinjf in Burckhiirdt'i text : rr. //. 
OpivTjtj 'O pivos. 

« *Op.V«ir in some MSS. of Not III. 

' See p. 593. M. Radet lays in several 
places a stress whicli seems to me ex- 
aggerated on the local order in the 
lists; and yet he neglects the very 
marked connexion (on which see p. 592) 
between Oraka and Alina. two bishopricK 

on the Biune ruad. 

* In JHS 1883 p. 373 table I admitted 
such variation in regard to Kotiaion. 
Afterwards I saw my error, which has 
recently been revived by M. Radet En 
Phrygie p. 119. Variation in Pisidia 
c. 372 is certain, because we know of the 
formation of a new province Lycaonia, 
including part of it. 


have been called Little Phrygia ? Let any one mark out the bounds 
of Pacatiana and of Salutaris on the view that the latter stretched 
over Orina W. and Amorion E., and judge for himself whether 
Pacatiana was Great and Salutaris Little. (5) The boundary line 
between Salutaris and Pacatiana becomes singularly complicated, 
when Orina and Propniasa-Praipenissos are in the former and 
Eidyessos in the latter. Yet M. Radet sets greater 3tore than I do 
by a straight boundary line : see above p. 484. 



529. (R. 1884). Ahat-Keui. CIG 3858 *, LW 749. [ff /3. koI 6 b.] 
6 'AKfiovimv i( ([ir]iTay{rjs. The extent of the inscription is uncertain* 
The words restored at the beginning formed a separate line. 

530. (R. 1 88 1.) Aliat-Keiii. CIG 3858, and rightly^ Wadd. 754. 
'Ay. T. 'O b, Kol ff p, ^T€ifir]<r€v Ntictai; ^Aa-KXrjTnobdpov Aovklov Upia 
2€j9a(ri^s EipoaCas bta pCoV, ayopavofirja'avta iroAvrcAwy, koI a-TpaTrjyrjffavTa 
ayvQSi Koi yvyLva(riap\i]&avTa bvo TT^vfa^rripiKovs iirl 'louX^ay l&€0vripa9 Koi 
TvppcDviov *Ptt7r(i)i^os, koX ypapLar^vaavra ttiotws* ti)v I'nip.iX^iav Ttoiticrayiivov 
r^s Ai^aordo-ccos ^Vjmfidxov i<i>r]^ip\ov koX Ic/i/co; tov d5(X</>oO airov. 

The expression Trei^ra^TTypt/coi/y, with iyfava^ (or iviavrovs ?) understood, 
implies that the games were held regularly at intervals of four years. It 
is possible that Nicias Lucius was gytnnasiarch for the whole of two 
lusfra, or perhaps he only held office twice during the years when the 
games took place and the gymnasiarchate entailed greater expense than 
in ordinary years. So in no. 294-297 the gymnasiarchate in the year of 
a cofiveyilus is mentioned as specially expensive. The curious name 
Nicias Lucius differs from the ordinary Greek or Phrygian nomenclature. 
It is clearly an example of two alternative names used by the same 
person^ and not a case of a double name^ of which both parts were needed 
for a complete legal designation : the full form would be NiKCav rdv Koi 
AovKiov ^ or iniKXriOivTa Aovkiov. These names are evidently chosen as 
representative of Greek and Latin, and the resemblance between them is 
so marked that they probably have been selected on that account. 

The alternative name originates in bilingual countries. A person who 
mixes in the surroundings connected with both languages uses a name 
for each. Thus in the intermixture of Greeks in the government and 

' Wadd. has ypafxpartwravTa I but the there is no room for rhv koi on the 
second /i is omitted on the stone. stone, as Franz recognizes in the Ad- 

* lliis form is restored in CIG, but denda. 


affairs of western Asia, a native who came into regular relations with the 
Greeks learned the Greek language and adopted Greek manners. But 
he did not altogether cut himself off from his own country and people : 
he had also his native name and used his own language in the proper 
surroundings. Thus the two names were strictly alternative to each 
other, and were employed in totally different circumstances, designating 
him as KiKlav rov koX Aovkiov, ^the man who 'in one place is Nicias and 
in another Lucius.' But this strict and original sense of the alternative 
name ceased to he so necessary, as time passed and the Greek language 
became known more and more generally among the population: the 
alternative name became more of a fashion, and less of a practical device. 
In the older documents the two names are generally taken from two 
languages, in the later documents they often belong to one language. 
Moreover the alternative name was liable to be confused with the double 
name, as the cognomen of Roman nomenclature became mixed up with it ; 
but the alternative name was not required as part of the legal designa- 
tion, whereas the cognoinen was *. 

Examples of both types occur in a Pergamenian inscr. (Frankel II 
no. 485) dating before about 60 or 70 a. d. (i) Greek and Anatolian 
Tpv(f)(»>v KopAW'qSi Mr]voyiv7}s Mivva^, ^AaKXrjTndbris Fli/ois, (2) Greek and 
Latin ^AiroWdvios IToTrXioy, Mrjv6<l)iXo9 ^Atf, F. 'lotJAtos 'Povc^oy 6 icai 
^Atfypob^Ccios : but ^Aa-KXrjinibrj^ *EirCv€i,Kos and Mrjv6<l)avT09 FIoXvjSio? arc 
double Greek names of the later fashion. Carian examples are 'Aptoro- 
fx4vr]S Skvjuh/ov MarpLs 6 koI *T<7<7(iXia)/uioy, 'Epfilas 'EKarofivcos, *t>avias 
Kaa-rjavs ^. The usage among Jews is well known, and it has often been 
remarked that a certain resemblance between the Hebrew and the Greek 
or Latin name seems to have determined the choice in many cases. 

Further the familiar designation of an individual in his own city or 
among his own friends was analogous to the alternative name: both 
were expressed by the same formula rbv fcat®. The baptismal name 
given to a Christian, and the private name given to him and used by his 
family, belong also to the same class and are expressed by the same 

The exact date is shown by the name of Julia Severa, who is 

' The cognomen in Rome had developed 
out of what was originally a nickname 
or individual pet name, not required as 
part of the legal designation: hence, 
even after it acquired a footing in the 
legal designation, it was added after 
the father's name and the tribe. 

* Hula and Szanto Ben'cht uber eine 

Reise pp. 17, 8 (Wien. Sitzungsh. 1894). 

' This formula was rendered in Latin 
by qui et, which was declined corre- 
spondingly (to) Kai cui et, rov Kni guem 
et) : this unidiomatic and ungrarama- 
tical form in Latin bears the stamp 
of a translation, not of a true native 



mentioned on many coins of Nero, Agrippina, and Poppaea. The legend 
is usually €ni • C€POYHNIOY • KAniinNOC • KAI • lOYAIAC • 
C€OYHPAC . AKMONEnN ; sometimes €111 • APX • in monograms is 
added, and on a coin of Agrippina CTT-APX-TO-r. This pair of 
magistrates therefore were in oflSce for the third time not later than the 
year 58-9 ; and they were still in office when coins of Poppaea as 
Augusta^ began to be struck in a.d. 63. We may infer from these 
coins compared with inscr. 530, that Servenius Capito ceased to be magis- 
trate about that year, and Julia Severa succeeded him, with Tyrronius 
Rapon as a colleague, and they held office for at least eight years ; and 
during this time Nicias Lucius was gymnasiarch during two successive 
lustra. This inscription, therefore, dates about 70-80 a.d. 

The reference to Julia Severa and Tyrronius Rapon is introduced in 
a rather unusual way. It is not usual to date the offices enumerated in 
inscriptions of this character, unless there is something specially honour- 
able or remarkable in the dating. Now Julia was a person of note. It 
is evident that she was superior in dignity to Tyrronius ; and her fame 
is preserved by other memorials, see no. 549, 552-559. 

Further we may infer from this inscr. that Julia Severa and Tyrro- 
nius Bapon were in all probability married^, and held office for some 
time in company. If so, we must draw the same inference about 
Servenius Capito and Julia Severa> see no. 559. After the death of 
Servenius soon after 63, Julia Severa married Tyrronius Rapon. Ser- 
venius was noble, and is mentioned first; and as we shall see below 
no. 552, he belonged to a family of great distinction. Tyrronius, the 
second husband of Julia, belonged to a less distinguished family, and his 
wife gets precedence in office and in order '. Their marriage would be 
certain, if we can understand that they were high-priest and priestess 
(who were always married) holding the penteteric festival when Nicias 
was gymnasiarch. Julia was high-priestess and Agonothetis no. 550. In 
that case we should probably understand APX on coins of Servenius and 
Julia in the same sense. Usually APX means archon on coins; but 
perhaps the use of monogram may justify ottr interpretation. 

* L. Meyer published in Zft,f,Num. I 
p. 336 a coin reading TTOTTfl A I A • Zf - 
BAZTH and having the names of Ser- 
venius and Julia on reverse. This coin 
confirms Mionnet's interpretation of 
eGAN . PnMHN on a coin of these 
magistrates as Poppaea : she was repre- 
sented as the personified goddess Roma 
with turreted head. 

* It seems hardly in accordance with 
ancient custom to associate a man and 
a woman so markedly as is done in this 
document unless they were married. 

' Compare the facts about Prisciila 
or Prisca in the New Testament, who 
is commonly mentioned before her hus- 
band (St. Paul the Trav, p. 268). On the 
name Tyrronius see p. 65a 


Our theory is not essentially affected^ if APX means arehon. Both 
on the coins just mentioned and in this inser.^ two magistrates are 
named. Either the supreme board at Akmonia consisted only of two 
persons^ like the duoviri of many Roman colonies^ or there was something 
special about Servenius and Julia and Tyrronius. The number two for 
the board is out of keeping with the usual rule in Asian cities^ and is not 
probable in Akmonia. The general rule is to mention only the chief 
arehon^ summing up the rest in some such formula as ol Tr€pl tov b^ipa 
&pyovT€s ; and it seems clear that in these cases the two are mentioned 
because they were persons of special rank, and their office was a distinc- 
tion to the city, and the gynmasiarchate gathered additional glory from 
having been held in years when Julia and Tyrronius were in office. 

Nicias was priest of an empress who was identified with the Great 
Goddess under the title Eubosia, the giver of good pasturage ' and good 
crops. Franz and Waddlngton, after Cavedoni, point out that the ear of 
com and the poppies accompanying the head of Agrippina on coins of 
Akmonia imply the identification of that empress with the Great Goddess: 
hence they conclude that Sebaste Eubosia was Agrippina. But this 
inscription cannot possibly be so early as the time of Agrippina ; and it 
is most improbable that her cultus would be continued after her death. 
Moreover the busts of Poppaea on Akmonian coins are accompanied with 
ears of corn and grapes, a representation which is remarkably suitable to 
the Great Goddess at Akmonia (see no. 548). It is possible that a cultus 
founded in honour of Agrippina was afterwards turned into a compliment 
to Poppaea ^, each empress being represented with the attributes of the 
Great Goddess ; but probably the cultus was founded for Poppaea, and 
it would not survive her death in a.d. 65 except among a people where 
Jewish influence was strong : now Nicias and all the others were probably 
Jews (no. 559). See p. (^51. 

In other cases the name selected by a Jew was suggested by the 
meaning of his name in Hebrew : so Solomon Eipr^roTroios CIG 9897 ; 
and M. Renan conjectured that Dulciorella in the inscr. of Narbonnc 
(Le Blant II 621) was the Latin equivalent of Noemi. See p. 651. 

531. (R. 1881). Ahat-Keui. CIG 3858 d, and (rightly) Wadd. 
758'. 'Ay. T. T. ^X. YlpdaKov Om^iavov tov a(p)\L€pia koI KTicn-qv koI 

* Xi/ioO ^€ ytvofjLivov avt'tXBovTfs oi noi- • PnMHjsl, representing Roma on their 
/icVfff (Bvov tl^oalav ytviaBai Steph. 8. i\ coins with the features of each empress 
"Afai'oi quoting Hermogenes. in succession. 

* Similarly, if Mionnet can be trusted, ^ Wadd., how^^^ver, has APXIEPEA, 
the Akmonia ns celebrated both Agrip- but the stone has A IX. 

pina and afterwards Poppaea as 6€A|sl 

App. L inscriptions. 641 

TrpoardTTiv Trjs -jtoXccos ff irarpCs' ttjv iiviaraxnv Troirjaaiiipris (f>v\fjs 'A(ricXT|- 
TTidbos' iinfiiXriOivTos Talov *IovXfov A^vklKCov, See no. 532. 

532. Devrent-Keui. S. Reinaeh in Rev. £t. Gr, 1890 p. 66 from copy 
of General Callier. The text is similar, but the tribe is [* A/)]T[€lutt[(r]t(l6oy, 
and the epimeletes is different (either [A]oXXt[ov] or [A]oXXi[ai;oi}]). 

This inscription should be compared with the following legends on 
coins (all in Br. Mus.). 

€n . 4)A . nPICKOY • rP . YO . ACIAP • AKMONCnN (Julia 

€ni • (|)A • nPlCKOY • YO • ACIA • TP • AKMON€nN (Caracalla). 
€ni • 4)AA . nP€ICKOY . N€ • TPA • AKMONCHN (Camcallai). 
Another coin in Mionnet reads 
€ni . 4)A . nPCICKOY • N€ • rP . YOY . ACIAPX . AKMONCriN 


Flavins Prisons the younger was Secretary at Akmonia not later than 
aio-i. His father, who bore the same name as he', had been Asiarch, 
and was probably the person mentioned in this inscription; but the 
inscription was engraved before Priscus became Asiarch, while he was 
High-priest at Akmonia. It is hardly allowable in an inscription to 
suppose that the word 'Aaias has been omitted either accidentally or 
intentionally after apx^pfa. The inscription, then, dates not later than 
about A.D. 180. In an inscr. of that date we should expect the form 
AovKCKiosy instead of A^vkCXlos (see no. 290). 

533. Islam-Keui '. CIG 3874. [fj /3. koI 6 b.] i^a]l ol xarotKovyi^es 
*Pa>]fAatoi iT^CfX'qa-av Tifiipiov KKavbiov G€^i(rTay6pov [vl]dv KvptCvif 'Ao-kAti- 
'jri[d8Tj]i;, vlc[v] ttjs 7roA[€]a)s, [ivbpa ? iK iTp]c[y}iv[<av €]v€[py€]n}Ki![T]a rrjv T€ 
Tr6\i[v ical T]bv brjfwv, '7r[/)]e[<7)3c]v[<7avra ? irpds rdv ^(fiaarov ?] 

The Roman traders undoubtedly resided either at the market-town of 
Susuz-Keui or in Akmonia, and not at the insignificant Alia. See 
Ch. XI § 17. vlds TToAecoy, a title of honour. 

* Mionnet no. 36 reads NCFP • A, Voy, Num, p. 8 interprets N€0 as wo- 

and assigns to Elagabalus ; but Mr. K6pov (as Marx does in the case of an 

Head considers that the bust on the Elaean coin, commented on by Wroth 

obverse represents Caracalla. 1. c.)* 

^ The son would not be called wtos ' Seetzen says it comes from Oturak- 

(whicb is practically equivalent to diV), tchai, i.e. the liver that flows from 

unless the father had borne the same Oturak. The river is usually called 

name : on the sense of vtos see Mr. Hammam-Su : it joins the Banaz-tchai 

Wroth*8 careful note in Br. Mus. Catal. near Islam-Keui ; and 3875, 3876 belong 

Coins of Aeolis p. 130. Waddington to Islam-Keui (see no. 525). 

VOL. I. PT. II. U 


534, Ahat-Keui. CIG 3858 e, LW 755. ['Ay.] T. [A? 2a]Xoi;ior^ 
*\i({ti>vo\s vlov KvpfCvq [M]ovTavdv, bis ?7ra[p]x[o]r t€\v€itQp, apyifpia ^AaCas 
vaov Tov iv '£0€o-<{> koivov rrjs ^Acias, ^€paiTTo<l>dimjVf Koi [d}y»yo^^n|i; dta 
[P]iov, ^ T&v yva<f>i(av avv^pyaaia rbv iavr&v €V€pyiTr]v. 

The inscription is older than the foundation of the second temple of 
the provincial cultus in Ephesos, which took place under Antoninus Pius. 
L. Salvias Montanos had been promoted to Roman citizenship. His 
father had no praenomen. Montanos was a common Phrygian name. 

In an Ancyran inscription published by M. Perrot Explor. ArckSoL de 
la (Jalalie I p. 232, M. Papirius Montanos, High -priest (i.e. of the 
imperial cultus), must evidently be taken as husband of Claudia Sabina 
Sebastophantis who is mentioned next to him. This conjecture becomes 
almost a certainty by comparison of a Pessinuntine inscription published 
by Perrot I.e. p. 214, where we read kpy^i^iiA^ rov xoii/joi; YcXd^jw^ 
£€j3a(7]ro</>(ii;r[ov, ayijiivo\piTQv : here we find an example of the custom of 
cumulating titles, of which one implies the other. Montanos must have 
been Sebastophantes, since his wife was Sebastophantis, but the second 
title was not added, and may be taken as iregularly accompanying the 
oflSce of Arehiereus of the Emperors. But in the Pessinimtine inscrip- 
tion, which is more elaborate in the titles, the person honoured is styled 
both Arehiereus end Sebastophantes. We may therefore conclude that 
Montanos was priest or high-priest in the cultus of the Emperors at 
Akmonia, as well as liigh-priest of Asia [Jlamen Augusti in Latin) : cp. 
no. 531. The yvafpioov crvvcpyaa-la, BCH 1895 p. 557 no. 3*. 

535. (R. 1 881). Fountain east of Ushak near l)evrent-Keui. Wadd. 
1677^. ^vp,]iJLaxoVf Sufij/utdxjou vlovy tov [priT]opa koL irpoATOv [h] rfj ttJAci, 
Xoy(.<T[Tr}]v fiovKrjs T€ Ka[l y(p]ovala9, 48cA.<^dr [AoA.]Afov ArjpLrjTpCoVf [tov] ttjs 
&pC<TTrjs fw{^Mrys] i^Cov, A6XXi,o[s AoAAi ?]avbs 6 K/odrtofros iJirCTpoiros tc{v 
2€j3a]rTroG tov 6€wv. 

This fountain is nearer Trajanopolis than Akmonia; but many 
stones are carried from Ahat-Keui along the road past the fountain to 
Ushak; and the occurrence of the name Symmachos in ho. 530 and 
ASkXios in no. 53a * gives a reason (though uncertain) for classing this 
inscription to Akmonia. 

On the title Xoytor^s see Ch. X § 6. Here probably the title is 
equivalent to ^ auditor of the two bodies in the city which control the 

If we could identify the elder Symmachus in this inscr. and in no. 

* [*ou]Xovioi/ in CIG seems too long. of one line after vlov t6v. 

• Brought from Akmonia (no. 616). * But AdXXioy at Temenothyrai no. 
' Waddington wrongly supposes a loss 519. 



530, the date would be about a.d. 100; but this inscr. seems to be 
decidedly later than that. Moreover the stemma which would result 
from the identification shows an utter lack of family similarity of names. 

536. Ahat-Keui. CIG 3858 c^ Wadd. 756. ayaOr) tvxji, ff fiovXii 
Koi 6 brj^os irC^rja-av [M]apKlav ^^KOVvbiXXav Bvyaripa M[ap]KCov ^ [T]l\ovos ^ 
<rT€<l)avrj<l)6poVy koI yvvaxKa T. F. ^ApTODVLavov [y/o]a[MM^M^']^y ^^^ 'jr<{[A€«s 

On the Stephanephoros see pp. 56 f., 103. 

537. (R. 1 881 in part). Two separate fragments, (a) in CIG 3858 tn 
and (b) 3861 d^. T. 4>X. Aap\T(bLos\\^vvK\rj\nK6s K\\al T. [*X.] At|oy€- 
V4a||2;d9 2v2;icA{77r(||Kd9 [Up^?]|a>9 [vlot?] 

This inscription can hardly be later than the beginning of the second 
century. At that time it would be impossible to suppose that these two 
natives of Akmonia belonged to a Roman senatorial family; and 
^vvKkriTiKos must therefore be a personal name (cp. no. 392). The name 
Lartidius may have been adopted in Akmonia from S. Lartidius, legatua 
pr, pr. of C. Asinius Gallus proconsul 6-5 B.C. C. Lartidius Niger was 
proc, Aug, at Apollonis Lyd., 43-6 a.d., BCH 1887 p. 84. 

538. (R. 1888) and 539 (R. 1881) : Susuz-Keui: in long lines on two 
fragments of entablature: the second badly in CIG 3861 (?. First line 
[Avro/cpdropfc KaCaapi, Ti]t<p Ov€<nTa<riav<^ Kai TCt(j^ AifTo\\KpiTopL KaCa-api 
AofiiTtavi^^, Second [fj Ov}yiTrjp^Pov(l)L\Xa i( viroa^ia-fois MipKOv KAa>||5(ot; 
IToo-TOfiov Tov TTarpos * rd TTp6'nv\ov iirl Trjs [ayopas. Third Ka]r[a]a'K€vi(ra9 • 

The dedicatory inscription of a public building in Keramon- Agora. 

540. (R. 1 881). Fountain E. of Susuz-Keui: entablature fragment. 
First line iraTpl irarpCbos kqL Second [fj] Bvyinip avrov fPoi/^tXAa]. This 
is probably to be restored as another dedication by Rufilla to one of the 
Flavian emperors, perhaps Vespasian and [Titus]. 

^ Le Baa's copy has MIKIOY, but 
the daughter's name assures the cor- 

« CIG [*]iX[a)]i/off, Wadd. Ti\[<o]yog, 
prob. [rJiXoyof or [r]iX[«]w)F would be 
better (Latin Gillo). 

' Fragment (a) found at Ahat-Keui 
contains the first half of each line, (b) 
in a wall at Susuz-Eeui contains the 
ends of the lines. The distinction be- 

tween the fragments is marked |, end 
between the lines ||. 

• Ao^iriaMp is erased, but legible (it 
was not read by Hamilton). 

• Hamilton reads noarvpcv^ TTATE 
for TT ATP, and puts the rest in a third 
line beginning OZ. 

• This seems to be an error of engraver 
for 'daaa'a airoic. 

U 2 


541. (R. 1883). Shabban, one hour N.E. from Ahat-Keui: fragment 
of entablature : CIL III 7049. 

PECVnia sua 
Tov irvXlavos ? 

Dedication of a three-storied buildings three tiers of columns supporting 
the fronts of the three stories, extending from the Agora. The word 
Tpltrroov is not understood in CIL III 7049. 

54a. Ahat-Keui. CIG 3860 k 2. 



This perhaps is another fragment of no. 541. 

543. (R. 1888) : on a fragment of architrave simple in character. First 
line [crifv rots kCoo-iv rots Tr€pi<f>€p]o^€vois iK t&v IbCoav. Second [xal ra iir* 

544. CIG 3858*. Ahat-Keui. A fragment ending [i htiva fi^x^/uwii?] 
avTovs KoX TTpds boyp-ara y/odt^co. 2a)<r[iW]ATjy FAvKwroy hoypLaTc^ypatjyya *. 
}A4vavbpos 'A/)T€fii6a!pov boypLara ypd<l>(t>. ^Eppoyiinjs b'qp6a'Los l^ypa\f/a] Kara 

This is evidently the formula added to a decree when it was received 
into the archives in an attested copy (Ch. X § 5), see no. 631. Perhaps 

read 2a)<T^[^j;]7j9 FA. and at the beginning ^[i;]i/f[?;<^t(7<£i;TQ)i/ koI A^to- 

jcA^L^u?] apy\o\vT<tiiv. Swoboda GriecA. Volksb, p. 214 wrongly assigns this 
inscr. to Aizanoi. 

545. Ahat-Keui. CIG 3860 d differently. [ibr]pLo]<n€ve[ri\ A[€>t8os 
ao , . . , vrjpLOs ^ 6 DctAcoi/taro? Ka[ra T]a b(.aT€Taypiva KaOa ^7rtyc[ypa7rTat 
vir' av]Tov o-irovbay .... 

546. (R. 1 881). Susuz-Keui. 'Ay.] T. AtowJcrcp KaOr^ytpovi ol pvarai 
TOV Upov a' 0i[6]aov iK T(av lbl(»>v KaOUpo^a-av \ls rrjv kavrQv XPW^^ '^^ '"* 
i^ibpav KoX rdv (sic I) TTpo(rK€ipivr\v blaCrrjv. 

The title Dionysos Kathegemon was used at Pergamos p. 359. He 
was also the chief god at Teos, and in his worship the great association 

^ Hamilton's copy has AOFMATOZ. ' Franz suggests [2fpo]t;^[w]o9. 


of actors, ol vcpt rhv ^uiw<rov Tfxvlrai, was united ^. The title is here 
given to the chief god of the city (probably under Pergamenian in- 
fluence) : see no. 543. 

At Thyatira we find tov iK itaTiptav hia fiCov Upia tov KaOrjycfiSvos 
Alovvcov BCH 1887 p. 102. 

At Baris of Pisidia Ka0rj[y]€ix6va ^Epfxijv Sterrett E. J. no. 91 2. 

At Herakleia of Caria tov UpoKa0riy€fi6vos ^UpaKkiovs (Kubitschek and 
Reichel JFien. Akad, Anzeiger 16 Nov. 1893 p. 13 in reprint). 

The title TTporjy€p.(iv figures in the account of the Phrygian Mysteries 
given by Demosthenes \ It was borne by the leader in the celebration. 
As borne by the god, it designates him as the revealer of his own worship 
and the first celebrant of the Mysteries. 

547. (R. 1881, 1888). CIG 3858/and Wadd. 768, very differently*. 
Ai]ovv(r(f K^ A[vr. K]aC(rapi M. A[vp. I^€ov]rjp(^ ^Akt^ivhp, Ki [rep {nJfxirjarri 
olxcp avTov Koi rrj E0[ fcjarotx^a (f . Avp, nokw€([KYis no\vv€C]KOVS 

Up€VS TOV fioiflOV aVV [tOIS TT€pl<f>\EpO\livOiS kIoCLV Kol KOo{/XCp ^fC tQv l]bl<Ji}V 


It is very common to associate the worship of the emperor with the 
cultus of the patron god of the city. 

548. (R. 1881). Emiraz. Unintelligible in CIG 3860 i and Wadd. 
767. 6 ^ol^os [Ka]L 71 24r(t]pa ^ea|MNHTIA. MipKOs Mrivo(t>6[v]Tov 
[a]v{[6rj]K€v vir^p Teprfov [vlov ? 

The inscription is difficult, and has suffered since the time when 
Le Bas copied it : Teprfov was almost the only word legible to him, but 
in 1881 that part of the stone was broken away completely. Perhaps 
one or two letters are lost after O^i at the end of the line. There is 
a strong punctuation on the stone after MNHTI A, and these letters must 
be part or the whole of an epithet of the goddess. The persistence of T 
before I shows that the epithet is not a strict Greek word, but a local 
form (perhaps ['Al/uir7j(<r)ta cp. HisL Geogr. pp. 77, 378 «., 31a, or 

Over the inscription is a relief, now much defaced. A quaint female 
half-figure, of which the body is oval, rests or stands on a low altar ; 
a vine-branch projects from the side of the altar, and a bunch of grapes 
hangs from the extremity of the branch ; between the altar and the inscrip- 
tion is a long- handled axe (not bipennis) with a ring at the end. The 

' BCH 1880 p. 170. Assoc, Relig, p. 114. 

' A correction of the published text * Among other difiPercnces, a whole 

is needed. line is omitted. 
' de Cor, 259-60. See M. Foucart 


epithet Swretpa, which occurs also at Apameia (p. 435), is best known at 
Cyzicos, where an lepeiy r^s Scoriypas K6pr]9 to /3' kol i^yrjrrjs t&v 
ficyakayv fivorriprnv ttjs ^(aTrjpas K6prj9 is mentioned BCH 1890 p. 537- 

549. (R. 1887). Ahat-Keui, on two ornate stones of a Aeroon: the 
name of the deceased must have been on a third stone which probably 
contained an honorary inscription. Each separate entry is engraved 
within and around a crown. MM. Legrand and Chamonard in BCH 
1893 p. 261. 

fl fiovkii Koi 6 brjyLOs 

y fiovkrj Kol 6 bfjfxos 



7j fiovkri Kol 6 bijfxos 

fl fiovkii Kal 6 brjjios 



vioi Kol ViXV(jfbol 

i 7} y€pov<ria ra (vyoaTia-ia 

ipyvpOTafxCav y€v6\i€vov. 

< "nphs TO) fiaKiWff iK t&v 

' lbl<ov TToirja'avTa, 

On Dekaprotoi see p. 6^, on the Recorder Ch. X ^ 5 and no. 197, 
on Argyrotamias XI § 23 (3), on Strategos pp. 67 fF, no. 290, 472. 

The Hymnodoi are evidently an association of some kind ; and they 
united with the Neoi in honouring the deceased on accoi^nt of his action 
while acting as Argyrotamias. Hymnodoi are frequently mentioned ; 
and both their name and the general character of the references show 
clearly that they originally had duties of a religious character, connected 
with the special religion of the city^. When the worship of the Emperors 
was instituted in Asian cities, it was modelled after the ancient religious 
institutions of the country, and thus bodies of Hymnodoi formed part of 
the cultus at Pergamos (Frankel II no. 374), Ephesos (Hicks no. 604, 
and 481 11. 192, 328, 371 ^), and Smyrna (CIG 3170, 3148). The reason 
why Neoi and Hymnodoi honoured the Argyrotamias must have lain in 
his official services to them. Comparing the hypothesis about his office 
which we have adopted from M. Paris (Ch. XI § 23, 3), we may infer 
that he managed land, from the rent of w^hich a certain annual sum was 
due to these bodies. 

Single Hymnodoi are mentioned CIG 3160, 3348 (Smyrna), A/A, 
Mitth, II p. 57 (Teira), BCH II p. 614 (Cibyra), Hicks no. 604 (Ephesos) ; 

* Aa is clear in such expressions u/x- gests to Mr. Hicks the view that this 
1/0)86? r^f (5yta)rar/;s 'Aprc/uSo? Alh. Mitth, title was appropriated to the imperial 
II p. 57 (Teira). Hymnodoi, for the sake of distinction 

* 6€(Tti(o8oi in 11. 328, 371, which sug- from those of Artemis. 


but the fact that in CIG 3170 the Hymnodos makes a dedication to his 
Synhymnodoi shows that in all cases we may safely understand members 
of a body. A body of Hymnodoi is implied in Hicks no. 481, CIG 3x48, 
3170, 3iJOi, Frankel no. 374, Mou9, Sviym, no. 187 (where the Neoi and 
the Hymnodoi are associated). 

Makellon here evidently denotes the provision market, Latin macellnw. 
Beside it the person honoured by the Gerousia erected at his own expense 
the Zygosfasiuy probably a device for the regulation and testing of 
weights. The rare word Zj/gostasion is explained by the reference in 
Cod, Justin. 11, 27, i in aeftimatione frumenti quod ad civifafem Alexan^ 
drinafn convehiturj quidquid de crithohgia et zygosfani mvnere Emit^nfia 
iua disj)09uit. An official connected with it, fvyoordrij?, is mentioned ib. 
10, 71, 2. A Zygosfasion at Apollonia ad Ehynd, CIG 3705, where 
a part of a street is defined Atto tov C M^XP^ ^^ viroxooprja-fo^s. 

The reason why the Gerousia connected itself with this particular act 
of the deceased person may have been that he was a Gerousiast, when he 
made the Zygostasion. 

550. (R. 1888). Qghuz-Keui : architrave fragment : first line [irarpt] 
irarpLboSf koI tov Koa-fiov tov re i[v] : second ^lov\lai Sl€o]urjpai ip\i€p€Cat 
Kol dyo)i;o^€T[t8t]. 

In no. 551 we have an exact parallel to this fragment. 

551. At a Mill between Susuz-Keui and Ahat-Keui, CIG 3860 c 
Wadd. 752^. First line [tov] Kocrfiov tov t€ h: secon^ [^€]povrjvCat. 
KopvovTaL Kal a[/)]x[i€p((at]. See no, 55 ^~5^^* 

552-558. (R. 1883). There was i^ Akmonia a heroon in honour of 
a distinguished man, doubtless 2^ citizen of Al^mqnia, who had had 
a career of some distinction in the Roman service. Several different 
inscriptions were engraved on this monument. Most of them are small 
fragments unintelligible by themselves ; but they are explained by, and help 
to complete a stone in the cemetery at Shabban, 3 miles NE from Ahat- 
Keui. \r) 'AKfxor]^a)j/ iroAts? iT€lp.r\a'^v AovkC.ov ^^povi^vLov Ao[vkCov vlbv 
AlfjL]Lk[a KopvovTOV, b€[Kavbpov iirjL T<av KXripovopLiK&v bt.Ka[(rn]pla)Vi T]afxlav 
btjixov ^Pa>pLal<av iTra[p\€Cas] KvirpoVy iyopavofjiov, a-Tparqy^ov], TTp€<rp€xrniv koX 
i.vTi,aTpiTr]yo[v] MapKta 'ATTcorfci) ^aTovpveivia 'A(rt[ay] iirap\€Ca9f Tdv iavrijs 

The fragments 2 Wadd. 751 (R. 1881), 3 Wadd. 750, 4 Susuz-Keui 
(Sterrett 1883), 5 Wadd. 765, CIG 3860 k y^, relate to the same person. 

^ lie Bas gives i adscript, but Hamil- Hamilton A IX. 
ton omits them: Le Bas has A I A, * The copy is very bad, and desperate. 


They are put together in Ayner, Joum, Arch. I p. 146. The most impor- 
tant is (1) on a piece of the entablature of the heroon, parts of two lines 
whose length must have been very great : [hiKovhpov iiii t&v kKtjpoi'oIiiikQv 
biKaaniplajPy rafiCav brifio[v kt\.], and [ot yov ?]eTs avTov rd fjpf^v Kar€(rK€i/a- 
aav^. This shows the character of the monument: it was a keroon, 
probably in the form of a small temple, with a long inscription in two 
lines running round the entablature, and with other inscriptions in the 
walls, (p) is probably complementary of (i) if we can assxmie that the 
letters of the upper line in it are a little larger than those of the lower 
line (though Le Bas does not notice the difference) : assuming this we 
may restore [. . . . Ai]/uitAf^ l^o[pvovToVy hlKavhpov] ktA. as in (2)], and 
[fiJcrJai/Tii ^ [re KO(r\ii<ds koX iv Travrl xaipo) br}fjL(i>(f>€\QSi ol yov]€is avrov ktK. 
as in (z), (5) is part of an inscription in three or more lines ; and it 
contains [brffiov 'Pa)fxafa)]i; iirolpxeCas Kvirpov] and [ — ]aToi Kopvoi[Tov] * with 
some other badly copied letters. 

With these six fragments, we must probably take 558 (R. 1881) CIG 
3858 i TO KOivbv TaXar&v *. It is remarkable that the Koinon of the 
province Galatia should place a decree in Akmonia ; but this is explained 
by the fact that the family of Servenius Comutus was connected with 
Ancyra in Galatia as well as with Akmonia. An Ancyran inscription 
has [rriv i]K paaiXicav [I^€]povrivCav Ko[pvov]Tav KopvrjXCav KcLK'n[op]i^ia]v 
Oifak€[pC\av [2]€K[o^vbav Korlav UpoKiWav • . . . pKlav AovKOvkkav^. 
As Mordtmann rightly remarks, the occurrence of "this very rare name 
Servenius at Akmonia and Ancyra shows that the same family was 
connected with both cities ; and he therefore infers that Servenia Comuta 
and Servenius Capito of Akmonia were relatives of Servenia Comuta at 
Ancyra. Thus it becomes explicable that the Koinon of Galatia honoured 
L. Servenius Comutus in a decree which was engraved on his splendid 
monument in Akmonia, in the same way as it honoured two Galatian 
ladies at Ephesos, Br, Mns. no. 558. 

In no. 550, 551, Servenia Cornouta and Julia Severa seem to be placed 
in some sort of parallel with each other, and we find other evidence of 
a close connexion between the two families. 

Servenia Comuta of Ancyra was descended from kings, and therefore 
her family must have claimed regal descent. Mordtmann understands, 
following Franz and Waddington, that she was sprung from the old 

* These restorations differ much from ^ Probably miscopied. 
Waddington's. * It is the beginning of an inscription. 

* This seems preferable to cjTpan;y]r;- * A. D. Mordtmann Monumenta Ancy- 
a-avrd re on account of (2) ; the t€ seems fxtna p. 18, better Domaszewski AEMit. 
assured by the copy, though the letters 1885 p. 129. Compare p. 651 »., 674 n, 
are imperfect. 



Galatian kings ; but an examination of the whole circumstanoes must^ I 
think, lead to a very different conclusion. The phrase ras Ik jSao-tAecox; is 
analogous to the following : Tt. '2€ovripov ^ ^a<rt,\4a>v Koi T€Tp(ipyJav Atto- 

yovov CIG 4033 and KapaKv\alav^ ap\Upuav, ivoyovov fiacnXiiov^ 

yvvalKa 'lovAiov 2€ovrjpov CIG 4030. Here are two other families of royal 
descent, which intermarry. Further Ti. Severus, who is mentioned in 
CIG 4033, 4034, at Ancyra, is said by Aristides to belong to Upper 
Phrygia ^ ; and, as a family bearing the name Julius Severus was promi- 
nent at Akmonia, we may adopt the hypothesis that this Ti. Julius 
Severus belonged to that family. Thus we find that two families of 
royal descent are connected with Akmonia, members of both play 
a prominent part in Asia, and also have a distinguished career in the 
Roman service, both have also some connexion with Galatia. 

Further we find that these two families intermarried. Servenius 
Capito and Julia Severa are mentioned together on a great number 
of Akmonian coins of Nero, Agrippina, and Poppaea. The legend 
generally is CHI • CCPOYHNIOY • KAniTHNOC . KAI • lOYAIAC • 
CCOYHPAC. The conjunction of a man^s name with a woman^s in this 
public way on coins must imply that they were married, a rich and noble 
pair who behaved very generously to the state. One coin of Agrippina 
reads APX • TO • f, and it is quite inconsistent with ancient feeling to 
suppose that a man and a woman were elected together three times and 
conjoined on many public documents, if they were not married (see no. 530). 

Thus we find that the three families of royal descent in Ancyra and 
Akmonia intermarried; and this seems to imply among them great 
exclusiveness and separation from the ordinary citizens. We do not find 
in ancient life as a rule such a spirit of exclusiveness ; but the explanation 
of the unusual character of these families was furnished by the following 

559* (R* 1888). Erjish. rhv KaTaaK€va<r64[vT]a oIkov V7r[i] | ^lovkCas 
^eoxnjpas. r. TvppdvLos Kki\bos 6 bta plov ip\i[(rvv]iy<ji}yos Kal \ AoiUkios 

Aovk[C\ios — — — ] I Kol no7r(\io[9* KaT€o]\K€vaaav iK t[&v 

IbiiDV ivaK<DfjLaT(ov] \ Kara 0€fi^\(]<t)[v * tovs Kiovas koX t(ws ToC\\yQvs^ koX 

* As Waddington observed, the gentile 
name 'loi^Xto; is omitted. Domaszewski 
reads TT for Ti., I.e. p. 118. 

^ Mordtmann rightly takes this as an 
error in Toumefort's copy : he suggests 
Kop. *AicuXXtav or KX. 'AxvXXiav. 

' 2(/3^poff rS>v ajvh r^r AvtoBiv ^pvyias 
Arist. I p. 505 (Dind.). 

* A column supporting the roof of 

the outer verandah of a house, stands 
on the inscription and conceals a con- 
siderable part of it. The engraving is 
rather coarse and careless : the stone 
has N for A I in ^c/ic[Xc]a>v and I for P 
in n[p]ot : it is therefore highly probable 
that in line 5 n6n\ios should be read for 
' The restoration is rather long : 


Tr\v 6pc{<f>i^Vy Kol] iTTolri(rav | rriv t&v Bvp&ayv i<r<f>iX€i.av koI tov \ kvirbv irivra 
K6(rfxov' ovoTLvas K{al] | fj (rvvay<t)yri ircCfirja-^v oirXcp iiTixpvla-fj^ bid re rrfv 
ivAp€TOv ain-Qv [pC}u)\a(,v Koi tt)i; 7r[p]ds ^ rriv avvaycDyriv €vvoiiv \ re koI 
(nrovbriv. filaxris seems to be used only by Jewish and Chr. writers (e. g. 
Paul in AcU XXVI 4 with Blass and Wetstein^s notes, Steph. TAe».) : 
classical writers use fiios in this sense. 

The date of this inscription is fixed about a.d. 60-80 by the reference 
to Julia Severa. She and her husband Capito were archons for the third 
time under Agrippina, i.e. not later than a.d. 59, and they were in office 
when coins of Poppaea Augusta^ were struck, i.e. not earlier than 63. 

It is obvious that Julia Severa was a Jewess, who ranked as leader 
in the Synagogue, like another Jewess Rufina in Smyrna ^. The use of 
the title is probably purely honorary, as M. S. Reinach remarks, indicat- 
ing not actual office, but merely dignity and influence. 

It may be inferred that all the persons mentioned in this inscription 
are Jews ; and this discovery enables us to identify many other Jews in 
the Phrygian cities. The strange name Tyrronius (of which I find few 
instances * except in the two neighbouring towns Akmonia and Sebaste) 
may be in all cases taken as Jewish : and thus we find Jews filling high 
municipal positions in Akmonia (no. 530) and in Sebaste (no. 478). To 
follow out this clue is a matter of speculation and uncertainty, where 
each step is more slippery than the preceding one ; but it seems worth 
while to put together some speculations in the hope of arousing criticism, 
and eliciting new evidence for or against. 

The Akmonian and Ancyran families of Julius Severus and Servcnius 
Comutus were also Jewish ; and of course Kar. AkylJ^ia, \vife of Julius 
Severus, was a Jewess. Incidentally we notice from the inscriptions 
relating to members of these families that they held priesthoods in the 
cultus of the Emperors ; but it was, doubtless, compulsory on those who 
wished to engage in the imperial service that they should freely accept 
the forms of that cultus, for it would have been a mark of disloyalty 
disqualifying an officer to refuse to participate in the established forms. 
This marks a very significant difference from the old Jewish spirit, and 
shows that the circumstances amid which the Phrygian Jews lived had 

perhaps [tovs XivKoXiOovs toi]xovs. An THNOC • KAI • lOYAIAC • CEOY- 

elaboratc account of a building occurs HP AC are published by Waddington 

at Aphrodisias, see Kubitschek and Voyage Numism. p. 6, and L. Meyer Z/t. 

Reichel Wien. Akad. Anz. 16 Nov. 1893 /. Nuttiism. I p. 336. 

p. 10 of reprint. ' S. Reinach in Bev. Et Jukes VII 

* See p. 649, n. 4. p. 161. 

' Coins of norTTTAI A • CEBACTH * Once at Iconium, Inscr. 

struck €TTI • CCPOYHNIOY • KATTI- 237. A Latin name Turranius occurs. 


affected them gp-eatly : there can be no doubt that they had identified 
their interests with those of their new country, and had become as com- 
pletely Romans or Asians as persons of Jewish descent in England now 
reckon themselves English, and in France French. Prof. E. Schiirer has 
pointed out into what strange forms the Jewish customs had degenerated 
in Thyatira ; and we need not wonder that the Akmonian Jews became 
magistrates, and agonothetai, and high-priests of the Imperial cultus. 

I'\irther, when we see that in no. 530, the allusion to Julia and 
Tyrronius is dragged in, the suspicion rises that Nicias Lucius was also 
a Jew : that, of course, does not necessarily follow, but he would be more 
naturally proud of being in office along with them if he also was a Jew : 
He acted as priest of Imperial Fertility, i. e. Poppaea ; but if there were 
any Empress to whom the Jews were likely to pay extravagant honours, 
it was Poppaea ; and probably the cultus of Poppaea would have been 
established in the city, and maintained for years after her death by none 
except Jews. It is characteristic of Jewish adaptability that Nicias Lucius 
had a Latin name to use among Romans (though not a Roman citizen) 
and a Greek name to use among Greeks ^. The jingle of Nicias-Lucius 
probably recommended these names : pp. 637 f, 640. 

Servenia Comuta Cornelia Calpumia Valeria Secunda Cotia Procilla 
Luculla of Ancyra shows the great variety of Roman names which had 
come into use in her family ' ; and, as Mordtmann points out, a Cornelia 
Secunda appears as high-priestess at Thyatira CIG 3495 ; and Schiirer 
has emphasized the strong Jewish element in Thyatira, see p. 672. 

Probably Latinia Cleopatra ^, whose father Latinius Alexander took 
prominent part in the rejoicings when Hadrian passed through Ancyra 
in 130, was also a Jewess. Alexander was a name favoured by Jews 
(no. 461) ; and her cousin bore the name Valerius (which appears also in 
the family of Servenius Cornutus), and had attained senatorial rank in 
Rome (also consular rank, if our restoration is correct). 

560. Ahat-Keui. CIG 3860/ Wadd. 764. T. 'Iot;\i[o9 2]eovT7pos, 
'A/)r€[ftt6]wpov vlos. As Waddington remarks, this person probably 
belongs to the same family as Julia Seyera no. 559, 530. 

561. (R. 1887). Kaili. vnip ^vyr^ iraa-rj rfj irarpCb^: over a seven- 
branched candlestick. The meaning of this interesting inscription is 

* Among bis own people he would irpordTov [vTrariKov ?, oKfi^ftavTOf dt*] S\ov 

doubtless bear a third alternative name, how €[v] .... * AdpiavoO [irap]6d<p : Mordt- 

'^ Text quoted on no. 559. mann omits ff in his transcription 

' Trjp (K fiaa-ikemy \artmav YXtonarpavy Marm, Aneyrana p. 1 6, our sole authority 

0vyar€pa AaT€iviov 'AXcfdvdpou ff opX"" ^^^ ^he text. 

pttov, [dvrslri ?]ny OvoXcptou [ ] toO Xap: 


uncertain ; its extent is doubtful ; and incorrect grammar or bad engrav- 
ing has caused the omission of the final letter of €v\rjs. Perhaps the 
intention was to connect 7r(l(n;[s] with €vxrij:\ 

It is peculiarly unfortunate that the inscription is mutilated, as it is 
certainly Jewish. Below the word Trarplbi is indicated in incised lines 
the seven-branched candlestick; and, as M. Le Blant no. 621 recognizes, 
this symbol is an infallible criterion^ (cp. Th. Reinach Rev. iJt. Ju, 1893 
on in^cr. J. de Const,). 

It is clear^ even though the text is mutilated^ that the Jewish author 
intended to designate Akmonia as his fatherland. Even in the earlier 
years of the first century Fhilo mentions that the Jews of the Diaspora 
regarded Jerusalem as their melrqpolU, and the city to which they 
belonged as their patria *. 

562 (R. 1881). Aghar-Hissar. irovs Tfifi\ Ai{p]. * A\iiavb[pos] 
'Iov5ai09 f[a)v] Kare(rK€t{[ao-c] rd fivr}[fxiov. 

This inscr. is included here as it brings out the existence of Jewish 
settlers in the valley of Akmonia and Diokleia^ though strictly it belongs 
to the latter city. 

563. (R. 1883). Yenije. [iciv hi tis ircpov a&fMa tla-eviyKtiy lo-Jroi avnf 
TTpos rdv Oeov rdv Ct/rtoror, koL rd ipas hpiiravov €ls rdv Zkov airov [claiK- 
601T0 Kol p.r\hivav ivKaTakelylraLTo] : on the restoration see no. 466. Middle 
forms often occur in Phrygia, XCitolto, tvxoltov, ivrvxoLTo, TrfpiirifroLTo, 
no. 94, 522, 527, Philologus N.F. I p. 755, Zfi,f. vgl. Sprachf. N.F. VIII 

P- 3«9- 

The formula O^os {/t/rtoroy has been alluded to on p. 33, and its Semitic 

origin has there been suggested. A Semitic formula is likely to develop 

in a Jewish direction, and a Jewish inscription of Athribis in Egypt 

contains a dedication d€^ vyj/Ca-Ti^ on behalf of king Ptolemy and queen 

* M. Le Blant mentions the vicissi- 
tudes of the original golden candlestick: 
it adorned the triumph, was deposited 
in the temple of Peace, and was after- 
wards saved when the temple was burnt. 
The candlestick was captured by Alaric 
(Procop. de hell. Goth, i, 12), and was 
said to have been taken to Carcasonne. 
but it was captured by Genseric in 
Rome (Theophan. p. 109), and re-cap- 
tured by Belisarius in Africa who took 
it to Constantinople ; finally Justinian 

fearing that it might bring ill-fortune 
sent it to Jerusalem (Procop. de hell, 
Vand. II 9 Theophan. pp. 199 f ). 

* fiTjTp67ro\iv fiiv Tqv *If pOTToXtv r)yovfi€voiy 
Kaff riv tdpvrai 6 rov vyjriaTov Btov vcwff 
&yiosy &i d' Tkaxov €K narfpofv Koi TrdmriDp 
Koi TTpOTrdirirov koi tS)V cVt avto Trpoy6io>p 
oIk€iv <#caoTOi, TroTpldas vofii(oirrfSf iv ells 
€y€vvfjBrj(rav Koi irpd<f)r](Tav' its ivias d< 
Koi Kri{ofi€vas €v6vs ^X6ov anoiKiav orctXa- 
fxivoi, TOLS KritrTais xapi^ofitvoi. Philo I'w 
Fiaccum § 7 (Mang. II 524). 


Cleopatra (S. Reinach BCH 1889 p. 179), where B^os {jyjficrTos undoubtedly 
is Jehovah : see also no. 232 and 561 note. 

In the present inscription there is every probability that we have 
a similar ease. We have already seen that the formula la-rai avT(^ irpos 
Tov Ocov was not pagan, and that it was in many cases demonstrably 
Christian. In the present instance the form of the inscription does not 
suggest the Christian character. The curse is too marked and peculiar. 
I do not mean to imply that Christians could not or would not use 
a strong curse in such circumstances ^ ; but those formulae of curse, which 
we have as yet found reason to consider Christian, bear a different stamp 
from this, and our guide in this investigation must always be the 
presence in doubtful cases of the characteristics observed in cases where 
no doubt exists. Moreover we have not found the phrase O^ds iJ^toros in 
a Christian inscription; and though it is certainly an expression that 
might be Christian, it belongs rather to the class of things and terms 
which were Jewish first and Christian afterwards. The analogy of the 
Jewish inscription of Athribis and of no. 23a must therefore determine 
us to attribute the present inscription to the Jews of Akmonia (perhaps 
a Jewish Chr.). 

If this be the case, it suggests that either the formula larai avr*^ irpds 
Tdv Biov was adopted by the Christians from the Jews, or that it arose 
among both simultaneously in the third century^ which would suggest 
relations not wholly unfriendly between them. 

564. Ushak. BCH 1893 p. 263. (A), iyiv^ro Itovs TKff. T. 4>X. 
* AXi^avbp09 C^v iavr^ koI TaLavfj yvvuKi to ixvr\\i€iov KaT€<rK€vaa-€V fi» x«> 
fiovKevaas, ip^a^^ Cw^^ Ka\m, firjhiva XoiTrifo-a;. fi€Th b^ T€0rjvaL ifii rdv 
^AKi^avbpov koI ttiv avvfiiSv [lov raLavrjvf cl tis iini^ rd fxvrjiiloVf Ifrovrai, 
avr^) Karapai. 5cr€ ivy€ypa[ifxiv(J[L l]<rlv ^Is opatnv koX €.U i\ov to a&pLa avrcp 
Koi €ts TiKva Koi €ls pCov : fine to tameion den. 500. (B). clprivapx^Ca, 
(T^LTOJvCa, (C). Pov\ap\Ca. iyopavofxCa. (D). arparriyCa, <retra)rfa. 

The curses in this and the following inscr. connect them with the 
preceding^ and distinguish them markedly from the usual Phrygian 
type. They may all arise through Jewish influence ; see no. 563. 

565. (R. 1881, 1883). Susuz-Keui. CIG 3861 differently. 'Afx/ifa 
Evrixpv DaXifxax^^ avbpl Koi iavrfj iK Trjs IbCas irpoiKds rd pLvripL€iov KaTC- 
a-Kfvaaev ipa b^ la-Tat els Tixva tIkvihv lT€pov fiii T(^^v]ai fj Thv iov /lov 
EvTV\r\v KoL yvvaiKl (I) avrov. 

^ See no. 435, 445. In Aphrodisias (whose name Ninoe, p. 188, points to 
eastern katoikoi) curses are strong. 


It is probable that^ if the text is correct, we should read the names as 
given above (and not ^vrvypvs *A\i/Ltdx<f)). The husband's name seems 
to be either an engraver's error for (K)aA(A)i/btaxy or a degenerate form of 
that name. 

566. (R. 1888). r<itos [ ] f«i; KaT[€(rK€va(T€V fteri hi rb] tovs 

bolo T€6^vai hs hv &voi^€L fj KaO^Kel fj 7ro\^<r€t (sic !) rd yovripiov lorat 
avT(^ apa Is rhv oIkov koI riKva riKvaiv. yoGros, Lat. guttus, is quoted by 
Stephanus from Etym. Magn, and Etpn, Gn4. ; but yovrdpiov does not 
seem to occur elsewhere. Gntfarium, canalis, stillicidium (Ducange). 
yornraTov a cake sprinkled with drops of oil and honey. 

567. (R. 1881, 1883). Susuz-Keui. CIG 3861 h differently. 'A/x^tfa 
Taii^ Ovifilt^ KptWcp KoX TtJxjj Oph\fa<n f«<rt fx. )(•' p-^ra rd tovs bvo TeOrjvaL 
hs hv ivopv^€i aapov atbapovv rdv ['](,K&va ^ivano Koi r^ avfiPovXeva-avrt. 

568. (R. 1888). Ahat-Keui, on entablature of a hero5n. [fj b€lva 
iavrfj ? faijcra Koi ^AyaOSiTobi, r<j) ivbpl Kal ^^Kovvbrj kt\. 

569. Akmonia. BCH 1893 P- ^^^- ^- 'AAoo-cnrji/os 'Ioi5Atos to his 
wife [4>t ?]A^[Tr/] M^Xlrris, 

Alassienos is evidently the cognomen, wrongly placed before the nomen 
by a Greek composer. 

570. (R. 1888). Susuz-Keui. CIG 3860 difFerently. [ PL'n]obr]pxas 
[np]oicA.(j) TtarpX kgl^ m]^^P^ ^^Kovvbrf iTroCrj(r€V p., \. koX Aap.a a8€A<^(i), oo-rts 
tCw^^ ^^ ^9 ^^^ ^^ ^^L^] ttVToi) nXoxAo) (sic !). 

The name ^ ^TTobrjixiis is unkno\vn, but ^ AirobripLios occurs CIG 1977 
(Thessalonica), and Ammian. XIV 1 1 . 

571. (R. 1881). Ahat-Keui. ^ApripMv^Apx^T^CpliD irarpl? ijl.]X' 

572. (R. 1 881). Susuz-Keui. Aristainetos [to himself and to] Onesime 
his wife : fine to fiscus 500 den. 

573. (R. 1888). Ahat-Keui. [6 bclva koX fj b^lva }u\(ovos Ai(f>i,bla 
Ovyarpl [Trpo/utoipo) ? Kal kavT]dis to p.vr]p.€lov KaTC(r[KCva<rer. 

574. (R. 1888). Susuz-Keui. Av(f>CbLos ^lprjvaLos{s) kavT(a (Qv xare- 

<TK€va(r€V Td p.vrjfX€lov Kal [ ] iraTpl yAv/cvrctrw koi KXavbia Bd(r<r»/ 

ykvKVTirp yvvaiKC' p.€Ta Td T^Orjvai, Tdv *\pr}valov cI tis lT€pov da\l/€i veKpdv^ 
TiKvuiv idpcav irepLmcroLTO avv(t)opq. 

On the concluding curse see no. 522. 

574 bis. Akmonia. BCH 1893 p. 260. Aip. Ba(rtAc[tos] ^Okuvirov 


)3ovXarr^9 kip, *0\i;rir«p d5eX<^<p koX ^lovXiav^ rtOepixfiivif fi. x* ^^^ 
engraver has erred in Tc^€]/i/x€Vy. 

575. (Sterrett 1883). Islam -Keui. TiCos kol Evrux^a [ry vty 
'EyA. ?]^Kr<p ^^[p]^^ Ta)(y\ivp<^ [koX k]a\f^Tols C^Srrcs ?] Kar^o'K^vaa'av, (tovs Tb\ 
Afterwards there was added a second inscription to another infant son^ 
EvTv\Ca 2iAvci)rt Ta\vp.vp(^ fx. x* ^^^* 219-220. See no. 5^8 bis. 

The name Silyon occurs in AnthoL XI 32 (StKvir Diibner). CIAAAN 
occurs on early coins of Akmonia. Eglektos and Eklektos both occur. 

576. (Sterrett 1883). Susuz-Keui. [^fcWai] hi ovU[va (\T€pov ^cTrat 
rj ^[irtj3o]v\€i)(r[af c]i 5' ovv eJ(rof<ret cis r6r (f>{(rKov TrpoarlpLOv [hriv.] fi<f>\ 
TOVTov iLVT€lypa<f>ov IriOri ^U ra apyjna^ 

577. (R. 1887). Ahat-Keui. Bfrovora AovKiavrjs kavrfj Kat€(rK€va(r€V 
Koi Zrivcavi t<^ ivbpl /x. x« The rendering of Latin V by ^ hardly began 
earlier than late second century, and was common in the third. The 
Emperor Severus is rendered ^^firjpos and l^€vrjpos, but more frequently 
^€ovijpos. Waddington in BCH 1882 p. 288 blames himself for having 
in his Fa9tes p. 180 no. 118 understood BET on a coin of Hyrkanoi in 
Lydia about a.d. 115 as standing for Vettius, and he recognizes that 
OYET would be the rendering at that period ^ In the third century we 
have BHTA on coins for Votay BIBIOC^ BAACPI ANOC see no. 517 and 
Hev. Numism, 1891 pp. 37, 244, Berovoros Br. Mus. no. 635. 

578. (R. 1888). Oghuz. rXvKOH; 'I^ay^i/ovs i^Jpafcei; complete. 

579. (R. 1888). Susuz-Keui. \tk6\Ka}v koL [Ato]i;v<roy^injs [ol vI]ol 
^riyxihf^s KrX. 

580. Susuz-Keui. BCH 1893 p. 271. ArifirJTptos MipKov to his 
children MipK<f koI Aofi^ and wife Mapfc^^* 

581. (R. 1888). Ahat-Keui. ''Ep<as *EpftoO /carco-Kcvao-c iv tvs itpoyo- 
viKois kavTia kcX AovKiai^ <n;/i)9tcp ^Qurr^s to ixvrip.lov. The spelling tvs is 
curious : so is the granmiar of the sentence. 

582. Ahat-Keui. CIG 3858 ife, Wadd. 763. Exhropos koX *Pov(f>os 
^Ak€^ivhp<f ib€X<f><^ fx. X. 

583. (R. 1887). Emiraz, E. of Ahat-Keui. CIG 3858 /, Wadd. 769. 

^ He corrects his reading to B I T, i. e. 500 speak of Vettius as the proconsul 
Bittius : yet MM. Lechat and Radet in in question. 
BCH 1888 pp 64 f, and Mr. Hicks no. 


EvT^x*?? TtarpX K[a\ \ir\TpL Waddington may be right in reading Florpt- 
k[m)v]. The inser. never was completed. 

584. (R. 1887). Ahat-Keui. Zcori/cds ZoDri/coil ZcorifCip iraTpX koL 
XeXetdoVt fif/rpl /bu x* 

585. (R. 1887). ZcoriKi) /x. x« ^^iWTre x^W* 

586. (R. 1881). Fountain between Emiraz and Ahat-Keui. Zwtik^s 
EvJd<p [d]i;8pl Koi kavTTJ (Qaa [ ]. 

587. (R. 1888). Oghuz. ®vp<ros ITeXoyf^ yvj/cict I8ia /m. [x- 

588. (R. 1887). Kaili. Ka\firjaCa TtJx^ Fa^cp Movo-Tjrfa) iSiy dvdpl 
[fcal vl<p ?j EhaXiKif fx, x- 

589. (R. 1 881). Ahat-Keui. "Erovy <r^'. T. KX. Ev(rx^/xa)V fwv lavr<p 
Kol yvyatxl Aofivjj KaT€<rK€va(r€V, A.D. 179-180. 

590. (R. 1881). Ahat-Keui. This stone has since been taken to 
Ushak and built into a fountain, where MM. Legrand and Chamonard 
copied it in 1891, BCH 1893 p. 266 (where the copy differs in several 

A. AovKios yvi{ai]Kl tbi<^ o-eftvoTdrj;, y€vvr}$€C<rri hovs p^a (a. D. 
77)' Cw^^^ yvY)(rCa}9y voi/s vir^p yrj^ i'JTo\i'jrov<T[a] rifra-apas koX Ovyaripa, 
iT€\€VTrja€v Irovs p<\r]' (a.D. 1 14). 

B. Round the edge of the stone TarCa 6vy[ATrjpj koI Kai 'A8cf ]- 

fiavTos ^. 

The syntax is bad. Probably the names of the five children were 
engraved round the main inscription ; but only Tatia and (Adei)manto8 

591. (R, 1 881). Ahat-Keui. Aovklos koL Tpvifxav Trarfpl koX fXT;]rpt 

593. (Sterrett 1883). Susuz-Keui. Aovkioj Ka[/)tKo{5 4>tXov ?]fx^i^<p 
real ^Ovrj(rlfx<^ p.. \, ^l ris pkiyjfL rd fxpripLelov, i^€i tov9 ovpavCovs Oeohs Koi 
KQTayaCovs K€\o\a}pLivov^. 

593' (^' 1887). Ahat-Keui. Itovs rpib'. rpdfxaTi Mapictai/y. a.d. 

Nothing more was ever engraved. 

^ BCH yvvaiKi Aio, cTcXcuriycrc, and edge of the stone (probably now de- 
omits also the list of children which is faced), 
engraved in small letters round the 


594. (R. 1888). Gedikler. [i huva kavT(^ k(u\ MapKl(} yvva[i]K\ Cc5<r[r;] 
KaT€aK€va(r€v' /utera 6^ rd T€07Jpai avrovs d rts ^Trix^ipifo'et lT€pov ^d^ot], 
^ijcrei cJy to T[a]fX€Tor Srjr. ^a<^'. 

595. (R. 1 881). Tunlu-Bunar ^ ; on a fragment of architrave broken 

right and left, [ol helves tnrep t&v yovi<ov ] Ma^Cfxov Kai ^AvrcovCas 

^OkufiTTiibos [to i)pi^ov ? in^oir^aav, 

596. (R. 1888). Ahat-Keui : florid entablature of small heroQn. 
Na>i;(AAa *Poi5<^ov KaT((r/c€va<ra rb ikvr\yXov' i^bv hi l<rn] vols Bp^inols fi6vois 
reOrjvai. el hi ris irepov i-nev^cL^ei]^ tfi}[(r]ci U rh [ra/ieioi; hr\v.\ fi(f>\ The 
spelling iarri for lorat is strange. 

597. (R. 1883). Susuz-Keui. CIG 3859 differently. It€l rft'. Avp. 
*Oini<ripLOs ZiariKTJ [f ]«v Iavr<j5 [ ]. A. D. 23 ^-^^33. 

Z(DTLK7j seems to be genitive of Zoutlktjs. 

598. Akmonia, BCH 1893 p. 259. OveCfiios ^iiipayhos to his wife 

Avp. 2a)nypfti Irei re' (a.d. a20-i). The name Smaragdos is 

restored CIG 3860 ^. 

599. (R. 1887), Ahat-KeuL [FloXtJfcX Pjctros KSa-fjLov Kkeoitirpq 48eX<^^^ 
fcar€(rKet;a(r€ fi. x« 

600. BCH 1893 p. 262. *Ay. T. Avprjkios TaTiaj{os] Mcre/idxov to his 
wife Kvii/rfAAjy. Brought from Ahat-Keui to Ushak. 

601. (R. 1881). Ahat-Keui: in large letters. T6PTYAAA. 

602. (R. 1888). Oghuz. Tp6tf>ifjLOs *Avn6xpv iavri^Kal yvrat/cl Ev^po- 

603. (Sterrett 1883). Yenije. trovs rka'. Aipi^Moi Tp6<f>iyLos Elavova- 
pCov KoL Elapivriv yKvKvrirovs ySvts rh riKva Tp6(f>iiios Koi Elavovipios koI 
Z<»>TiK7Js Kol Za}TLKos iTlfiip-av iK tQv lhl(i)v avToifs pi. X* A. D. 246-247* 

This most ungrammatieal epitaph probably means that the four children 
honoured their parents Aur. Trophimos and Aur. Eiarine. 

^ Tunlu-Bunar is far from Akmonia ; the district people who wanted g^od 

but I was told in the village that this building-stones went to Ahat-Keui for 

and some other stones had been brought them. See no. 619. 
thence, and that in all the villages of 

VOL. I. PT. II. X 


604. (Sterrett 1883). Jlmiraz. Avp. T€ki(T(t>opos )3' TcXeo-^rfpip [iraTpl 
Kol ] firjTpl Kal Avp, ih€\tf>(^ [koI ]A.r; yXvKVTirois /i. X- 

605. (R. 1887: Sterrett 1883). Emiraz. Avp.] 0i\o6[7?]/uios 'Ainra)[j;ei]- 
viavhs AofjLv[i]avds Evix€V€ifS /SovAcvr^; Avp. <I>\(ixKcp Trdirirt^ irpds inyrphs 
Kal Avp. Ma^ifxiav^ ib€\<f>^ fi. x* 

The father of Fhilodcmos^ a citizen of Eumeneia^ had married the 
daughter of Flaccus of Akmonia : cp. no. 238. 

606. Susoz-Keui. BCH 1893 p. 270. ^kifiws 4>tXttra9 to his wife 
Baatkds ^ and daughter 4>[a>}r^9. 

607. (R. 1881). Ahat-Keui. T. ^Xifiios) Tificplvos koI ^Kafiia "Axny 
iavTOL^ (&VT€S KaT€<rK€6a<rav. The name Tibereinianos occurs in an inscr. 
found at Ushak (probably of Temenothyrai, from the name Tullia) BCH 
1893 p. 265. 

60S, 609. (R. 1 88 1, 1883). On Hammam-Su, 5 miles N.E. oif Islam- 
Keui. Mile-stone XI (from Akmonia). CIL III 7170. Dedication to 
[Fl, Fal, Con]gtantinus et Val. Licinnianiis Licinnius in Latin and to the 
Caesars Crispus and Licinius and Constantinus in Greek, a.d. 317-323. 

It may be presumed that [airo ^AKp.ovias] has been lost before the 
number I A. 

610. (Sterrett 1883). Yenije. 

arjiia roV iariv ip<»)[fJLivov vieoy, ovt€ T0KrJ€9 

T€l<rav k'n €VT€Kvlrj a-<a[fxa Ka\Qs Oip.€vo{,j 

6(f>pa K<xL iv C^oiai koI iv (f>[6niivoi(n Tlr\TaL 

Z(oypi<f>09 riyaOit^ TvpLfi(a a[yaAAofx€ros, 

ov Oicav ^AfxpLLavrj t€ koI ''AT[TaAos cirexa]yLr]^. 

Zographos and the feminine Zographo are known personal names. 
The parents Ammiane and Attalos erected this tomb to Zographos their 
loved son. Most of the restorations are suggested by Mr, J. G. C. 

611. (R. 1883). Shabban : on two sides of a stone : bold letters much 

A. TO ^tJj; Tpo<f>i] T:6[r]os re. fiTi\jxa(rfieva ?] 

TTepKraa bi €<m to aXKa [h ivOpdiTOi^ /uieAei ?^. 

^ MM. Legrand and Chamonard read Bao-tXwd;;; but probably rj Btands for t. 
Cp. Basilo no. 138. 

App. 1. INSCRIPTIONS. 659 

Tlien follows on the same Bide, but separated by a broad ancut space : 

oiibfls [8'] olifv Ifx^v yjw[f*)j]i'. 











|vAr . N 


H 10 n/\'l 









,3 < 

itoNMAI I'^l^l 

B. Only tbe ends of lines, perhaps iambics, remain : [ — ]/ii)v lii^v : 
&fi{oi)pov[Map?]TiaXiv: etc. 

The compound Xitrtr&yopos, smooth-speaking, seems forced on us by the 
clear and certain text. 

1 p mxut be i«ad as dlt ; but there is room cnlj for 01 


2. Inscriptions op Siokharax? 

6x2. Halaslar* BCH 1893 p. 273. [dkiovvaif^ koX avroKpiropi Kaltrapi, 

TpaLav<^ 'Abptavi^ '0Av/x7r[(<() ttjv ]f.v koI tt^v aroav iK tQv lhL(AV 

iv40riK€v [ ]. 

This inscr.^ though near Otoarak, may be confidently assamed to have 
been brought from Akmonia^ see no» 467. On the form restored see 
no. 547. 

613. Text no« 466. It has certainly been carried from Akmonia. 

614. Halaslar. BCH 1893 p. 273. [6 b€lva t4kvo(,s? ] K[a]l Ato- 

bovpL4v(a fjL. X' MM. Legrand and Chamonard read KAtdta Aovpiivf^ which 
seems impossible* 

3i Inscriptions op Diokleia. 

615. (R. 1887: Sterrett 1883). Beside Doghla. [A€v]ki,ov ^^irrlfjiiop 
^evTJpov Il€pTlvaKa ^apfxariKdv T^pfxaviKOv Bp^raviKdv S^jSaoroi;, viov '^HA.toi'^ 
rj TrpoK€Kpf,iJL€vr] rov Mo^€av&v hrjpLOv AiOKA.6ta» [iL]vaaTrj(rdvTa}v Trap' kavr&p 
K. HcrpiovCov Kairb-oivos ^Eyvar^avov virkp rod vlov MipKov koL *Fov<f)ov 
*Fov<f>plov Kpi<nrov Koi <t>tA.a5eA(/>ov ArjfirjTpCov. ypapLpLarcvovTos tov brjpiov 
MipKov ^ TOV OvakepCov. hovs aita (a»D» 197)^. 

The titles of Commodus are here transferred to Severus : the latter 
never was Sarm. or Ger.^ and became Brit, in 210. 

616. (R. 1881). Aghar-Hissar. Wadd. 770, ClG 38571'. Avp. 
MovKiavdv M. 'Eyi^artaj/oi; tov i^ioXoydTaTov kqI €V€py€Tr]v koI irp&Tov Ttjs 
7roX€6os' M€v€k\j}s S ip')(^L€p€vs TOV TTttTcpa. M may be engraver's error, as 
Wadd. thinks ; but I read M.(*T(toV)), cp. no. 329. An Egnatius in BCH 
1 895 p. 557 no» (3), which probably comes from Akmonia. 

617. (R. 1881). Aghar-tlissan Wadd. 771, CIG 3857^. AopLvrj 
yov€V(ri [ ] iiroCri(r€v p.. x* 

Crown, tablets, and inkstand are represented on this ' door-stone.' 

618. (R. 1881). Aghar-Hissar. Wadd. 772, CiG 3857 w. Zdaifios 

[ TOtS t]€KV0L9 'EpM// '^Cll AopVT) y\VKVTdTOLS fJL, x»> 'fctl kavTi^ In C^v 

KaT€(rK€Vcur€v. hovs (Toy]\ A.D. 193-194. 

619. Aghar-Hissar: Wadd. 773, CIG 3857 a?. AovKtos 'PoiJ(/)pto9 Tiarpl 
Ka\ pr]Tp\ p., x« Rufrius no. 615 ^ 

^ My copy (made very carelessly) has ypappar. onward, much larger letters 
Bp€TawiK6v and ypapfiaT€v6vT<ov ; but I are shown in my copy, 
follow Sterrett in both cases. From * A Jewish inscr. found here, no. 562. 



630. (R, 1883). Tchalja-Keui. Tpdipifios BovAos 'ATroAAtui'^oti Kovap- 
Tiavov 'AffiAp\ov iiioLri<nv Ep/ifi rlunf yXvKVT&Tif ii.\. xat NfiKrfijioptSt avpfiCif 
Kol iavT^ C^p. ft hi rts ivi^ovXcvat t6 funjfxfXov tovto, luopa rixva TtpoBoiro 




ANOYAciApy o.Y erroiHceNepMH 





K^ ! nlPOi 



€IC N 



fi (ivov iv Tov yivovs 6ri<ri Tti;a, oCroy M^[^] TV^^ Kapirov iv4\rjTai. Irovi 
TKs\^ The eng^ver seems to have arranged his work badly : it is written 
irregularly over the carved surface of a * door-stone : ' probably the proper 
arrangement is e! S^ rt9 . . . . tovto, ^ ^ivov .... Tivi, oiros icopa riKva 
TrpoOoiro, iirj[T]€ yrJ9 Kapirov iviXriTou. A. D. (241-242. 

6a I. (R. 1883). Between Tchalja-Eeui and Ulu-Keui. [fjrci rib' 
jJ-^nvds) y\ Tp6<f>HJL09 TrpayixaTemrjs rrj -Trpocrc^iXcaTiTTy vvii.<\>r^ kip. 'A^<^ty 
KcX airn^ In C^v €h p.. )^. Kareo'KCvao'a. A.D. 229. 

4. Inscriptions op Aeistion. 

622. (B. 1 881). Karadja-Euren. MM. L^rand and Chamonard BCH 
1893 p. 274* Avp. Alvelas Hainavbs^ Ev<f>rip.oLs toIs vlois fx. )(• 

623. (Sterrett 1883). Geune. BCH 1893 p. 274. Z(i(ri[fu)9] (Qp 
iavTf^ Kal 'Afi/x^f yvvaiKl Ka\ 'Afi/xtain^ tIkj;^ to p.vrjp,€LOP KaT€<rK€va<r€[p. 
l]rovs [ ] \ 

624. Kinik (Eeuneck). MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 1893 
p. 274* KXCtos Koi MpridOtos koI fj ib€\<t>ri avToiv *A<f><f>Ca iT€CpLria'ap rdp 
lavr^j; Tiaripa Mvri(TC0€Ov koL ttip p-riripa ^Ap.p.lav p. x* 

5. Inscriptions of Kidyessos. 

625. (R. 1883). [illegible dedication to Gratian fj] Kibvrjiraicdv ttJA-is. 

626. (Sterrett 1883). Khirka in Sitchanli-Ova. [fj fi. koI 6 b. ^jrct- 
p,r](T€V [t\ov [dfjtoAoywrarov kip. ^€vvav iiriria *Pa)/jui^a)]; kqI iv Traxnp 

627. (Sterrett 1883). Khirka. kip. Tpv(f)a}v linroCaTpos ki{(]avovoi] 
TTj aepLVOTiTy yvvaiKl p, )(. k^ ^cl T€Kva airov. 

* MH€rHC on the stone. omission of a letter is a commoner 

* The date is put irregularly in larger copyist's error than insertion. 

letters amid the curse on the oma- * Sterrett omits first line ZUCI : 

mentation. BCH omits last line TOYC. 
' namrtav^s in BCH may be right : 



bishops of the akmonian distbiot. 

1. Akmonia. 

1. Optimus translated to Antioch Pisid. before 381. 

2. Gennadius iir. rrjs ^AkixovoCoup 451. 

3. Theotimus 459. 

4. Basilius iir, KoXooveCas (read [*A]i^]u)V€ias ?) Ilaicartai;^? 68o. 

Le Quien changes to Ba\€VTlas, which is more violent ; see p. 624* 

5. Paulus iir. Tr6\€<os 'Aic/xovc^a; 787. 

6. Eustachius (Eustathius ?) Aemoniae? 869, 879. 


No names are known : doubtless it was nnited in the same bishopric 
with Diokleia : as both were cities of the single people Moxeanoi. 

3. Diokleia. 

1. Constantinus ep. civ. Diocletianorum (ALOKX-qnavQv) 431 (the order 
shows this to be in Pacatiana). 

2. Euandros iir, ttSX^ohs AiOKXclas 451* 

3. Elias misericordia Dei ep. Diocletianopolis 553) inA7 be Diokleia of 
Thrace^ or some of the cities properly called Diokletianopolis. 

4. Akistion K 

I. Paulus ep, civ. Aristii (irJAcco; ^Apt<n'ov) 451. 

a. Mamas ep. Ariassorum civ. prav. Phrygiae (7^9 *ApiaTULv&v wrfXccos 
iirapxCas ^pvyCas) 518. 

3. Tarasius 879. 


1. Heraclius Tr6K€(as Kv8i<r<rot; (civ. Cydissorum) 451. 

2. Andreas Cidissosi (Cedisosi Kijdta-axrov) 787. 

3. Thomas 879. 

^ It is liable to be confused with the bishopric Ariste in Bithjnia. 



(l) PTOLEMY V a, 27 AND {%) 8TRAB0 p. 576 (xil 8, I3). 

I. This important passage should be read hrjyLot. irapa ixiv rriv Avdav 
4>vA.aK^V(rtot koL QefMLcrdvioLf itapcL ik i^v ^lOvviav MoKKa^rjvoC^ Koi 
Ki5ui]cr<r€ts * (^ Kvhbrj(Tfls), v<^' ots H^Xrrjvol (rj ^ttiXtyjvoC) cira Mo^iavol 
etra AvKiov€S, v4> 0^9 'IfpaTroXirat. I have transposed ^XaKxivaioi and 
AvKiov^s. Without the transposition the description is hopelessly bad, 
while with it the description is good and instructive in every detail. The 
false reading was suggested by the similarity of AvKiav and AvKdov€s, 
which led to their being placed together. 

This important passage is to be imderstood thus : ' In Phrygia along 
the Lycian frontier (going S. to N.) are the demoi Phylacenses (see p. 255) 
and the Themisonioi (p. 152); and along the Bithynian frontier (going 
W. to E.) the Mokkadenoi and the Kidyesseis, south of whom (going W. 
to E.) are the Peltenoi and the Moxeanoi and the Lykaones^ south of 
whom are the Hierapolitai (Hieropolitai). See p. 599. 

I should have thought that no geographer would have defended the 
text of Ptolemy as it stands ; but M. Radet accepts it, and founds on it 
an argument to place the Lykaones a few miles further south than I have 
placed them. Now, even if this were right, the position which he assigns 
leaves Ptolemy^s description an absurdly bad one. The situation of the 
Lykaones is determined by the two facts, that they were in the convetUus 
of Synnada and in the province of Salutaris. Hence, even though 
M. Radet fixes them in the extreme S.W. comer of Salutaris on the 
bounds of the Apamean convenius ^, yet no one who looks at a map of 
respectable size or knows the hundred miles of mountains and of road 
between Lycia and the extreme comer of Salutaris can believe that 
Ptolemy retains the slightest claim to geographical authority, if he 
describes a people situated there as being ' beside the Themisonioi on the 
frontier of Lycia.^ The error, once for all, is so gross, that a few miles 
more or less does not appreciably increase or diminish it. 

Further, the position which Ptolemy assigns to the Phylakensioi N. 
of the Hierapolitai and E. of the Moxeanoi is equally absurd. The 
position of the Phylakensioi is assured beyond question in the extreme 

' MoKabr]voi BCH 1 895 p. 557. ' Other reasons, stated on pp. 694 f, 

* Kvdkro-rir MSS. The coins show the show that his position is impossible, 
true form § 8. 


S.W, of Phrygia closer than any other demos to Lycia (for Cibyra is 
ranked among the poleis, not among the demoi). 

Now, when we observe that the Phylakensioi and the Themisonioi lie 
side by side in the long valley, Kara-Eyuk-Ova, which is the extreme 
part of Phrygia towards Lycia, we feel compelled to say that, if Ptolemy 
did not mention these two peoples side by side on the Lycian frontier of 
Phrygia, he shows a geographical incapacity far beyond anything else in 
the way of looseness that he has been guilty of in liis account of Asia 
Minor. Further we see that the transposition of the Lykaones beside 
Lykia was rendered easy for an ignorant transcriber; and that, if we 
make this alteration in the text, we have good geography and good sense 
in place of absurdity and unparalleled blundering ^. There are, in our 
present state of knowledge, only two alternatives open : one, to leave the 
passage of Ptolemy on one side as either absurdly wrong or hopelessly 
corrupt : the other, to accept the transposition proposed as being probably 
correct, and use the text reconstituted as a subsidiary, but not a decisive, 
argument in questions of topography. 

M. Radet seems to regard the Hierapolitai as the people of Hierapolis 
on the Lycos ; but they must certainly be taken as the inhabitants of 

a. Strabo p. 576 gives a list of the districts and cities of Phrygia Magna, 
using that term in the early sense, as distinguished from Phrygia Helles- 
pontiaca and Phrygia Epiktetos. He divides his list according to districts: 
(i) Paroreios Phrygia: (2) Phrygia iiph Ilto-ifi^^ (including Pisidian 
Antioch, Limnai, and much of Ptolemy's ^pvyla YlitrMa Ch. IX App, II): 

(3) Ta TTcpt *Aix6pL0v Koi \* AK]fj[6]v€iav Koi Svri/ada (i. e. central Phrygia in 
our conception, but in Strabo's conception northern Phrygia, for he 
divides what we reckon northern Phrygia between Mysia and Epiktetos) : 

(4) Apameia-Kibotos and Laodiceia and the surrounding cities and 
towns Aphrodisias, Colossai, Themisonion, Sanaos, Metropolis, ApoUonia, 
and at a greater distance Peltai, Tabai, Eukarpia, Lysias (i. e. the whole 
south-western part of Phrygia, taking it in the widest sense). This 
division is clear and well carried out, if we make the single correction 
^AKfjL6v€Lav for Eifxiv^Lav : without the change the division loses its sharp 
precision, for Eumeneia and Peltai must go together in one group. 

^ Ptolemy is a little hazy about the a good geographical list. 
Peltenoi, whom he thinks about as too ^ See C6 LXXXY, where this in 
far N.; but otherwise the passage is pointed out. 




(i) 1 88 1 (with Sir C. Wilson) from Islam-Keui up Hammam-Su^ 
Tcbiflik-Keui^ Geune^ Duz-Agatcb^ to Afion-Kara-Hissar. 

(2) 1883 June (with Sterrett) from the Pentapolis^ Saltik^ Kilter, 
Yannik-Euren, Yavashlar (obliterated inscr.), Dolatann^ Hodjalar^ Doghla 
(Akche-Badarik, Kosluja, Tchiipni, Gudubez^), Aghar-Hissar^ Tchalji- 
Keui^ Ulu-Keui, Yaghdi-Keui^ Eldesann^ Tchukurja^ across Ahar-Dagh 
to Sitchanli-Ova^ Avlann Pasha^ Tazilar, Ginik, Dokutehlar, Sinan-Pasha^ 
Duz-Agatch (Aivali, Bulja^ Balmama), Geune, Avlann-Pasha^ Tchiflik- 
Keui, Tunlu-Bunar, Otourak. Separate routes by Sterrett (a) Hodjalar, 
Doghla, Emiraz, Doghla. (b) Taziler, Geune, Earadja-Euren, Duz- 
Agatch, Tchai-Hissar, Ehirka, Aivali, Geukche-Eyuk, Pasha-Keui (Kilij- 
Arslan, Sinir-Keui), Sinan-Pasha, Duz-Agatch. 

(3) I ^^3 October, from Afion-Eara-Hissar, Balmama, Bulja^ Duz- 
Agfatch, Karadja-Euren^ Geune, Tchalishlar, Tchiflik-Eeui, down Ham- 

(4) 1886 August (with Brown) from Afion-Eara-Hissar riding by 
night reach Tchiflik-Eeui next morning. 

^ See explanations p. 619. 

• Compare Armenian Gadubcs, * like a cat.* 



§ 1. The Jews in Apanieia p. 667. § 2. The Legend of the Flood in Apameia 
p. 669. § 3. The Jews in Akmonia p. 673. § 4. Fate of the Phiygian Jews 
p. 674- 

§ 1. The Jews in Apameia. Cicero^ mentions that Flaccus, pro- 
praetor of Asia in 6z B.C., would not allow the contributions, which 
were regularly sent to Jerusalem by the Jews, to go out of Asia, and 
seized the money that was collected for the purpose. At Apameia nearly 
100 pounds weight of gold was taken and weighed before the praetor, 
at Laodiceia 20 pounds weight, an unknown amount at Adramyttion, 
and a little at Pergamos. But it is an error to state, as has frequently 
been done, that the 100 pounds had been contributed by the Jews of 
Apameia. It is clear that the sums seized had been brought to these 
great centres for export, and represented the contributions of large 
districts^. Hence Cicero's statement proves only that there was a 
large Jewish population in Phrygia; and this is known from some 
other sources. But we may safely conclude that Apameia was one of 
their chief centres, for it united all the conditions favourable to their 
commercial and financial genius. Further, comparing the amount at 
Apameia and at Laodiceia, we infer that the Jews were far more 
numerous in Apameia and the cities connected with it than they were 
in the Laodicean group ; and the evidence of inscr. fully confirms 
this. Akmonia, Sebaste, Eumeneia, Apameia, Dokimion, Iconium ^, are 

* Pro Flacco 68 : Th. Reinach Textea 
Rdatifs au Judaisme p. 237. 

* M. Th. Reinach Monn. Juivea pp. 72 f 
note, calculates that this weight of gold 
represents about 50,000 half-shekels, 
which he considers must either have 
been the sum of several years* tax, or 
an extraordinaxy contribution; but in 
his Textes p. 240 he calculates that it 
is over 75,000 drachmae (each Jew paid 

2 dr, annually). M. Babelon Mdl. 
Numism, I p. 169 infers that la poptUa- 
tion d^Apam^e d Vipoque Romaine, 4tait 
Juite en grande partie. It would be 
safer to say that Apameia was the 
centre of a district in which a very 
large Jewish population dwelt. 

' CIQ 9270 at Iconium is clearly 
Jewish-Christian. Iconium was not in 
the Apamean district. 


the cities where we can identify Jewish inscriptions, legends and names. 
We cannot doubt that this large Jewish population exercised a great 
influence on the development of the district and of the cities ; and we 
therefore proceed to investigate the traces of it in the inscr. 

In no. 399 his (third century) the law of the Jews is mentioned ; 
and we recognize there (with M. S. Eeinach), not the law of Moses^ 
but a regulation agreed upon between the city and the Jewish commu- 
nity for the protection of Jewish graves. Before a.d. 70 the Jews 
constituted, according to Roman law, a separate self-administering 
community, * the Nation of the Jews * in Apameia ^ ; but after that 
date the separate existence of the Jews as a nq.tion was terminated, 
and the law recognized no distinction between the Jews and other 
provincials (except in respect of religion). It is remarkable that 
a separate law of the Jews should have been recognized in Apameia 
near two centuries later. 

Probably the Jewish community in Apameia is as old as the founda- 
tion of the city (280-261 B.C.). The Seleucid kings used the Jews as 
an element of the colonies which they founded to strengthen their 
hold on Phrygia and other countries ^. Seleucus Nicator granted the 
Jews the full rights of citizenship, equal to those of Macedonians and 
Greeks, in all the cities which he founded ^ ; and this may doubtless 
be taken as an example of the general Seleucid policy, for the later 
kings * guarded the privileges of these Jewish Katoikai ^ in spite of the 
jealousy of their fellow-citizens. For example, distribution of oil was 
made to all citizens at the public expense ; but, as the Jews objected to 
use oil made by Gentiles, the gymnasiarchs were ordered to give them 
an equivalent in money ®, a right confirmed by Mucianus in Antioch 
67-69 A.T). This and various other privileges were guaranteed to the 
Jewish Kutoikoi ; and the whole probably constituted the * law of the 
Jews' in Apameia, no. 399 bis. Experience showed that the Jews were 
a useful and loyal part of the Seleucid colonies ; and when Antiochus 
the Great desired to strengthen his cause in Phrygia and Lydia about 
200 B.C., he brought 2000 Jewish families from Babylonia and settled 

' t6 t6vo£ Tfov *lovdaicap at Smyrna, them citizenship in the Ionian cities, 

S. Reinach Rev.desELJuivesYll p. 161 : Josephus Ant. XII § 125 (which means 

the Alexandrian Jews had an Ethnarch that he planted colonies of Jews in 

at their head. these cities). See also p. 669, note 1, 

* See pp. 10, 34, 196, 257, 421. * See pp. 199 f, 583, 703. 

* Josephus Ant, XII 3, i (§ 119) * Josephus Ant, XII § 120. On the 
quoted p. 34 note, Gymnasiarchs see p. 443. 

* Antiochus Thcos 26 1 -248 B.C. granted 


them in the strongholds, granting them lands and guaranteeing them 
his favour in every way ^. 

The fact that the Jewish Katoikoi were encouraged and favoured 
by the Seleucid kings proves that they maintained the interests of the 
dominant party against the native population ^. Thus they were an 
aristocratic faction in the Phrygian cities; and, though the Perga- 
menian policy differed, yet the Jews are not likely to have lost the 
position which they had gained. In the Roman period their success 
in so many suits before Koman officials, when their privileges were 
attacked, is a proof of their wealth and power ; for under the Republic 
they who could bribe highest were always successful. Especially the 
fftvour of DolaboUa ^ was a mere matter of purchase. 

In A.D. 70, they lost their separate and peculiar position before 
Roman law. Advantage was taken of this by the cities of Antioch 
and Alexandria, which sought to deprive them also of citizenship ; but 
Vespasian and Titus confii*med their rights as citizens. The action of 
these two cities formed a test case ; and, if it had gone against the 
Jews, they would obviously have lost their citizenship in all similar 
cities. But it would appear from no. 399 bis, that they not merely 
retained their equality in citizenship at Apamoia, but also some (prob- 
ably almost all) of the peculiar privileges which they enjoyed beyond 
other citizens. These privileges were inseparable from their religion ; 
and) as their religion was made legitimate (on the payment of a poll- 
tax), the privileges connected with it were recognized. Only the tax 
which they formerly sent to Jerusalem (safe transmission of which was 
guaranteed by many enactments) was now turned into a Roman tax. 

It is very probable that the Jews would have a separate cemetery 
at Apameia ; but the dearth of Jewish epitaphs is remarkable. Only 
one is known, no. 399 his. But the Phrygian Jews seem to have aban- 
doned entirely the use of the Hebrew language and names ^ ; and it is 
impossible to identify them from their names alone. The language and 
tone of no» 315, 385, 394, suggests that they are Jewish or Jewish- 

§ 2. The Legend of the Flood in Apameia. On Apamean 
coins struck under Severus, Macrinus, and Philip, there appears (with 
slight variations in details) the same type of ' a chest or ark {kiPohtS^) 

^ See the whole letter of Antiochus, ^ On the Seleucid policy see pp. 260, 

Josephus Ant, XII § 148 ff, which was 420. 

doubtless preserved as a charter by the ' Josephus Ant, XIV 10, 9 ff (§ 217 ff)« 

Jews. He mentions the strong liking of ^ Unless they retained Hebrew names 

his predecessors for the Jewish settlers, in esoteric private use. 



inscribed NHC, floating on water : within it are two figures, and stand- 
ing beside it a male and a female figure: on the top of the chest, 
a raven, and above a dove carrying an olive-branch ^.* M. Charles 
Lenormant has published a relief found in the Catacombs at Rome, 
' which represents a scene identical in all points with the Apamean 
coin-type *.' This type brings together two scenes of the tale of Noah : 
in one he with his wife is floating in the ark : in the other they are 
giving thanks on dry land after their preservation* 

Reasons have been stated above for the belief that the coin-engravers 
used as their model a picture exhibited in a public place in the city ^ 
probably one of a series of illustrations of Apamean legends which 
adorned some public building, such as a stoa. Some time during the 
second century, probably, an artist represented the tale of Noah as an 
Apamean scene. In adapting the Hebrew tale to pictorial representa- 
tion, the artist took as his model the form which Greek art had already 
given to the myth of Danae and Perseus or of Auge and Telephos. 
The ark was represented as a box like that in which Danae or Auge 
had floated across the sea; and Noah and his wife were shown twice, 
once in the box (like Auge on a coin of Elaea ^), and once standing 
beside it (like Danae on Porapeian wall-paintings*), raising their 
right hands towards heaven. 

That the legend of Noah was localized at Apameia is known from 
other sources. A passage of the Sibylline books®, composed probably 
in the imperial period, mentions that the ark (/ci/Scaroy) rested on the 
hill whence the Marsyas rises ; and Cedrenus mentions the same tale. 
There is an obvious connexion between the by-name of the city, 

' Head Hist. Ntim p. 558. See Plate I 
I and 2. 

' Babelon Melanges Num ism. I p. 172 : 
I have not seen M. Ch. Lenormant's 
publication * dans lea MManges d' ArcMol, 
des PP. Cahier et Martin pp. 199-202.* 

' See p. 432. Either a wall-painting 
or a scene in low relief, which is go- 
verned by similar principles of compo- 
sition, would satisfy the conditions. 

* Auge and Telephos on a coin of 
Elaea Imhoof MG p. 274 (a type cer- 
tainly influenced by Artemon*s picture 
of the finding of Danae Pliny XXXV 
139). The explanation of the type is 
given by Marx in Ath.MHth 1886 pp. 23 f, 
a paper which has escaped M. Babelon's 
attention p. 1 73. It also seems unknown 

to the writers of the arts. Auge and 
Danae in Roscher's lexicon; but has 
not remained unobserved by Mr. Wroth 
B. M. Catalogue of Aeolis &c. p. 130, 
who defends the reading N €0 Y against 
Marx's suggestion N€OK(opou). 

* Three Pompeian pictures are de- 
scribed by Overbeck Kunstmyth. d. Zeus 
p. 414 after Helbig WandgemQlde der 
v. V. rersch. Siddte Campaniens no. 119- 
121. None of them seems to be pub- 

* I 261 ff, quoted on p. 454 : Cedrenus 
I p. 20, Syncellus I p. 38, Stephanus 
8.V. *I»f(5viov, Suidas s.r. NnWaKoy, and 
Nonnus Dionys. XII T 522 flf also describe 
a Phrygian flood in terms similar to the 
Biblical flood. 


Kibotos, and the tale of the ark of Noah ; but there ib no evidence 
whether the by-name (which occurs first in Strabo about a.d. 19) was 
derived from the tale, or the tale was localized here because of the 
name. It seems possible that there was a native Phrygian name, to 
which the grecized form Kibotos was given. In fact, we know that 
this transformation actually occurred elsewhere, for the name Klibotos 
occurs in Bithynia \ But, on the other hand, we find reason to think 
that the Jewish element was quite strong enough in Apameia to give 
the city a by-name derived from the biblical legend as early as the 
time of Christ -. Evidence may yet be found ; but though probability 
inclines toward Jewish origin of the name, one cannot feel any con- 
fidence at present. 

M. Babelon, who has discussed this subject with great care ^, con- 
siders that most of the Jewish colonies of the Dispersion identified the 
loftiest mountain of their neighbourhood as that where the ark rested ; 
and that in this way the Jews of Apameia selected the mountain behind 
Apameia. But this explanation seems unsatisfactory. Even suppos- 
ing that Jewish colonies as a rule did as M. Babelon supposes them 
to have done (though I cannot find that his references prove the state- 
ment), the Apamean colony would never have thought of the little 
hill of Kelainai * which is dominated by the whole ridge of Djebel- 
Sultan, and especially by its southern peak Ai-Doghmush (5580 ft.), 
a beautiful and striking mountain about six miles away. Further, 
two other mountains in full view from any prominent point in the 
city rise to a far greater height than even Ai-Doghmush, viz. Yan- 
Dagh (6619 ft.) and Ak-Dagh (8013 ft.), whose superior elevation was 
attested to the eyes of the Apamean Jews by the snow lying late on 
them. If M. Babelon*s theory were correct, one of these lofty moun- 
tains would surely have been selected as the point where the ark 

We must therefore conclude, with MM. Ch. Lenormant and Th. 
Reinach, that the hill of Kelainai was considered by the Apamean 
Jews to be the spot where the ark had rested, because an Apamean 

' Hifct. Geogr. p. 186. It lay opposite 
Dakibyza ; and we have seen the pro- 
bability that the name Dakibyza was 
used in S. Phrygia (like Askania) : 
above, p. 31 note. 

' This view is stated by Gutschmid 
Bhein, Mus. 1864 XIX p. 400, and main- 
tained by M. Babelon and adopted by 
Scharer Praphetin Isabel p. 54. Schiirer 
rightly rejects Prof. G. Hirschfeld's 

idea that the name Kibotos was given 
to Apameia on account of its com- 
mercial importance. 

^ Melanges de Numism. I pp. 165 fF 
{Rev, de VHigt, dee Religions 1891 XXIII 
pp. 174 ff)- 

* Mj aneroid showed 815 feet above 
the railway station, i. e. 3660 : the pro- 
posed railway tunnel through Djebel- 
Sultan is at a level of 3600. 



legend of a deluge was already connected with the hill. M. Babelon 
objects that there is no trace of a native legend ; but, in the first 
place, we know too little about Apamean beliefs to found anything 
on this failure, and secondly the legend of Anchouros mentioned 
above, p. 415, seems to point to a belief that the city rested on 
underground waters which were prevented from engulfing it by the 
protection of the Kelainian god seated on the Acropolis. This ap- 
proximates to the idea of a deluge, and we do not know all the forms 
in which it was probably current ; but, taken as it is, it seems quite 
enough to suggest to the Jews (who came believing that the ark 
had rested somewhere in this northern land) the idea that Noah had 
stepped from the ark on the sacred hill dominating the city. If there 
was a native name Kibotos, applied to some part of the city, the 
Biblical legend would be sure to be localized there ; but this, as we 
have seen, is not certain. 

This type was favoured in Apameia beyond any of the other 
legendary types ; and it is quite probable that the magistrates who 
chose this type for their coins may have been Jews, Artemas ^ and 
Alexander. The name Alexander was in use among the Phrygian 
Jews ^ ; and its frequent appeamnce among the Phrygian Christians, 
no. 355, is probably due to that fact. 

If Alexander, who chose the Noah-tjrpe in the time of Philip, was 
a Jew, it would prove that the Phrygian Jews had degenerated 
greatly from the Jewish standard of religion; for he was a high- 
priest of the city (i.e. in the Imperial cultus). It seems, however, 
not impossible that this may have been the case. Dr. Schiirer has 
shown to what superstitions the Jews of Thyatira had given way ^. 
In Cyprus and in Ephesos, also, some Jews had abandoned themselves 
to the practice of magical arts, which were stringently forbidden by 
the Mosaic law *. An Apamean Jew might therefore join in main- 
taining the loyal cultus, for the Roman Jews were always staunch 
Imperialists ; and at Akmonia we find Jews acting as high-priests in 
the Imperial cultus. 

* M. Babelon p. 172 calls Artemas 
agonothete pour la tfvisiime fois; but 
this is incorrect (as is proved by another 
legend of the same person €711 • AP- 
4>PYri AC), see p. 442 note 3. 

' No. 562. The name was naturally 
common among a people loyal to the 
Seleucids; moreover Alexander the 

Great had protected and favoured the 
Jews, Josephus Bell. Jud. II 18, 7. It 
was in use among the Greek- speaking 
Jews everywhere ; the brother of Philo 
was Alexander. 

' Prophetin Isabel in Thyatira {AbhandL 
WeizsClcker gewidmet pp. 39 fF). 

* ^rffiXni6, XIX 13 ff. 


§ 3. The Jews in Akmonia. Jewish inscr., certain or probable, are 
more numerous near Akmonia than in all the rest of Phrygia put 
together; and they reveal to us Jews of rank and influence. Among 
the Asian Jews, women take an unusually prominent place ^ ; and 
foremost among them was an Akmonian lady, Julia Severa, whose 
dignity and rank are attested by many coins and inscriptions. Few 
persons in the whole province are mentioned in so many documents 
as Julia Severa ; and hardly any Phrygian inscr. is more important 
than no. 559, from which we learn that she was a Jewess, for her 
origin seems to imply the Jewish origin of a number of other persons. 
The name Tyrronius, found at Iconium^, Akmonia and Sebaste, 
must be recognized as Jewish (no. 530, 559, 478 f) ; and two families, 
bearing the names Julius Severus and Servenius Comutus, connected 
both with Akmonia and with Ancyra in Galatia, boasting of royal 
descent and intermarrying with one another, are probably also Jewish. 
The evidence is not sufficient to demonstrate the latter inference ; it 
merely suggests it as probable, and we can only register it, at present, 
as such and wait the discovery of further evidence ; but the connexion 
of these families with one another and with both Akmonia and 
Ancyra is a fact both certain and noteworthy ^. A slight confirma- 
tion may be mentioned. Severus, consul about 140, proconsul of 
Asia in A..D. 153-4, is believed by Waddington to have been named 
Julius Severus; he was of royal descent; he was connected with 
Ancyra, where two inscriptions in his honour are found * ; but he 
also belonged to a family of Upper Phiygia, as Aristides tells us*. 
Akmonia was in Upper Phrygia ; and, if our hypothesis as to the 
Akmonian family be correct, the discrepancy between our authorities 
as to his origin is fully explained. Aristides' description of him as 
a very well known man, stately, determined, unbending, suits his 
royal descent •. 

The extreme interest of this hypothesis warrants us in allowing it 
a place in this chapter, even though it cannot be ranked as proved. 
The full discussion of the subject is connected with Ancyra, rather 
than with Akmonia. To the former place belong all the documents 

^ See comm. on no. 559. * ^v hi fjyffioiv ttJ9 ^Aalas T6rt dv^p Ka\ 

'^ A Jewish colony in Iconium Acts fiaika tS>v yvapifjuav 2€firjpot t&v ott^ rrjg 

xiv. I, CI6 9270 (quoted p. 734). SivuiOtv ^pvyias Arist. up. Xoy. (I p. 505 

' See comm. on no. 530, 551-559. Bind.). 

* CIG 4033, 4034: one laAEMH, IX • dvPipv^lnj\ogTovsTp6novs,Ka\BTiyvoui 
118 : see Wadd. Pastes § 143. Severus koI irpoikoiro ovk hv v0rcro ovdtvi p. 523 : 
was not governor of Galatia ; the inscr. cp. pp. 525, 527-9. Compare the de- 
are erected by personal friends. scription of Polemon of Laodiceia, p. 43. 

VOL. I. FT. II. Y 


which allude to royal descent^. The descent is explained by Franz 
and Waddington as being from one of the Galatian tetrarchial fEimilies ; 
but, if the families are Jews, we should have to admit, either that 
the Jews intermarried extensively with Galatian families, or that the 
families claimed to be sprung from Jewish kings. 

At Akmonia, and in Phrygia generally. Christians and Jews seem 
to have been in close relations^ and it is often difficult to determine 
whether an inscr. is Jewish or Jewish-Chr. (no. 411 f, 466, 563 f, 635). 
The relations were not always friendly (no. 232) ; but the same names 
and formulae were used by both. In a Chr. inscr. 466, a form which 
has little of the Chr. character seems to spring from Judaism. But 
in this subject, we depend rather on the general impression derived 
from the situation and from the inscr. as a whole, than on definite 
single facts. 

In Akmonia a series of epitaphs are found containing a curse quite 
different in character from the ordinary Phrygian forms of impreca- 
tion against the violator of the tomb; this curse has a thoroughly 
Semitic intensity, and Oriental parallels to it are easily found. One 
of the epitaphs, no^ 563, contains a reference to * the most high God,' 
in a form which is almost certainly Jewish ^ ; and the whole series 
may be set down as either Jewish, or due to the influence of Jewish 
manners and beliefs on the Akmonian people (no. 564-567). 

§ 4. Fate of the Phrygian Jews. The Phrygian Jews, many of 
whom had been brought from Babylonia about 200 B.C., are con- 
sidered in the Talmud as the Ten Tribes ; and it is said that the 
baths and wines of Phrygia had separated the Ten Tribes from their 
brethren ^. They lost connexion with their own land and people ; 
they forgot their language ; they did not participate in the philosophy 
and education of the Alexandrian Jews ; and they were much more 
readily converted to Christianity, which is what the Talmud calls 
their separation from their brethren*. We may then take the mar- 
riage of the Jewess Eunice at Lystra to a Greek, and the exemption 
of her son Timotheus from the Mosaic law ^ as typical of a relaxation 
of the exclusive Jewish standard in Lycaonia and Phrygia and an 
approximation to the pagan population around them. This is con- 

* /Sao-iXeoDV Koi rtrpapxSiV dnoyopop, CI6 no. 466. 

4033 f, 4030, Mordtmann Marm. Ancyr. ^ Neubauer Giogr, du Talmud p. 31 5. 

p. 16, Domaszewski AEMit. IX p. 129 * Neubauer 1. c. In my St. Paul the 

{Tfjv€KpaaiK(<ov2€povriuiavKopPovTca'Kop- Tfav. pp. 142 ff, reasons are stated for 

vrjklav <ctX., see p. 648. following his weighty authority. 

* It is probably Jewish-Christian, like * Acts XVI 2. 


finned by several indications in our inscr. Julia Severa was a high- 
piiestess in the Imperial cultus, in association successively with her 
two husbands, no. 530, 550: so also was Servenia Comuta, no. 551. 
The worship of Foppaea as Sebaste Eubosia seems to have been 
maintained by Jews (no. 530). Alexander, the high-priest at Apameia, 
was probably a Jew. 

The Akmonian Jews, then^ seem to have regarded Akmonia as their 
fatherland, not merely in name (no. 561), but in reality. They took 
the Roman Empire as their country, and in every way showed them- 
selves loyal, even to the extent of engaging in the loyal worship of 
the Emperors. 

The approximation between the Jews and the native population 
was not likely to be wholly on one side. The fascination which the 
lofty morality and proud separation of the Jewish religion exercised 
on the Roman world is well known ; and Phrygia was probably even 
more likely th^n other countries to come under that influence. In 
no. 232, according to our interpretation, there is an example of this 
Judaizing tendency ; and though no other example can be given, we 
must remember that inscr. can rarely throw light on such move- 
ments of thought. But the tendency of Paul's Phrygian converts at 
Colossae, Iconium and Pisidian Antioch to lapse into Judaistic prac- 
tices, and the multitudes that flocked to the synagogue in Antioch, 
show how strongly the Jews had aflected the district. Moreover the 
position of the Jews in Apameia and Akmonia, and the facts related 
in § 2, could hardly have come about, unless the native population 
had come to some degree under Jewish influence. 

These considerations lead up to the question as to the ultimate fate 
of the Phrygian Jews. Why do we never hear of them in later 
history ? The answer must, I think, be that they gradually became 
merged in the surrounding people. It may seem improbable that 
a large Jewish population should lose its separate character, and be 
swallowed up in a race which probably possessed lower intellectual 
power and vigour. But the separatism of the Jews is dependent on 
their religion; and the evidence of the Talmud is clear, that the 
Phrygian Jews failed to maintain their own peculiar religion, and 
thus were divided from their brethren. On the one hand they 
approximated to Jbhe Qraeco-Roman civilization, were ardent sup- 
porters of the Imperial policy, and engaged in the Imperial cultus (at 
least in outward form, and that cultus was never more than an 
outward form) ; on the other hand they were probably to a large 
extent Christianized at an early period; and even those who had 
taken the Imperial side, and conformed to the State worship, were 

Y 2 


likely in the fourth century to continue the same conformity when 
Christianity had become the State religion. Thus the Phrygian Jews 
melted into the general Chr. population. 

Note, — It is not possible to give a sure list of Jewish inscr. in 
Phrygia, but the foUowing have some bearing on the subject; no. 231, 
^32. i^S^ 385^ 394, 399 ^> 41T, 412, 466, 530, 550-567- 



§ 1. Geography of the Glaukos Valley p. 677. § 2. The Pentapolis of Phrygia 
p. 678. § 3. Hieropolis or Hierapolis p. 679. § 4. Brouzos p. 683. § 5. 
Otrous p. 686. § 6. Stektorion p. 689. § 7. Eukarpia p. 690. § 8. Lykaones 
p. 693. § 9. The Turkish Conquest p. 695. 

Appendices : I. Inscriptions p. 698. II. Bishops p. 706. III. Routes p. 707. 

§ 1. GEoaRAPHY OF THE Glaukos V ALLEY. The chief sources of 
the Glaukos ^ river are in a lofty chain of bare rocky volcanic moun- 
tains running due N. as far as Afion-Kara-Hissar. The main mass 
of the chain is some distance S. of that city, between Brouzos and 
Synnada. Towards N. it ends in a line of isolated conical hills pro- 
truding like columns out of the fiat soil of the Kara-Hissar plain (like 
the gi-ander line of cones stretching NE. from Eara-Dagh across the 
plain of Lycaonia). Towards S. it passes into Gumalar-Dagh, a chain 
of quite different character, grass-covered lofty hills and high-lying 
valleys, green and often marshy. Further to S., Gumalar-Dagh sinks 
into more bald and rounded hills, which separate Tchul-Qvasi 
(Metropolis) from Dombai-Ovasi (Aurokra). As we crossed the 
Gumalar-Dagh in 1891 from the Pentapolis to Metropolis ^ the 
aneroid indicated a sunmiit level of 6,600 ft., with hills rising further 
above our path, and at 6,000 ft. we were crossing a beautiful open glen, 
entirely surrounded by hills, a mere marsh in the middle, dotted over 
with the black tents of the nomad mountaineers. But crossing more 
to S. from Metropolis towards Duz-Bel in 1883 the summit was barely 
4,500, and on the Eastern Highway between Aurokra and Metropolis ' 
in 1 88 1 only 3,900. 

^ The name Glaukos is used with re- 
serve, as it is possible that Eloudros was 
the name of the river. See Ch. X § i. 

' On a line direct from Hieropolis to 
Metropolis (ascending from Karghyn, 
descending on Yiprak). 

' Besides these three crossings, I have 

also gone over the passes that lead from 
the Synnada valley to Sandykli (1881), 
from Saoran on the eztremest N. branch 
of the Glaukos by an easy crossing to 
Synnada (1883), and from Saoran direot 
across the mountains to Afion-Kara- 
Hissar (1887) : but I had not an aneroid. 


On the western side of that chain is a long depression stretching 
S. to N., traversed by an easy road leading ultimately to Dorylaion and 
Constantinople. The depression is divided into several parts : furthest 
to S. is Dombai-Ovasi (Aurokra Ch. XI § 25) : crossing from Dombai 
(34CX) ft.) the bare flat ridge of Bel-Kavak (ab. 3,900 ft.) we reach 
the territory of Stektorion, a long valley of varying width, unpro- 
ductive in its southern and higher parts, but fertile lower down, 
where the city lies (3480 ft.) behind the lofty Ak-Dagh and Khoma- 
Dagh : the valley of Stektorion widens N. into Sandykli-Ova proper, 
where on the higher E. side is the mediaeval castle of Sandykli 
(3.600 ft.) ^, and on the fertile W. side are the four cities Hieropolis, 
Otrous, Eukarpia and Brouzos : Sandykli-Ova, which is bounded on 
W. by the hilly country of the Moxeanoi, rises on N. towards a steep 
ridge (3,880), which is broken at the middle by the gorge where one of 
the Glaukos branches forces its way S. into the Pentapolis-valley 
beside the village Bash- Agatch : beyond this ridge lies a small valley, 
Cutchuk-Sitchanli-Ova, containing several small and poor villages, the 
chief of which is Saoran (3,950). Saoran lies in the comer between 
two ridges of watershed, one stretching away W. to Ahar-Dagh \ the 
other S. dividing the Fentapolis from Synnada. 

The streams flowing S. from Saoran and N. from the Bel-Kavak 
ridge, meet near Eukarpia ^ after being joined on the way by many 
small affluents chiefly from the mountains E. ; the united stream then 
flows away W. through a broken hilly region (the N. skirts of Ak- 
Dagh and S. part of the Moxeanoi), receiving there the Aram-Tchai 
(which flows down from Ahar-Dagh), and turning round the spurs of 
Ak-Dagh towards S., penned in between them and Burgas- Dagh, it 
issues at last on the open stretch of the Maeander valley, 2 miles E. of 

§ 2. The Pentapolis of Phryqia. The name Pentapolis is men- 
tioned only twice: (i) in the signature of bishop Paul at the Council 
held in Constantinople in a. d. 553, who styles himself * niisei^icordia 
Dei epi8Copu8 sanctae ecclesiae Stectorii civitatia Pentapoliticae 
regionis Phrygiae Scdutaria provinciae' : (2) in Nicetas Chon. p. 162 
quoted in § 9. The list of Hierocles shows at a glance what the five 
cities are : he begins his enumeration of Salutaris with the five names, 
and in the first sentence which I ever published about Phrygia, before 

* M. Radet gives Sandykli as 3,527 ft. ' See Ch. XIV § i : crossed by Hassan- 
He probably reckoned at the house Bel 4,300 ft. 

where he lived : the castle is on a ' Compare the Kara-Eyuk plain and 

hill. streams, Ch. VIII § i. 


discoveriDg the signature of bishop Paul, these five names were 
selected as being a separate group ^: Eukarpia, HierapoUs, Otrous, 
Stektorion, Brouzos. Thereafter Hierocles crosses the mountains 
E. to Synnada ^. 

A late Byzantine name Zapdwara MvXodpo^ is mentioned by Nicetas 
in the Fentapolis. This is interpreted in § 9 as a grecized form of the 
name Hissar-Abad, Place-of-the-Castle, showing that already in 1158 
the Castle of Sandykli was the chief place in the valley. The name 
MvXoiv is obscure^ perhaps it was the original Greek name of the 
locality where the Castle was built. 

Sandykli seems to be a purely modem (i.e. mediaeval) foundation. 
Hamilton observed that it * has no appearance of being the site of an 
ancient city.' It probably arose in the later Byzantine period ; and, 
if the latest Notitiae Episcopatuum were descriptions of the real state 
of the country instead of being little better than antiquarian survivals 
from preceding centuries, we should probably find that several of the 
bishoprics of the Fentapolis had disappeared, and that one of them 
had the additional form ifroi ZapawdroDv, implying that Hissar-Abad 
had become the actual residence of the bishop who bore the title of 
one of the old cities. 

In the Sandykli valley it is noteworthy that the ancient cities 
occupy situations in the hollow, low-lying, but most fertile parts, 
whereas the modem city is planted on the higher land, towards the 
opposite (E.) side of the valley. The modem situation is the most 
healthy, the most defensible, and closest to the source of the water 
supply. The ancient sites are closest to the sources of wealth, viz. 
the lines of road and the fertile lands; and superior engineering 
skill brought to them a good supply of water from the springs on 
the hills to E. In the Ishekli district, likewise, the three ancient 
cities were clustered together at one side of the valley. 

§ 3. HiEROPOLis OB HiERAPOLis is fixed at Kotch-Hissar by its 
proximity to the hot-springs (Therma, Ilidja), which are about 2 miles 

^ BCH 1882 p. 503. 

' M. Radet identifies the Pentademi- 
tai of Ptolemy V 2, 15, with the inha- 
bitants of the Pentapolis ; but it is 
obvious that Ptolemy is there describing 
the demoi of the western lands of the 
province Asia, and only in V 2, 27, does 
he enumerate the demoi of Phrygia 
Magna. The Olympenoi who are men- 
tioned in y 2, 15, cannot of course be 
placed in Bithynia. They bordered on 

the territory of Aeolic Aigai (see inscr. 
in S.Reinach Chroniqxies d^ Orient p. 71 1). 
Groups of cities were often called by 
such names: e.g. the HexapoUs of 
Bithynia in the signature of Callinicus 
bishop of Apameia at Chalcedon {Actio 
III), the Hexapolis of Phrygia Hist, 
Geogr, p. 142, the Pentapolis of Ravenna 
Theophanes p. 357, with many more 
familiar cases. 


S. from it, and are closely connected with it in the local legend 
that grew round the name of the historical bishop, Avircius Marcellus 
of Hieropolis. As Kiepert long ago observed ^, we may always look 
for some striking manifestation of divine influence, e.g. hot springs 
or mephitic exhalations, in the neighbourhood of any place called 
Hierapolis. Close to Kotch-Hissar on N. are considerable remains of 
a large peripteral temple, apparently of rather coarse work, which may 
be identified as the old religious centre of the valley, occupying in 
it the same position as Attanassos in the Eumenian district, or Men 
Karou in the country on the S. bank of the Lycos. 

This identification suits well with the milestone erected by the * most 
brilliant city of the Hieropolitans,* no. 630. 

Hieropolis or Hierapolis, then, was the old religious and ruling 
centre of the valley ; and it is clear from Ptolemy ^ that the popula- 
tion was originally called the Hierapolitai or Hieropolitai. But, 
as in almost every other Phrygian valley, new foundations were 
made in the development of its history. The Anatolian village 
system at first ruled probably over almost the whole valley. A com- 
mercial city after the style of Kelainai is very likely to have existed 
early ; and, if so, probably Eukarpia was that city. Further, at one 
point after another there grew up cities of the Greek type, colonies 
and garrisons of the Greek kings. 

The question as to the correct form of the name is a complicated 
one. I believe that I was the first to show that the name used 
locally was Hieropolis, though Hierapolis is the literary form ^. It 
would be wrong to alter a literary passage, and to thrust into it the 
name Hieropolis in defiance of the MSS. Yet this is what all editors 
insist on doing in no. 657, which has a good claim to rank as a piece 
of literature and not as a mere epitaph. Some years ago*, it was 
pointed out that Hierapolis was the form demanded there alike by 
metre and by MSS. ; but this unanswerable defence of the tradition 
is ignored by the foreign scholars who treat that remarkable docu- 
ment. They repeat a fragment of the principle laid down in my 
earlier essays with regard to the name, adopting the fragmentary 
rule from predecessors without investigating the evidence for it. If 
they looked into the facts, they would recognize that there are many 
exceptions and restrictions, and that it is quite unjustifiable to lay 

^ See Franz F'unf Inschr. u. fUtif St, ' The name was introduced in my 

p. 36. article in BCH 1 882 pp. 503 ff. 

* See V 2, 27 and the commentary in * Expositor 1889 IX p. 271. 
App. Ill to Ch. XIV. 


down any absolute rule about the name. Inasmuch as every foreign 
scholar who touches on the subject repeats the name Hieropolis, as 
if that were final, it is necessary here to restate the case, and to 
show especially what was the usage of Chr. writers, such as Avircius 
Marcellus, the author of no. 657. 

The form Hieropolis, in place of the strict Greek Hiera Polis^ was 
used in several cities of Asia Minor and Syria, where the true Greek 
feeling had not yet established itself. When the Greek spirit had 
affected the region strongly, the name became Hierapolis. In the 
Lycos valley Hierapolis replaced Hieropolis in official usage under 
Augustus^; and the chan;;e marks a stage in the hellenization of 
Fhrygia. The difference of name implies a difference in religious and 
social feeling as well as in literary and grammatical correctness. 
Hieropolis was in origin probably merely a false form ^ ; but it could 
be taken to imply * the City of the Hleron! The hieron was the 
central fact, and the city was an appendage to it : that was the Asian 
idea, and the form Hieropolis suited the idea, and was used at Eomana 
of Cappadocia^, at the Syrian Hieropolis-Mabog, at the Cilician 
Hieropolis-Kastabala *, and in Upper Phrygia. To the Greek view 
the city was the central fact, and, as hallowed by the presence of the 
god in his temple, it was the holy city, Hiera Polis. Individuals 
educated to share in the Greek spirit preferred the correct Greek form, 
even when the official name continued to have the Asian form Hiero- 
polis. Thus we find the Syrian city called Hierapolis by Lucian, 
Strabo, Aelian, Pliny, Plutarch, Julian, Ammianus ; but coins and 
Stephanus have the form EUeropolis. The change of form at Hiera- 
polis in the Lycos valley is therefore important as proving the complete 
supremacy of Greek feeling there even in official usage as early as 
Augustus : the Lycos valley was thoroughly hellenized then. We may 
be sure however that many more educated natives had discarded the 
form Hieropolis long before that time. 

In the third century the valley of the Pentapolis was still not 
thoroughly hellenized; inscriptions still mention Hieropolis after 
A.D. 280 (no. 630). Hence the rule that Phrygian coins later than 
A.D. 180 reading ICPOnOACITHN are to be attributed to the city 
of the Pentapolis^ has been accepted by all numismatists ^ that have 

* See p. 107. * In inscr. discovered by Mr. Bent 

' Like Megalopolis for Megale Polis. JHS 1890 pp. 243-246. The name Kas- 

' In three inscr. 6GH 1883 pp. 129- tabala alone occurs in literature. 

131. The name Komana alone occurs ^ It was first stated in JHS 1883 

in literature. p. 432. No coins of the city earlier 



discussed the subject. Official usage in the third century is clear: 
two inscriptions and coins of half a dozen diffei'ent types agree in the 
form. But that does not prove that the name must be altered in the 
literary tradition : it does not prove that educated men called the city 
Hieropolis. On the contrary it is apparent that Christian feeling 
objected to the form Hieropolis both in Syria and in Phrygia. Hiera- 
polis is the form of naming either city in all the published Notitiae 
Episc. and in all the MSS. which I have examined, in Constantine 
Porphyrogenitus, in Georgius Cyprius, in all the Concilia except 
A. D. 347 ^ in Malalas, Procopius, Zonaras. In Hierocles alone the form 
Hieropolis, found in most MSS., is preferred rightly in the recent text 
of Burckhardt, though rejected by previous editors. 

It would be uncritical to suggest that such unanimity in several 
score cases is due to mere error in transmission. There must have 
been a distinct feeling among the Chr. against the form Hieropolis. 
Partly this might be attributed to better knowledge of Greek, for the 
Greek literary feeling hated and rejected the form Hieropolis ^. But 
it was originally due in a much greater degree to the feeling in the 
district that Hieropolis was the pagan name, the name that implied 
bondage to the hieron and the false gods. The name Hieropolis 
implied the power of the hieron^ which with its great priestly college 
was ever before the Chr. as a present evil ; and it is pointed out else- 
where that in Phrygia Christianity necessarily told in favour of the 
Graeco-Roman civilization, which was opposed to the hiera every- 
where ^. Thus there was a certain tendency in Christian feeling to 
reject the name Hieropolis ; and this tendency gradually moulded 
Chr. nomenclature. In the language of the fourth and later centuries 
the name Hieropolis passed out of use ; and we have seen * that the 
tendencies which became supreme in those centuries began among the 
leading spirits of the earlier centuries. 

With regai'd to the form of the name in a Chr. document about 
A.D. 2CO, it must therefore be a question of evidence in each individual 

than Severus and Caracalla are known. 
The reasons are stated JHS 1887 pp. 
477 f and need not be repeated here. 

^ Hierapolis of Phr. Sal. 43 1 , perhaps 
325 (but Hieropolis a.d. 347, see App. 
II): Hierapolis of Syria 325, 381, 431, 
451, 553: in some of these cases the 
name occurs several times. 

* But in Ch. XII § i it is pointed out 
that bad sense for Greek language was 

one of the crimes charged against the 

» See my St. Paul the Trav, Ch. VI § i. 
At a later time the Imperial policy 
allied itself with the popular supersti- 
tion against Christianity (Church in 
R. E. p. 335) ; but that was when the 
Emperors ceased to represent the pro- 
gressive tendencies of the Roman world. 

* Ch. XII § I. 


instance. We might expect, and we actually find, no 656, that the 
common form was used by the common man ; but that does not prove 
that a leader like Avircius Marcellus must necessarily do the same. 
In his epitaph metre and the MSS. agree that he used the form Hiera- 
polis ; and it is mere a p^Hori assumption of the most uncritical kind 
to alter the form conjecturally. 

A place in the agora of Hieropolis was named Phrougis ^, a word 
which is perhaps connected with the personal name Phrougios, no. 446, 
though the alternative form Phragellion does not suit the connexion. 
The name, which occurs only in the legendary Acta of St. Abercius, 
Ch. XVII § 2, may be accepted as real. 

§ 4. Brouzos is fixed at Kara-Sandykli, beside which there are 
manifest traces of an ancient city, by inscr. 634, on a marble pedestal 
standing in an open space outside the mosque. The remains of the 
city still in situ were too much dilapidated, when we visited the place 
in 188 1, to give any indication of the character of the city*. The 
most conspicuous monument of Brouzos is the doorway of a Greek 
temple, which has been utilized for the outer gateway of the mosque : 
it may perhaps be referred to the period of Augustus. It appeared 
to us to be actually in its original position, in which case the mosque 
would have replaced the old temple, and might be expected to contain 
some of its stones ; but it is certain that the walls of the temple have 
been entirely destroyed down to the level of the soil. The accompany- 
ing illustrations are by Mr. A. C. Blunt, who travelled with us in 
i88t ; but this fine doorway, in almost perfect preservation, would 
have been worthy of being drawn in a more complete form. 

An interesting piece of Chr. ornamental work is given under 
no. 662, and an example of the * door ' form of tombstone, drawn by 
Mr. A. C. Blunt, under no. 635. 

Cavedoni pointed out that the name appears on coins sometimes 
as BPOYZHNHN ^, and inferred that colonists from Brousis, a district 
of Macedonia, had been settled there by the Greek kings. The single 
coin mentioned by Cavedoni seems not yet to be acknowledged by 
the numismatists ^ ; and this weakens the force of the argument, which 

* JHS 1882 p. 349. ' Annali 1861 p. 149. Variation be- 

' Des fragments de construction encore tween Z and Z in spelling is found 

en place s'eUvent du eol : les lignes de elsewhere : Zmyma and Smyrna. 

mure peuvent itre auivies par endroita, et ^ Both Mr. Head and M. Imhoof- 

une colline basse voisine de ces vestiges est Blumer doubt it : the coins often have 

couverte des traces que la vie antique laisse S, and this, blurred, is readily mistaken 

apr^ elle BCH 1882 p. 504. for Z. 









has convinced MM. Legrand and Chamonard^; but, in spite of this 
doubt, I now feel inclined to agree with them in regarding Brouzos as 
a Macedonian colony 2. Such a colony is exceedingly likely to have 
been founded in this valley on this important route; and Brouzos 
seems most likely to have been the colony. The point remains 
uncertain ; but the following argument points to a military coloniza- 
tion at Brouzos. 
A coin-type in several varieties is characteristic of the Pentapolis. 

It occurs at Stektorion and Otrous, as well as at Brouzos, varying in 
details, but of the same general character : a male figure armed steps 
with his right foot on the prow of a vessel, looking backwards with 
his head turned over his left shoulder as he does so. This type seems 
to indicate an emigration by sea. At Brouzos, Mr. Head considei's the 
figure to be Poseidon, for he is nude and hurling a trident^. At 
Stektorion a hero with helmet and cuirass is represented, brandishing 
a weapon in his right hand and protecting himself with a shield ^. 

* BCHri893 p. 278. 

' A Macedonian colony at Thyatoira 
is attested only by one inscr. ; and the 
title MAKCAONnN never occurs on 
coins. This analogy breaks the force 

of the objection which formerly seemed 
to me conclusive against the view of 
Cavedoni BCH 1882 p. 510. 

' This type seems not to be published. 

* Imhoof MG p. 412. 



At Otrous alBO the retreating figure is a warrior ; his raised right hand 
holds no weapon, but in his lowered left he grasps a spear. The 
difference points to peaceful emigration from a foreign land to Otrous 
and expulsion from across sea of a people who settled at Stektorion. 
At Brouzos the god seems to be represented as the guardian and leader 
of immigrant warriors from across the sea ; and this would suit excel- 
lently the theory that the city was settled by a military colony of 

The coinage of Brouzos formed a model for that of Hieropolis, which 
begins later : one type at Hieropolis is, as M. Waddington told me, 
identical with one of Brouzos in his collection ^. Another Hieropolitan 
type, the nude Zeus Aetophoros ^ hurling a thunderbolt, is modelled 
on the type of Poseidon hurling a trident at Brouzos. But for the 
study of such relations we must await the publication of M. Imhoof- 
Blumer's Corpus of Greek coins. 

A remarkable type is common to Brouzos and to Akmonia. It repre- 
sents Zeus sitting alofb with sceptre in his left hand, and patera in 
his right ; while serpent-legged giants writhe beneath him apparently 
supporting his throne. The giants grasp with one hand at Akmonia 
their own serpent-tails, as if completely subdued, at Brouzos missile 
stones, as if still resisting ^. These types belong to the period 222-238 ; 
and they probably originate in two works of art, which were dedicated 
in those cities about that time. At Akmonia the monument was 
perhaps a relief on marble, of which a fragment has been preserved 
by Hamilton, and is represented on p. 626 after his drawing. 

On coins of Brouzos FT • AIK • POYcJ)INOC (wrongly read in Mionnet 
no. 306) c. A. D. 200 is often mentioned on coins, generally by cognomen 

§ 5. Otrous. On the wide Sandy kli-Ova I looked confidently for 
an ancient site on the higher E. side. Numerous villages are dotted 
along the skirts of the hilLs ; and the names Ekin-Hissar and Karadja- 
Euren, especially, seemed to point to an old city. But I have examined 
personally almost every village on that side of the valley * ; and could 
neither see nor learn anything to justify the belief that an ancient city 

* JHS 1887 P- 478. 

* This type may serve as a proof that 
the Zeus Bronton of N. Phrygia was 
worshipped also in the Pentapolis. 

* Reproduced on PI. II 3, 4. See 
Imhoof in Beitr. z. gn'ech, Miinzk, in 
Zft, f. Num. XIII and Waddington 
Voy. Num. pp. 7 f {liev. Numism. 1851 

pp. 155 f). 

* Tlie upper valley where Karghyn, 
Bektash, and other villages lie, was 
examined by Sterrett in 1 883 ; and 
again in 1891 I went over all the vil- 
lages except Dut-Agatch ; but we found 
no ancient work that might not safely 
be reckoned as carried. 



was situated on the £. sida All the old sites are clustered in the 
lower and more fertile parts. But that is not an a priori theory 
on my part ; it is a conclusion reached only after long exploration, 
after much questioning of the natives, and several excursions to see 
reported * old stones * in the fields. Exploration can rarely be reckoned 
complete, and certainly our exploration of Sandykli-Ova is far from 
complete ; but, on the evidence as it stands, I cannot accept M. Radet's 
suggestion, thrown out without any personal exploration ^ and without 
any corroboration from remains discovered there, that Otrous was 
situated at Kusura. 

Before we had exploited the country, I suggested that Otrous might 
be situated north from Kelendres, and MM. Legrand and Chamonard 
return to that opinion '. But I have tried in vain to find any site in 
that direction. The only traces of ancient life which we could find 
were some insignificant Byzantine fragments at Tchukurja; and 
MM. Legrand and Chamonard, who have been there, conclude (as I did) 
that a Greek city could not reasonably be placed there. The two 
French scholars cling to the opinion that Otrous may be somewhere 
else in that neighbourhood, because (as they say) they were prevented 
from examining it. I, who have examined it, have abandoned the 
opinion — not definitively, but on the existing evidence, though I shall 
gladly accept the results of any new exploration. 

Tchor-Hissar is an ancient site; and on it lies a stone with an 
inscr. which suits Otrous well, though it does not contain the name 
of the city, no. 638. The site is surprisingly close to Hieropolis, only 
2\ miles distant ; but there is no reason to think that either Otrous or 
Hieropolis was a large city. Moreover the theory suggested by the 
facts stated on no. 638 implies that Otrous must have been very near 
the hieron. As a final argument, Tchor (which is not a common 
Turkish name) may possibly be a corruption of the ancient name ^. 

Brouzos was, as we have seen, probably a Macedonian, i. e. Seleucid 
military colony. Otrous was also a foreign settlement ; and the theory 
that naturally springs from its situation is that it was a katoikia of 
mercenary soldiers, formed to strengthen Pergamenian influence in the 

* He was driven in a wagon rapidly 
across the valley, prostrate from fever, 
a situation deserving sympathy, but not 
conducive to effective exploration. 

« BCH 1893 p. 278. 

' The resemblance is too slight to 
constitute a reason of any independent 
value ; but it may lend some feeble 

corroboration to the theory arrived at 
on other grounds. Tchor means * brack- 
ish water * ; and this name has no local 
suitability. Probably the old name was 
corrupted into a form that had a mean- 
ing in Turkish, cp. Sivasli p. 581, 
Dumanli &c. p. 575. 


valley in oprosition to Brouzo3. For this reason it was placed near 
the hieroUy and probably on a part of the land that belonged to the 
god and his priests^. That was probably the case with the other 
Fergamenian settlements at Dionysopolis and Eumeneia ; and in each 
case there is reason to think that the new foundation was made with 
the consent of the priests and in pursuance of a policy with which 
they were in sympathy^, viz. the construction of a Graeco-Asianic 
society and civilization. Thus Otrous is presented to us as the Ferga- 
menian counterpoise to the Seleucid Brouzos; we have once more 
a case of the same class that meets us so frequently in Fhrygia, 
Tripolis opposing Laodiceia in the Lycos valley, Fhylakaion against 
Themisonion in the Kazanes valley, Eumeneia balancing Feltai in the 
Maeander valley, and Tralla-Aetos opposite to the Mysomakedones 
on the great pass of the Fergamenian and Seleucid struggle. At 
Eumeneia and Otrous we notice that the Fergamenian settlement 
is planted still closer to the hieron than the Seleucid, which had been 
placed near it. 

The name Otrous probably connects the katoikia with Otruai or 
Otroia on lake Askania in Bithynia ^. A coin type representing Aeneas 
carrying Anchises and leading his little son Askanios by the hand 
may be interpreted bb symboUzing an emigration from the Askanian 
shore. The type previously described implies an emigration beyond 
the sea; and we thus anive at the conclusion that the mercenaries 
settled in Otrous came partly from Europe and partly from the Bithynian 
lake Askania. From one of the European mercenary families sprang 
Alexander the Macedonian, mentioned no. 638 and perhaps 639, who 
may be identified by a highly probable conjecture with a person 
commemorated on coins, AAE^ANAPOC • ACIAPXHC • AN€0HK€N • 
OTPOHNHN — evidently a man of property and influence, who had 
held the Asiarchate. Frobably it was he who enabled Otrous to take 
its share in the burden imposed on Asian cities of finding persons at 
intervals to fill such expensive but honourable positions in the pro- 
vincial cultus *. Doubtless some guarantee was required that Otrous 
would be able to fulfil its obligations, and Alexander aided it to give 
the guarantee^. The Curators who were imposed for a time on 

* if pa yri or xa>pa, from this heroic name comes *ATpofla 

' See Ch. X § i and 2, and p. 126. or 'Orpofla, and "Orpofos (cp. Kdfiofof 

' See Hist Geogr, p. 189, where G. usually plur. KaSof 01). 

Curtius's identification of Atreus and * See pp. 436 f. 

Otreus (compare Tataion-Tottaion &c. * Hence he was oikistes, no. 638. 

p. 153, Hist. Geogr, p. 240) is quoted: 

5. OTROUS. 689 

Apameia, until the generosity of Mithridatianus enabled it to form 
a fund and get rid of them (no. ^97), are an example of the securities 
and devices used by the Elmperors to keep the cities up to their duties. 

Coins ^W . NirP€INOY • OTPOHNnN • APX • were struck under 
Geta, probably the same time with those of Alexander. The earliest 
known coin is of Commodus, Cni • €PMHAOct)IAOY • APX • (Wad- 

§ 6. Stektorion is fixed by inscr. 640, found in the Turbe of 
Mentesh-Baba in the village which is named after him. The exact 
site is marked by a large mound in the plain nearly two miles NE. 
from Mentesh, and one mile WSW. from Ille-Mesjid. The mound 
is fortified by ruined walls of the Greek period. There is cut in 
it a small theatre or odeon, which is now partly filled up by soil. 
Without excavation nothing f uither can be determined about it ; but 
a small expenditure on this deserted mound might give good results. 

The territory of Stektorion must have included fhe country between 
Hieropolis on N. and Aurokra on S. We found not a trace of ancient 
life in the few intervening villages of these almost deserted uplands, 
long undulating gi*assy hills and slopes, between the mountains of the 
Djebel-Sultan ridge springing up rather sharply W. and the bald hills 
of Gumalar-Dagh rising gently E. This reason, apart from any other, 
would make it impossible for me to accept the opinion of M. Radet 
that the town of the Lykaones was situated at Kizil-Euren, overhung 
by a steep hill W., about 6 miles SSE. from Mentesh on the road to 
Aurokra and Dineir (see § 8). 

In the territory of Stektorion an interesting monument was shown. 
This was the * conspicuous ' tomb of Mygdon \ whose name was often 
applied to the whole Phrygian people by the poets, and whose son 
Koroibos had fought on the side of Priam at the siege of Troy and 
was painted by Polygnotos on the Lesche at Delphi. This monument 
should be discoverable, for the words * a conspicuous sign ' seem to 
describe a large sepulchral tumulus. Now in the valley there is just 
one group of * conspicuous signs,* three in number: they stand on 
a low ridge of hills north of Emir-Hissar ^, which project from W. 
into the valley ; and tbcy are so conspicuous as one stands on the 
ancient site, that, looking from the acropolis, I pointed to the largest, 
and said * there is the tomb of Mygdon, and this must therefore be 
Stektorion.' The discovery of inscr. 640 in 1891 shattered the second 
part of this statement ; and after finding that inscr. we proceeded to 

' rovrov re huKvvrai (rrifin cVi<^ajrc( fV Spots ^pvy&v Srcxropi^i^ui/ Pausanias X 27, I. 

^ See § 7. 

VOL. I. PT. II. Z 


search for a ' conspicuous sign ' in the neighbourhood of Mentesh, but 
discovered nothing. There seem only three alternatives: (1) the tomb 
of Mygdon has crumbled and ceased to be conspicuous : (2) it is the 
largest of the tumuli N. of Emir-Hissar, and Pausanias has loosely 
described the situation (perhaps because he saw it from some point in 
the territory of Stektorion) : (3) Emir-Hissar is, after all, Stektorion. 
Of these alternatives, the second seems, as evidence now stands, the 
most probable ; but we may look to some future traveller for better 
luck or greater skill in search. 

The worship of Artemis at Stektorion appears on coins, especially 
one showing Leto running, carrying her twin children ^ 

A high-priesthood existed at Stektorion in the thii'd century : on 
coins of Philip occurs the legend €ni • AHMHTPIOY • ACIAP • K • 
THE • TTAT •, implying Afifi-qvptov apy(j,ipioi>s ^Atrtas Kk rrjs narpiSo^, 
A small theatre or odeion can be traced on the site. 

Coins of a magistrate 4)A«AIKINNIAN0Y were struck under Verus 
161-169 A. D. 

§ 7. EuKARPiA. Beside the village Emir-Hissai*, whose very name, 

* the Castle of the Emir,' implies an old-standing glory, there is an 
ancient site of great importance. A few hundred yards N. from the 
city, a hill marks the acropolis of the old city. Everjrthing about it 
was in a state of extreme dilapidation in 1883, when we visited it; 
and in the plain below we saw only scanty traces of the ruins, which 
were still so imposing, when Hamilton saw them in 1837^. He 

* reached the site of an ancient town near the centre of the plain. 
Many lines of walls, formed of square blocks of stone, with dooi*s and 
gateways, all marking the direction of streets in situ, covered the 
ground for some distance. They were not high, but the foundations 
were perfect, and a plan might easily be made of the whole place. 
To the north of the road a hill rises above the plain, which has 
served as the Acropolis: it is a detached table-land of lacustrine 
formation, of which there are several in different parts of the plain, 
and remains of walls may still be traced round a great part of the 
summit. On the west side I found a Greek inscr.^ carved upon the 
smooth face of the rock, which had been cut to represent a sarco- 
phagus. The village of Emir-Hissar has been raised entirely upon 
the ancient ruins, and near it are the solid foundations of several 

* This type with slight variations is * Researches in As. Min, II p. 169 : he 

widely spread in Phrygia and Lydia : calls the village Emir Hassan Keui. 

see above p. 90, and Schreiber Apollo ' See no. 648. My note says the 

Pyihoktonos, inscr. is on a sarcophagus. 

6. STEKTORiON, 691 

square and oblong buildings, some of which are of considerable size/ 
On this site, which is only three miles W. from Tchor-Hissar, we pro- 
visionally place the fifth city of the Pentapolis ; for five cities existed 
in the plain, and five sites alone have been found. But see § 6. 

The most important, almost the only, piece of evidence about the 
situation of Eukarpia is in the Peutinger Table. It is given there 
on a road from Dorylaion to Eumeneia, intermediate between the 
roads Dorylaion- Akmonia and Dorylaion-Synnada. One of the 
primary objects of our work in 1883 was to determine the line of this 
intermediate road and the situation of Eukarpia. After examining 
every possible path, and trying every opening, we found that the 
only intermediate road leads through Sitchanli-Ova and Sandykli- 
Ova. Now Eukarpia, being the next station on the Table to Eumeneia, 
distant XXX M. P., must have been in the Sandykli-Ova, unless the 
Table has omitted a station between Eumeneia and Eukarpia; and 
all doubt on this point seems to be removed by the fact that Eukarpia 
was in the Pentapolis. 

As to the exact site of Eukarpia, direct evidence is wanting, and 
we must calculate probabilities. Is the distance stated correctly in 
Table? Kara- Sandy kli and Ille-Mesjid are both about XXX M. P. 
from Eumeneia ^ ; but the accessible evidence places Brouzos and 
Stektorion on those sites ; and there seems no alternative except that 
Eukarpia was situated at Emir-Hissar ^. This makes it necessary to 
change the number in the Table from XXX to XXV ^. 

To judge from Hamilton's description and from the general character 
of the localities, Emir-Hissar was the site of the chief city of the 
district^ ; and coinage indicates Eukarpia as the wealthiest city in 
the Pentapolis. The coios begin as early as Augustus, when they 
bear the curious legend €YK APTTITIKOY, and mention AYKI AAZ and 
An(|)l A • lEPHA. In the time of the Antonines the name of a woman 
occurs, eni . n€AIAC . C€KOYNAHC*. 

There remains a certain doubt about the site of Eukarpia, which 
would probably be dispelled by a little excavation on the acropolis at 

' Reckoning Eumeneia to Ille-Mesjid from Emir-Hissar. But Kidyessos is 

over Duz-Bel. I clung to the belief omitted on the Table, which goes on to 

that Eukarpia was on the latter site Conni XXXII M. P. 

until the discovery of no. 640 in 1891. * The site of Stektorion contains a 

^ As MM. Legrand and Chamonard theatre, however ; whereas I saw none 

have inferred BCH 1893 p. 275. at Emir-Hissar. Theatres are not com- 

' The next stage on the road (after mon in Phrygia. 

passing Brouzos at V M. P.) would be * Probably in the time of Faustina 

Kidyessos, which is near XXIV M. P. Junior, Imhoof MG p. 399. 

Z 2 


Emir-Hissar ; for proof or disproof of this asaignation would readily 
be found. But, bo far as we may judge, Eukarpia was the commercial 
centre, lying on the great road to the coast and at the most con- 
venient tUpdt for the whole valley ; and that is tie character of 

At Eukarpia a sculptural group was dedicated under M. Aurelius. 
It represented the huntress Artemia, after the Greek fashion, resting 

her left arm {which holds the bow) on a small archaic idol, while her 
right band is raised to take an arrow from the quiver : on her right 
side a deer looks up towards her. The small idol here represents the 
old goddess in her primitive form with a high ornament like a polos 
on her head, her right hand laid on her breast, and her left hanging 
by her side- It is highly probable that this group, showing the 



goddess in her hellenized character leaning on her ancient xoanon^^ 
stood in her temple at Eukarpia \ This temple seems to have been 
rebuilt under M. Aurelius. Leave from the central government was 
needed to undertake a work involving such expenditure, and was 
obtained through the good offices of P. Claudius Max. Marcellianus ^, 
while C. Claudius Flaccus superintended the execution. Their services 
are commemorated on coins (legends quoted p. 594). 

A similar type occurs under Caracalla at Tiberiopolis, with some 
variation in the dress and action of Artemis (who holds a torch in her 
right hand, and leans her left arm on a small idol) ^. It is probable 
that the Tiberiopolitan type is to be explained, not as an imitation of 
coins of the distant Eukarpia, but as due to the existence of another 
sculptural work of this oommoi) type in Tiberiopolis. It approxi- 
mates more to the Venus type seen in a Pompeian statue ^, 

§ 8. Lykaones were a people of Central Phrygia in the conventus 
of Synnada ®, separated from the country of the Lycaonians proper by 
the intervening cities belonging to the conventtus of Philomelion ^. In 
the Notitiae the Lykaones come after Brouzos and Otrous and 
before Stektorion®. We should therefore look for them near the 
Pentapolis. They are mentioned in the Tekmorian lists as the Inner 
Lykaonians ^. We may understand that they were a fragment of the 
same people that inhabited Lycaonia proper. This people was pro- 
bably an older race in Asia Minor than the Phrygians (who came into 
the country from Europe, probably about 900 b. c.) : the earlier popu- 
lation was pushed before the immigrant Phrygians, who came from 
N.W., partly into the remote plains of Lycaonia on S. E., partly into 
the shelter of mountain fastnesses. Now any one who travels over 

^ See J. Friedlander in Atxh, Ztg. 
1880 p. 184 (who wrongly dates the 
coins under Hadrian). Many examples 
of a deity of Hellenic type leaning on 
an archaic xoanon are known. Fried- 
l3,nder gives two other examples of 
Artemis represented in this way: so 
that the Eukarpian type was evidently 
well known in the Roman period. One of 
his examples, a Cyprian statuette, fig. i, 
is here imitated from Arch. Ztg. 1. c. 

* Fig. 2 enlarged from coin of Eukar- 
pia by Friedlander 1. c. 

' Many examples showing that leave 
from the proconsul (or direct from the 
Emperor), justified by proof that they 
could afford it, was required before the 

provincial cities could undertake any 
serious work, are to be found in Pliny's 
correspondence with Trajan. 

* Imhoof MG p. 414 Cpeut'itre imiti 
cTapris le type des jolies nwnnaies d'Eu- 
karpia *), 

* The statue is published Arch. Ztg. 
1 881 taf. VII. 

* Pliny V 105. 
' Pliny V 95. 

* The order of Hierocles, unfortu- 
nately, is not serviceable, for he appends 
four demoi at the end of his Ust, not 
arranging them in their proper places 
among the cities. 

* Avicaoycif irf^i ^whov Hist, Geogr, 
p. 413, Sterrett W. E, p. 272. 


Central Phrygia will acknowledge that no part of it is so well adapted 
for the refuge of the dispossessed Lykaones as the mountains that lie 
S. from Afion-Kara-Hissar and Ridyessos ; and these mountains arc 
occupied in the Western pait by the Moxeanoi, in the Eastern part by 
the Lykaones, probably two ancient pre-Phrygian tribes ^ 

Ptolemy mentions the Lykaones in a difficult passage : so far as the 
amended text can be quoted as evidence, it places them W. of the 
Moxianoi, and N. of the Pentapolis ^. That suits well the situation 
just described ; and here we may conjecturally place the Lykaones, 
acknowledging that the evidence is not yet sufficient to prove our 

In this situation the Lykaones would extend down on N. to 
Erikmen, W. from Afion-Kara-Hissar, and on S. W. to the Cutchuk- 
Sitchanli-Ova about Saoran, where there are some scanty traces of 
ancient life ; but their chief centre would be in the mountains, where 
there exist several large villages, especially Kalejik, and a monastery 
of considerable fame (which I have heard of, but have not visited). 
Such a people might be expected to be backward in civilization, and 
to have no Greek city life : hence the Lykaones struck no coins, and 
are defined by Hierocles as a demoSy which implies a lower stage of 
social organization. It is possible that a monastery of the Lykaones 
is mentioned in some of the following entries at the Council held in 
Constantinople in a.d. 536. (i) Zosimos, presbyter and hegoumenos 
of a monastery defined as fiovrj^ AvKaovcov TrXrja-ioi/ tov Ayiov Aavpcy- 
TioVj or fiopfJ9 EvTvyiov tc^i/ AvKaovcou wXTjaiou tcou MaTpcoi/rf9, is 
often mentioned. (2) Modestos presbyter and hegoumenos fiovrjs tcov 
AvKaovcov signed by means of Flavianus presbyter and secondary ; 
and Flavianus presbyter and secondary styles himself Trjs MoSiaTov 
T&v AvKaovoDv or rrjs fiovrjs enLKXrji/ tcov AvKaovcov ^. (3) Paul 
presbyter and archimandrite t&v AvKaovcov occurs only once *. 

I am not sufficiently acquainted with ecclesiastical geogi-aphy to 
decide whether any of these monasteries of the Lykaones may have 
been in Constantinople or in the region of Jerusalem, One might 
look for a monastery of the Lykaones either in their own district or 

* The clustering in difficult moun- shown that the passage as it stands is 
tainous parts of fragments of earlier hopelessly incongruous, while with a 
races after conquest by immigrant races transposition of two names, it becomes 
is a phenomenon that will reward here- lucid and good. 

after proper systematic investigation in ^ See Labbe V pp.33, 53, 76, 112, 

Asia Minor: see pp. 124 f and Von Lu- 133, 176. 

schan in Petersen Lykia II pp. 198 ff. * Labbe V p. 176, perhaps an error of 

* See Ch. XIV App. Ill, where it is text. 



in one of the great centres to which they were attracted ^ No bishop 
of the Lykaones appears at any Council, which is strange; but 
a work attributed to Jerome alludes to Lykaonia as a city of Phrygia 
Salutaris *. 

M. Kadet assigns to the Lykaones a position S. of Stektorion, where 
I could find not a trace of ancient life, and which is on a great and 
easy route, not in a strong situation likely to be a refuge : moreover 
it lies S. of the Pentapolis ; see § 2 and Ch. XIV App, III (i). 

§ 9. The Turkish Conquest. In the time of Alexius Comnenus 
1081-1117, the Pentapolis was probably still a part of the Byzantine 
dominion. Aki'oenos (Afion-Kara-Hissar) was a frontier fortress : 
Khoma-Siblia was under a Byzantine governor after 1092 : the Themes 
of Cappadocia and Khoma, which together constituted the frontier 
defences against the Seljuks, were under the same general Burtzes ^ ; 
and therefore they were necessarily conterminous. Now, if the same 
general administered the defences of Khoma, Akroenos, and the 
Amorian plain ^, we can hardly doubt that the Pentapolis was included 
in the line of frontier defence, for communication between Khoma and 
the northern parts of the frontier could hardly be maintained, except 
through the Pentapolis*. Moreover, it is clear that at this period 
communication between Constantinople and Khoma was maintained 
by a direct route (passing most probably through the Pentapolis) 
whereas in the time of Manuel it evidently had to be maintained 
by a circuitous path *. We conclude therefore that, according to the 
peace arranged between the empire and the Seljuks about 1072, 
the Pentapolis was left to the empire, while Apameia and the Lycos- 
valley were abandoned to the Turks. 

The most serious danger in the situation of Asia Minor in the 
twelfth century lay, uot iu the ai*mies of the Turks, but in the 
nomadization of the country ''. The nomad tribes with their tents, 
families, and flocks, were constantly pressing on the settled Chr. 

' A monastery of the Galatai at Ico- 
nium is explicable only through the 
fact that Iconium was for a long time 
a city of the Galatai : see St. Gregory 
the Great Dialog. IV 38 {Studia Biblica 
IV p. 32). 

' Lycaonia proancia Asiae estj et 
eiusdem nominis civitM est in Phrygia 
Minore (t. e. Saiuiari p. 82), Hieronymas 
Lib, Nonu locc, ex Actis III 1302 (Migne). 

• Anna I p. 119 (171). 

* At this period the Amorian plain 

was in the Theme Cappadocia (Hist. 
Geogr, p. 231). 

* The country further East was cer- 
tainly Turkish since 1072. 

' Alexius did not attempt to maintain 
his hold on Laodiceia, even when Ducas 
marched through it in 1092, Ch. 1 § 8. 
He therefore relied on maintaining his 
communications with Ehoma-Siblia by 
a direct road. On ManueFs marches 
see below. 

^ See pp. 16 if. 



country, following and even outstripping the advance of Seljuk 
armies. Their progress was most rapid in time of peace. When war 
was openly maintained, the Byzantine armies took the field, and, as 
a rule, were stronger in battle than the Turks. But during peace, the 
dying Empire relaxed its efforts ; the Chr. population was apathetic, 
uneducated, helpless, and often disaffected to the Orthodox Empire ^ ; 
and there was no force to oppose the subtle penetrative power of the 
Nomads. Hence, although in 1097 it is clear that the Pentapolis was 
in Byzantine hands, and though the reign of John Comnenus presents 
in the pages of Byzantine history a superficial appearance of frequent 
victory over the Turks, yet we find that in 1158 the valley has passed 
entirely into the hands of the Turkish Nomads^. Cinnamus p. 196 
describes in strong terms the astonishment of the Turks when a small 
Byzantine army ventured to invade the district in that year. The 
central place of the district is called by Cinnamus Sarapata Mylonos, 
which seems to be a mixture of a Turkish and a Greek name, 
Hissar-Abad and Mylon. Now a Byzantine fortress must have been 
needed in the Pentapolis, when it was on the frontier lines between 
Khoma and Akroenos ; for the old sites on the W. side in the level 
ground were ill suited for defence. Accordingly a new castle seems 
to have been founded on the higher R side on the castle-hill of 
Sandykli, called Mylon by the Greeks, and * the place of the castle * 
by the Turks \ 

In 1175 Manuel Comnenus, preparing for his great blow against 
the Turkish power, marched by Melangeia to Dorjdaion, which was 
now completely deserted and abandoned to the nomads*. After 
rebuilding and fortifying Dorylaion on a new site *, he proceeded to 
Siblia. and restored its fortifications ; but, in place of taking the 
direct route by Nakoleia, Meros, Konne, and the Glaukos-valley 
(the Pentapolis), he went round by the Rhyndacos-country ^. This 

* See p. 16. 

' On the adoption of Turkish nameB 
by the Byzantines (a proof of complete 
Turcization) see p. 21 note 2 and Hist. 
Geogr, pp. 285, 290. So Arab names 
were adopted about Melitene, J. G. C. 
Anderson in Class. Review April 1896. 

• Similarly we find that Banaz, Tcaal, 
and Baklan were nomadized by 11 76 
(see p. 21 and Ch. XIII § 15), the dis- 
trict of Khonas by 1190 (pp. 23 and 
219). Anna Comnena II p. 248 calls 

the Nomads tSuv Kara rqv ^Aaiav oikovvtwp 

TovpKo^iavuyp, rightly distinguishing them 
from the TovpKui. 

* Cinnamus p. 295, Nicetas p. 226. 

* Hist. Geogr. p. 212. 

* Tois dfi(f)\ T<o *PvvBdK(o ;^a)pioiff Cinn. 

p. 297. Nicetas p. 229 gives less infor- 
mation on the subject. We have in- 
ferred above, p. 20 note 2 that Manuel 
marched by way of Aizanoi and Eu- 
meneia, and this inference seems prac- 
tically certain ; the only alternative 
open is that of a march by Philadelpheia 
and Laodiceia. 


circuitous route seems to prove that he thought it unsafe to take the 
direct route, as being too much exposed to the Turks ; and Cinnamus 
is probably making an apology for this cautious conduct, when he 
la} s stress on the small numbers of Manuel's army, owing to deser- 
tion and other causes. 

It is therefore apparent that the Pentapolis was never entered by 
a Byzantine force after 1x58, while the Banaz-Ova was entered for 
the last time in 1176. 



It is impossible to assign with' certainty the place of origin of the 
inscr. found in the different villages in Sandykli-Ova. Communication 
is so easy^ and stones for building mosques and fountains are carried so 
regularly ^, that identification of origin is difficulty and the classification 
here adopted is only tentative. Our rules are (i) each stone is classed to 
the site from which transport is shortest and easiest^ unless there is 
distinct evidence either in the inscr. or from the statements of natives 
that it has been brought from a more distant site, (a) Stones used in 
a turbe, or mosque, or fountain are most likely to be carried : for the 
skilled workmen required for such construction are hired (often from 
a considerable distance) by the villagers, and they commonly bring with 
them in their carts some stones : on the other hand, stones standing free ^ 
are much less likely to be carried from a distance. (3) Stones standing 
free on an ancient site must be assigned to it : this criterion determines 
the origin of no. 634, 638, (4) The more modem the building, the 
more likely is a stone in it to have been carried from a distance. 
(5) Uncut stones used as gravestones have usually been transplanted, but 
only from a neighbouring situation within a radius of 2 or 3 miles : cut 
gravestones have come from a mason's yard in a city, and their 
original provenance is quite uncertain. 

These rules are not of any binding force ; and future discoveries may 
show that the classification fomided on them in the following pages 
requires modification. 


630. (R. 1883), Cemetery near Kuyujak. (i) ^AyaOjj TiJxj/. T<a 
alcovCiD [fj^jxCiv avTOKpaTopL M. Avp. [Upo^io (name erased and (2) AiokXtj- 

* Sec pp. 365, 583. they were formerly part of a building 

^ Unless there is reason to think that which has now crumbled into ruin. 


T\,a\v^\ squeezed into its place in smaller characters) 2]£)3a(j[r^] fi ka^ntpo- 
Tirt] *UpoTroK€iTQv ttoXis M. At the left side there was subsequently 
added in small rude letters (3) dil. NN. Impp, diocleiiani et Maximiaui 
invict. Attfffj], Below this (4) tovs iirKpavcaraTovs KaCa-apas ^Xa. Ovak. 
'KoovarAvTi erased 'Oi; koI Tak, Ovak. Ma^ipnavov fj 'UpoTToket.T&v ttoAis. 
Dates (1) A. D. 276-282, (2) 284, (3) 285, (4) 292. 

The inscription to Probus was engraved in fine well-cut letters (shapes 

A, T, W, ¥, C, C): the distance was probably one mile, as no 
number was added. The stone, in that case, is not very far from its 
original position, though it has been moved undoubtedly. The name of 
Probus was very rarely erased ; but another instance of erasure occurs at 
Komana Capp. BCH 1883 p. 131, Jour7ial of Philol. 1882 p. 149 ^ 
Here the name is assured by the horizontal bar of TT, which is not com- 
pletely destroyed. 

631. Kotch-Hissar. MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 1893 
p. 277, ^ il parail impossible de proposer vne restitution vraiseviblable'; but 
except the first two and a half lines, the sense is probable : [to ['IlffpoTr]©- 

[ AtTcSi; ? KOivbv?] i(? [iTTi}^p]a[<f>7J^ [ ] ^rci/XTyo-fi; *Ap[a)va 'AA[cfai/8y)ov 

7ra<r[r;s ip€T]rjs !v€[Ka • • iy]pa<l}i} rb [b6yix]a Itov[s iv]ds Kal 6yhor][KO(rT]ov 
firjvos bivripov [i]v[\lfrf,<l}Ca]avTos ^iklinTov TETOYNI[* 'jA tov ypapLpLarioD^ 
Ka[i Sfov ?j»}pov '^' boypLaToypa[<l}ria-avT(av Arj^ijxoKkios t€ M7]vc[b<ipov Kal] 
'Akf^dvbpov Mei{€K\€ovs kqIJ ^iklinrov ^ AaKklrjiriibov], B.C. 34. 

The exordium would be the most interesting part of this document : 
a new copy is much to be*desired. The date is one of the earliest known 
among the inscr. of Central Phryg^a; and it is especially tantalizing 
that the opening lines are partly hidden. The Roman custom that 
witnesses should be present when the decree was transcribed and entered 
in the archives (see no. 544) was imitated in the Asian cities. Generally 
the witnesses were selected by lot from among those who had been present 
when the decree was passed {ka\6vTa}v boyiuiToypaifxav at Assos, Sterrett 
in Papers Amer, Sch, Athens I p. 55) : they were often three in number as 
here (at Assos 1. c, Ephesos see Hicks no. 481 lines 315 fE., and probably 
Hermes IV p. 198, Mitylene Collitz Sammluyig no. 238, lasos Th. Reinach 
Uev, it. Gr. 1 893 p. 1 66) : sometimes two along with the Secretary of 
the City (at !Pphesos Hicks no. 481 lines 297 ff., at Akmonia no. 544 where 
probably the first person in the concluding formula is the y/ja/x/xarevs, 

* In the latter place I distrusted my another epithet or office of Philip is 
own copy and assign ed the inscr. wanted (unless we should read [Scou?]- 
wrongly to Caracalla. ijpou boyiinToypa\(firitravroi\). 

* In place of a personal namo here. 


while the last is the amanuensis, a public slave). See Swoboda Griech, 
Volksheschlusse pp. 313 ff. The Roman forms are more closely followed 
in an inscr. of Orkistos to be published in a later chapter. 

632. (R. 1883). Kotch-Hissar. BCH 1893 p. 276. Tinov 4>tAov- 
ixivi^ rw y\vKvrdT<p iivhpX /x. \. koX iavr^. The last two words are 
omitted in BCH : cp. no. 659. 

633. Daoul. MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 1893 p. 276. [61 
b^lv€s\ avv Tois [^locrcirai? ?] 'Iov^cvrta[rai — 4>tA]i7r7r<{) Se^i^ptcu^ai [ — 
— ]7rai;<^ kcX [ ] Sc^r^ptai/T} [to ]otoj; Kara [imrayriv rov $€ov? 

2. Brouzos. 

634. (R. 1881). Kara-Sandykli. A. S^Trr^/uttoi; I{(ov]rjpov Evtre^fj 
Il€[pTCva]Ka Se^. 'Apafi. ^A[hiafirivi,]Kbv UapBiKov [iiiynr]Tov fj BpovCrf[v(av] ^ 
wrfAts ^ TTiv ivaaTa(nv 'JToirja-afiivoDV t&v w€/h 'A7r€AA[i|]v j9. rov AovkCov 

dp^OVTOip Kol 2K[ci]iiiwvot P Kal IlttXiwvot ical 'AiroXXoovCov Ildirov. A.D. I99— 

210 (Severus took the title Parth. Max. in 199, Brit, in 210). 

The inscr. originally ended with ip^ovToiv ; but the other members of 
the supreme board desired to have their names immortalized, and they 
were added by a different hand in letters not so ornate as those of the 
first inscription. The supreme board evidently contained four members 
at Brouzos. 

635. (R. 1881). Kara-Sandykli. Door-stone. 'Ao-KAijTrtdfiijs Tltov 
Kol fj yXvKVTdTYj avTov yvvrj \ Tlovinta fj </)tXai^6poy to pLvqixiov KaTfaKfvaa-av \ 
lavTols Kal T€KV0Ls fJL. X'' ivopKiC^ififOa Se | to piiycOos tov 6€ov koI tovs 
KaTa\6oi'iovs bal\ixovas fjirjbiva abLKTJa-aL Td ixvrifuov, /xrySe | &K\ov tlvo. T^Oijvaf. 
\(Dpls Taiov Kal * Ao'KXrjinabov tIkvohv \ ouk fjp.T||v* ^Ycv6{p.T|v ouk | l<ro|&ai|' ow ficXij 
|ioi(- ipioslravTal. xaCp€T€ TTapobe'iTaL. The moral maxim is engraved in 
small characters on the lower left hand panel of the door. 

This inscr. perhaps belongs to the pagan philosophical revival, it is 
influenced either by Chr. feeling (against which it protests in the moral 
maxim), or by Jewish thought ; for the expression to fxiy^dos tov $€ov 
seems due to one or other, and is not native Phrygian. The adjuration 
of the KaTaxOovCovs balixovas in place of d€ovs, also, perhaps betrays the 
influence of Chr. feeling. The early Chr. did not disbelieve in the 
existence of Di Manes or d€oi Karax^oViot, though they considered them 
to be baCpLov€s rather than OeoL It is quite probable that some remains 
of the old superstitions connected with death and burial clung to the less 
educated Christians, and may have contributed to cause the strange fact 


that tlie distiDctly pagan formulae Di^ Matuini and Qeols KaraxPoviois 
occur in full on some ChnBtian opitapbs; and B, M. or D. M. S. on 
others. M. Le Blant I p. 490 and others have attributed this to the 
mere heedless following of established custom ; but I should rather 

Bee in it the hold of old superstition on the Chr. In some phices 
e.g. Florence, Milan, Bononia, the symbols B. M. (Bonae Memoriae) 
were substituted for DM at the top of Christiau epitaphs '. Perhaps 
in later times, at least, some Christian engravers had forgotten 
the meaning of the traditional heading*. De Rossi considers that all 
Christian inscriptions bearing D. M. are earlier than the fourth century ; 
but Le Blant places one Gaulish inscription (no. 361, I p. 491) with DM 
as late as the fifth century. 

' M. Le Blant also qootea D. P. (Be- 
Poaitio) at the top of a Chriatiaa epi- 
taph I p. 491. 

* In proof of this M. Le Blant I p. 491 
qnoteB M. S. P. from one CbriHtian 


It seems to me, therefore, probable that this inscr. was composed either 
by a philosophic pagan in the later third century, when Christianity had 
produced a strong effect on pagan sentiment (see no. 466), or by a Chr. 
not fully emancipated from his old religious ideas: a similar form of 
adjuration occurs in no. 661, which is probably Chr. 

6^6. Urkuk, near Kelendres. MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 
1 893 p. 279 irovs t0l\ ftiyvis y. Z(i)tik6s [. . . bd^ov ASfxpfi yvvaiKl Kot 
AofMini (^OvyaTpl ?) [/ut.] \, koI iavri m C^im, Sj ap KaKovpyiai rouro, 
T0L0VTai9 (I) TTepiTria-oiTO (n)ix<f>opais* A. D. 234. 

There seems to be no room for Ovyarpl (though no information as to the 
size and shape of the stone is given in BCH) ; but the editors' restora- 
tion is assured by the curse, * may the violator be involved in similar 
misfortunes (i.e. untimely loss of children and wife).' Usually this 
curse is in a fuller form, as in no. 523. 

637. (R. 1881). Kara-Sandykli. Lower left-hand comer of a stone, 
with the beginnings of the last four lines NO, LECi>, f AIO and ^ TO : 

perhaps [. . . . irjs avaOi]<r^tiis tQv Trept] Taiov ] to [^' ipxovTmv]. 

Gains was First Archon for the second time. 

3. Otrous. 

638. (R. 1883). Tchor-Hissar. MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 
1893 p. 277. *A\4(avbpov MaK€b6va \ olKLorrfv ttjs ttoAcods. 

The remains at Tchor-Hissar seemed to me to be on an ancient site. 
After visiting every other village in the valley to discover the site of the 
fifth city of the Pentapolis, I could find no signs of a city : I then went 
to Tchor-Hissar and found there clear traces of an old city. The only 
inscr. on the site was the above ; and it contains a distinct, though not 
a conclusive piece of evidence, that Otrous was situated here. 

First as to the provenance of the stone. When an inscr. is found 
standing free on an ancient site, it seems fair to conclude that it belongs 
to that site. Hence I cannot accept the suggestion made in BCH 1 893 
p. 278 that this stone may have been brought from Brouzos : that is 
possible, but probability is against it. 

Second, as to the meaning of the inscr. It cannot be interpreted of 
Alexander the Great, for if the city had claimed him as oikistes, it would 
have expressed the claim more clearly and proudly. The inscr. clearly 
belongs, from the lettering, to the Imperial period: therefore either it 
commemorates some old oikisfes, the leader of an ancient colonization, 
whether historical (i.e. under the Diadochoi) or mythical, or on the other 
hand it commemorates the elevation of Otrous to the mnk of a j)o/is in 


the Roman period. The latter supposition seems to me far the more 
probable. Otrous was originally a iatoiiia, like Phylakaion pp. 257 ff, 
a village in which a small colony of mercenaries had been planted by one 
of the Greek kings ^ ; and at some time under the Empire, it had been 
raised in rank and granted the right of coinage and the other privileges 
of a city. New privileges to a city were generally granted at the inter- 
cession of some prominent individual, who had rendered some services to 
the state ; and the person who obtained any new privilege was styled 
a ktistes. But that title had become commonplace, and ktistai were too 
numerous. Otrous gave a more emphatic title to the person through 
whose instrumentality the katoikoi of a village had been settled as a city, 
and called him oikUtes, The brevity of the inscr. lends emphasis to it, 
by placing him among the heroic figures above the rank of oidinary 
magistrates. See § 4. 

t €/)&)- 

638 his. (R. 1887). Kuyujak. 'AX^fa[i;8/309 — ]Araros [ 

Tai^s [ ] ff 7rJAi9. 

It is unfortunate that this inscr. proved undecipherable, as Alexander 
here may be the same as in the preceding text : we should expect his 
name to be in the accusative. There are three separate villages near each 
other called Kuyujak: they are nearly equidistant from Kotch-Hissar, 
Tchor-Hissar, and Kara-Sandykli. 

639. (R. 1 881). Kelendres. [PivroKpa^opa \ [Ka^o-apa] A. [2j€[ir|rt/xtorj 
2€ov^| pov ITepjTiVaKa | [SejSaor^ov ^ Pov\\7] koX & Hfifios ^0\jpo7ivQ^y' iiri- 
fjL€\[Krj$4vT](ov TTJs alivaOia'€a)]s *EpiJLoy€[iViavov] koI EvTo\[xpv Koi Mjovrov* 
Kal I [ ]uvTavov \ [&px6p]t(op. Date probably about 193. 

This inscr. is much mutilated ; but restoration is facilitated by the 
regularity of the engraving: each line seems to have contained 11 or I2 
letters (of which 6 or 7 are lost at the beginning). Hence a[vaaTa(r€(»)]s 
must be discarded and i[vadi(r€0Q]9 read in 1. 9 ; and 6 [BpovCrjv&^y is im- 
possible in 1. 7 ^, though the proximity of that city and the existence of 
a board of four archons here and in no. 634 recommend that reading. 

^ I am indebted to M. Radet for 
teaching me the importance of these 
colonies; though he has not in the 
present case caught the true meaning 
of the facts presented to us. 

* This line does not exceed the proper 
number : ov in gen. termination occupies 
only the space of one letter ; and the 
fact that O Y before T is written as two 
separate letters shows that my former 

reading BCH 1882 p. 517 is incorrect 

• Great part of the final N was in the 
mutilated part of the line : a gap of 
8^ letters cannot be allowed. The 
genitive endings are written with Y 
inside O ; but the important part of 
the city name cannot be supposed to be 
curtailed. But no question of even the 
slightest moment hangs on the restora- 
tion : it is a mere epigraph ic detail 


[Koprjovrov seems too long in 1. 11; perhaps [Bpjovrov, or Mot/rov (ep. 
Mt/ras no. 294, 78). The names are here restored differently (and 
I think much better) than in my first publication BCH 188a p. 517. 

4» Stektorion. 

640. (R. 1891). Mentesh, in the Turbe of Mentesh-Baba. IMP • 
CI VITAS . STECTOREN • a.d. 97 (before 13 Sept.). 

The people of Stektorion were not well acquainted with Latin : they 
should have written Nervae and Trib. Pot. Cos, III P. P. The Turbe is 
an old building : the lower part of it consists entirely of ancient cut and 
dressed stones (not in their original place) : and there is therefore more 
chance that the inscribed stone has come from the site near Mentesh 
(pp. 689, 698). 

. 641. (R. 1883). Ille-Mesjid \ fj fi. koI 6 b. ^rcf/xrio-cv M. Av/>. 2ej8a<r- 
T&v iTr€\€v$€pov Kpi^<rK€VTa, iirCTpoiTov Avybovvov FaXA^a; koX iirCTpoirov 
^pvyCas Kol iirirpoTrov KaaTprj(nv, iv iravri Kaipta rfepycTijo-airra rriv vSkip 
fffi&v. Tov ivbpiivTOi rrjv ivaarainv iroiria'aiJLivov [M ?] Avp. ^ SejSaorcai' 
iirckevBipov Zoaa-Cfiov. A.D. 161-169 or 176-180. 

Published in CIG no. 3888 as belonging to Eumeneia^ owing to 
inexact information from Laborde^ who copied it. Franz was wrong in 
tampering with the spelling of Avybovvov, strange as it is. 

The procurator rationis (or Jisci) castrensh has provoked much discussion. 
Prof. O. Hirschfeld^ considers that he was an official of the Imperial 
household^ managing the expenditure required for the upkeep of the 
(tomxis (conceived as castra, cp. Juv. IV 134). But Mommsen* points 
out that the Emperor was not in cast/a while he was residing in his 
(lomus in Rome ; as soon as he left Rome, his residence (even in Albanum 
Juv. 1. e.) was castra or praetorium ; hence Mommsen thinks that the 
proc, castr. managed the Imperial vestis castrerisis (I 4x7 note 4) and 
entire travelling equipment. This office was regularly held by an 
Imperial freedman, and was one of the highest positions open to him. 
Freedmen rarely became procurators of provinces; but Crescens after 
hocommg proairator castrensis was promoted to the procuratorship first of 

^ Called Ala-Mesjid, Speckled-red probably M. 

Mosque, BCH 1893 p. 275 (where this ' i?5w. Vencalinngsgesch. pp. 196 f 

inscr. is mentioned). My informant (altering his earlier view, Philol, Jaht-h, 

declared that the strange form I lie M. 1868 pp. 690 if). 

(Fifty Mosques) was correct. * Sfaatsrecht II p. 807 (782). Mar- 

* My copy has a blank space before quardt II p. 314 wrongly gives militHr- 

2«3. ; Laborde reads A^p. without M. t/i/en<fe«f as the equivalent of ^m)c.ra«f/*. 

Zosimos certainly had a praenomenj See also Liebenam Beiit\ p. 83. 


}»w. Fri/g. (CIL III 348), and then of Gallia Lugdun&nsis et Jquifania^ 
which was the highest provincial procuratorship. O. Hirschfeld and 
Friedlander^ therefore argue that the importance of the castr. is not 
satisfied by such duties as Mommsen would assign to him, and that the 
Emperor's domu9, though in the Augustan theory not military, became 
so in the later conception. 

On the procuratorship of Phrygia see Ch. XIX. 

642. (R. 1 891). Mentesh. BCH 1893 p. 275 differently*. Letters 
very faint and rude. Aip, ^AvtCoxo^ ^€Ko[iPvb(^ koI 'EiriKr?;r<j) r€Kvoi.9 y\v- 
KVTirois M^^/M^y X^P^^' ^^ ^^ '"^ mH^m]^ TaCov [rT/xTlfcXoi; ktA. ^ 

Is there here an ivaviaxris (see no. 415), understanding iari rd [xvrjfxa 
TaC'^v ? 

643. (R. 1891). In a fountain on the upper (eastern) track from 
Sandy kli to Tchai-Keui. On a fragment of the entablature of a herooit : 
written from right to left in two lines. "Etovs Tfxfi\ fxrjvl f . Avp. Ba<r<ros 
p\ Tot^^s IbCois? I riKVOis?] ZooriKta koI Aoi^Acp] ical Bda-a-to [ — ]. A.D. 258. 

644. (R. 1891). Ibidem: two fragments much defaced^ which may 
belong to one stone I could not decipher the inscr., in which perhaps 
[ — ]€v ip^\L€pa]j-dfi[€vov] occurs. 

645. (R. 1883). Near Kusura on the road to Ballyk in a fountain. 
MapKOs OiKirioi Neicrcipeos koI MdpKOs OvKinos ^afifwos ir^ifirjaav tov 
^avT&v Traripa. €<t\ a d. i 20-121. The date by letters alone also occurs 
in no. 350. 


NOC €T£ I i>lHJ||. CANTON€ 
AYT f^ N n AJiriikTC P A€C 

^ Sitlengeach, I p. 194 (ed. VI). remaining lines. I have CEKO-, BCH 

> BCH ends El AETO A omitting the hasCEKON. 
VOL. I. PT. II. A a 


The two sons were evidently bom in the reign of M. Ulpius Trajanus; 
the cognomm of the younger belongs to the Flavian dynasty. We have 
here probably a Phrygian family that had been raised to the civitas. 
The ornamentation underneath formerly seemed to me to contain a Chr. 
symbol; but, on better knowledge of Phrygian monuments, the style 
seems to me rather to be native Phrygian, and to bear no resemblance to 
any known Chr. symbolism. Moreover it is very doubtful whether the 
cross had been adopted as a Chr. symbol so early as a.d. 120. 

646, 647. (R. 1883). Ibidem. [ — "yiho^ yvvaiKSs. 


648. (R. 1883). On the acropolis near Emir-Hissar. CIG 3968 
differently. ^AirovXauColv Kal AovkIqs. alavr|ot9 alTroCticrav fw|rrc9. 

I thought the inscr. was complete ; but the more grammatical restora- 
tion of Franz 'ATrovXateta^? .... o]\v koI Aovkios alavT\oh is perhaps to be 
preferred, as there is unengraved at the end of the first line. 

649. (R. 1883). Emir-Hissar. [ — ] rot? iavvKplTois yov€v<n /x. x- 

650. Sorkun. MM. Legrand and Chamonard BCH 1893 P* ^75 ' 
two fragments [fj deii/a Avp, Aoij?]K'p /ca[t A]up, ^iXCimto koI Avp, AovKda 
Koi Avp. EvdaX[i]<j^ koI Avp. [Q€o}b<ipq roty iavrrjs riKvon iTroCrj(r€v p,. x* 



Avmcius Marcellus c. 180-200 in Hieropolis or Hierapolis: it is 
not proved that he was actually more than presbyter. 

Zotikos of Otrous, bishop or presbyter, contemporary. 

Aberkios, according to the legend, succeeded Avircius Marcellus : this 
authority is absolutely devoid of value. 

Flaccus Hierapolitanus 325 might belong to either city Hierapolis Phr. ; 
but Flaccus ab leropoli 347 is probably the same as the preceding, and of 

Eugenius Eucarpiensis 325. 


Auxamanos^ Eucarpiensis 381. 

Aberkios ^Upa-nok^oas 451. 

Kyriakos Eiica/wias 451. 

Basilios TToAecoy "Orpov 451 (absent). So always, not 'OrpoO. 

Photeinos Otri c 460. 

Helladios ttJAccws TcKToplov 451 (absent). 

Anxanon TrrfAccos Bpv(ov 451 (absent). 

Dionysios ttjs EvicapTrccor TroXeo)? 53^« 

Paulos TToAecos Sreicropfov 536> 553* 

Maeedonios Bpov<rqv&v ? 536 (see Ch. XIII App, II § 2). 

Michael *Ie/[xi7roAea>9 787« 

Constantine or Constans^, Kdvaras irrfAecws Evica/)7r^ay 787. 

Stephanos presbyter ToiroTYiprjTris "Oarpov or "Orpov 787. 

loannes presb. ^k Trpoa-dTrov rod Opovov 'E/crope^ou (i. e. ^reKToplov) was 
present at Actio II and IV, but absent later 787. 

Germanus Stectorii 869. 

Constantine Eucarpiae 879. 

Michael Otri 879. 

Georgius Stectorii 879 (given by Le Quien ; not in my transcribed list). 

Germanus tov *EktopCov 879 : these were probably rival Ignatian 
and Photian bishops. 



(i) 1881 Nov. (with Mrs. Ramsay and A. C. Blunt) from Synnada by 
Mahmud-Keui^ Bash-Euren-Keui, Sandykli (Kusura, Ballyk), Kara- 
Sandykli^ Kelendres^ Akkarim^ over Hassan-Bel to Sitchanli-Ova. 

(2) 1883 June, with Sterrett, from Siblia by Duz-Bel, Mentesh 
(Stektorion, Hie Mesjid), Kizil-Euren, Avshahr, Kazan-Bunar, hence 
excursion to explore Dombai-Ova, returning to Ballyk, Minjile, Kusura, 
Sandykli, Hammam (Maghajil), Kotch-Hissar, Kuynjak, Emir-Hissar 
(Ala-Geuz, Oda-Keui, Kara-Sandykli, Kelendres, Kuyujak), Sorkun, 
Saltyk, into Moxeanoi. Sterrett made separate excursion to Dut-Agatch, 
Bektash, Karghyn, Ak-Inn, Seljiik, and Tchai-Keui. 

^ AaxomenoBorAazanomenoB is pro- ' A good example of the equivalence 
bably the correct name : cp. no. 350 of full name and abbreviated name, 
and p. 493. 

A a 9 


(3) 1883 October (alone) from Metropolis by Haidarli^ Ballyk, 
Kiisura, Sandykli, Ekin-Hissar, Iressik, Kelendres, Irkut, Kuyujak, 
Tchor-Hissar, Kotch-Hissar, Karadja-Euren^ Kizzik^ Hadjan^ Mah- 
murra, hence over hills by Tchakir-Uzu (3 hrs. 43 min.) to Synnada 
(4 hrs. 9 min.). 

(4) 1 887 June (with Hogarth and Brown) from Eumeneia by Sheikh- 
Yakshi, Yimruja, Sorkun, Kizilja-Keui^ Kotch-Hissar, thence by Saoran^ 
and over momitains by Kalejik to Afion-Kara Hissar. Hogarth and 
Brown made excursion to Sandyklik 

(5) 1888 Jiilie (with Mrs. Ramsay) froni Eumeneia, by Sorkun, 
Murtat, Hammam (Sandykli), over Duz-Bel to Apameia. 

(6) 1 89 1 May (with Mrs. Ramsay) from Apameia over Duz-Bel, 
Mentesh (excursion into hills W.), Sandykli, Tchai-Keui, Bektash, 
Karghyn, over Gumalar-Dagh (in search of sources of river and place 
called Gonyklisia in Acta Abercii) to Yiprak^ 



§ 1. The Pentapolia and Avircius Marcellus p. 709. § 2. T^e Legend of 
St. Abercius p. 713. § 3. Diffusion of Christianity in Central Phrygia p. 715' 

Appendix: Inscriptions, (i) The country of the Moxeanoi p. 717. (2) The 
Phrygian Pentapolis p. 719. (3) The Synnada District p. 735. (4) Aristion and 
Prymnessos p. 736. (5) Dokimion p. 742. 

§ 1. The Pentapolis and Avircius Marcellus. The Glaukos^ 
valley was Christianized early. Nothing is known as to the facts ; but 
the tradition that St. Bartholomew was the Apostle of the Lykaones 
makes it probable that Ceptral Phrygia was the country iu which his 
mission lay. It is impossible to take Bartholomew as the Apostle of 
Lycaonia, for that position belonged confessedly to Paul. That the 
Lykaones were in Central Phrygia is certain, as they were in the 
conventus of Synnada ; and, if we have rightly assigned their position, 
the Apostle of the Lykaones could hardly avoid preaching also in 
the Pentapolis ^. Bartholomew, though the Apostle of the Lykaones, 
is not called the Apostle of the Pentapolis ox of any of its cities. This 
seems distinctly to imply that the origin of Christianity there was 
traced back eve^ earlier than the mission of Bartholomew, and that 
can only be to Paul pr ope of hip coadjutors, such as Timothy, 
Mark ^ &c. 

All that is known of the history of the Pentapolis centres round 
the name of Avircius* M^rcellqs. He is presented to us ^ as the most 
prominent Church leader in a district already permeated with Chr. 
influence, and the chief figure in the resistance to Montanism in the 
latter part of the second century. His part does not lie in conversion 

^ The name Glaukos is uncertain, to the Pentapolis. 

p. 354. ' See note 3 p. 51 1, and below § 3. 

' M. Radet actually places the Lyka- * On the name, see no 672. 

ones in the territory which we assign * Euseb. H, E, 


from paganism: that is a thing of the past: controversies within 
a Church already {powerful are the only reason why his name has 
been preservevi. To him. as either bishop or presbyter, a treatise 
against the Montanists was dedicated : the unknown author speaks 
of Zotikos of Otrous as ' our co-presbyter ^/ so that all three were 
evidently influential pei^ons in the Church of the Pentapolis. The 
date of the treatise is determined by its reference to the 13 years of 
profound peace for the Church which have just elapsed. These are 
mcst naturally explained as the years of Commodus 180-192 *. Avir- 
cius was at that time a man of high standing, and therefore of mature 
age. The remarkable inscr. 657 was composed by him about that 

The purpose which this inscr. was intended to fulfil is of the first 
consequence in studying the text. It was composed in the heat of 
the controversy against the Montanists by one of the anti-Montanist 
leadei"S. He took the marked and bold course of inscribing on his 
tomb, outside the south gate of the city, a declaration of his unalter- 
able sentiments, and of the experience which showed him that^ alike 
in Rome and the extreme E., his sentiments were those of the Uni- 
versal Church ^ The key to his intention is given by the word 
^v€p6^9 in 1. 2. He intended this declaration, inscribed in a con- 
spicuous position l>efore the public eye, to be an imperishable record 
of his testimonv and of the messa«Te which he had to deliver to 
mankind in favour of the one and indivisible Church catholic, and 
against Montanism. He took care before his death that his testament, 
inscribed on his grave, should continue for ever to protest against the 
Montanists. Publicity, permanence, and unalterability were the 
objects which the ancients aiuied at in inscribing their laws and 
other impoiiant documents on marble or bronze, and placing them 
in a public place where all could see and read ; and Avircius Marcellus 
desired that his testament should be ' before the eyes of men.' In 
comparison with this powerful and strikingly appropriate sentiment, 
the reading of MSS. (Kaipw) is singularly commonplace and weak*. 
It is impossible to believe that the imitator, who put on his own 
grave (no. 656) some lines of Avircius's testament, improved so much 
on his model ; and the fact that he read 0ai'€p[co9] must be taken as 

* a-v^nrpea-tSmpoi ^/x'iv : the term was the date 192-193. 

quite applicable, if one or all three ' See no. 657. 

were bishops. * 'Citizen of a Select City, I have 

' M. Duchesne dates the treatise made this in my lifetime in order that 

(T. A. D .21 1 : Light foot, Zahn, De Rossi, I may have in due time a place for my 

Bonwetsch and many others agree in body.* 



a proof that it was in the original epitaph of Avircius. Yet many 
recent scholars ^ prefer the feeble and vapid reading KaipS against the 
testimony of the ancient inscr. 

In composing his testament for permanent publicity, Avircius had 
to adapt it to the circumstances of the time. As we have seen \ it 
was not possible to put forth in such a public way a statement that 
was overtly Chr. The testament was necessarily composed in such 
terms as should be capable of passing as an ordinary metrical epitaph ; 
but 1. 19, ' let him who comprehends these words, viz. every one who 
is in sympathy with the author, pray for him/ contains an obvious 
reference to the esoteric sense that underlies the words. The success 
with which the aim was achieved has been unintentionally set in 
strong relief by Dr. Ficker, who has essayed the proofs that there is 
not a word or phrase in it which might not have been used by a 
priest of Cybele. His paper is a remarkable example of ingenuity in 
details and failure to conceive the document as a whole ; and it is 
hard to say whether the scholar who can understand this epitaph as 
the public testament of a priest of Cybele shows more misapprehen- 
sion of the character of second century paganism or want of appre- 
ciation of the spirit of second century Christianity. The testament 
of Avircius, then, was intended to bear both an exoteric sense, satis- 
factory to the ordinary reader, and an esoteric sense for *him who 

Avircius lays great stress on his travels, his visit to Rome and to 
the East ; and he obviously intended that the sense should spring 
into the mind of the ordinary reader, * in Rome I saw the Emperor 
and the Empress.' His real purpose, however, was to bring out that 
he had visited the Church in Rome and the E., and could bear witness 
to the unanimity and intercommunion of the members of all the parts 
of the Church ^. In the same way Hegesippus laid stress on the fact 
that everywhere * he found himself in harmony with the authorities of 
the Church ^.' It is probable that already at that time great stress was 

^ So Duchesne, Lightfoot, Marucchi, 
Hamack, De Rossi (who says dubitanter 
recepi), Zahn is here very good : so 

* See pp. 5CX) f. 

* Berl. Akad. Sitz, 1894 pp. Zj ff. 

* See Church in R. E. pp. 288, 318 f. 
Basil Caes. Epist, 191 speaks of rep ap- 

nap* tKoripov lUpovs /3ad((oinraff tSȴ ddcX- 

(fiSiV o}f (dia /xcXt; irpoa-UyAVOi Kr\, 

• Eusebius IV 22 iv iKdarjj troXet ovt€»£ 
^X€t ODS 6 pSfios Krji}v(ra'(i Koi ol 7rpo^i)rai 
#cai 6 Kvpios : cp. Westcott K T. Canon 
p. 187, Ritschl EnMehufig d, K, p. 268. 
He says that at Corinth avvavtnuriiitv 
T^ 6p$<^ Xoyy (cp. Bam. XV 32), where 
Hort (from whom I quote) would insert 
cV, Jud. Christ, p. 167. 


laid by the Chr. on visiting Rome and Syria : Polycarp visited Rome 
in 154, and he speaks to the Philippians of his intention to visit 
Syria: Melito visited Syria ^ Pionius says at a later date, in terms 
strikingly like those used by Avircius, ego namque transgressvs 
omneni Judaeorum terram cuncta jyerdidici^ et Jordane tranamiaso 
vidi terram^ &c. 

The -wish of Avircius to continue to speak thus after death to the 
Church is natural. M. Le Blant, 11 p. 161 has observed the ten- 
dency to put on the grave some profession of faith which is directed 
against any heresy prevalent in the same region. In the neighbour- 
hood of Lyon, and nowhere else, he finds a large number of epitaphs 
in which the hope for resurrection is formally stated*. He explains 
this from the fact that Gnosticism, which denied the resuiTection of 
the body and declared that the resurrection was purely spiritual, had 
been introduced into Gaul in the second century. Irenaeus wrote 
against this dogma ; and the letter of the Churches of Lyon and 
Vienne insists on the belief in the resurrection of the body. The fact 
that the heresy spread in the Lyonnaise district produced a corre- 
sponding insistence on the orthodox dogma in the same district^. 
Another heretical tenet was that Christ had not a material body, and 
had not personally suffered death ; and this idea (closely connected 
with the other) was also denounced by Irenaeus and on some inscrip- 
tions of the Lyonnaise *. 

At the age of 72, Avircius prepared a grave for himself, according 
to the common fashion of the country, and composed an epitaph 
which was eugraved on it under his own direction, no. 657. This 
document has become famous ; it formed the centre of a legend, and 
was preserved thereby. The tombstone stood by the roadside near 
the southern gate of the city Hieropolis for centuries, and was natur- 
ally greatly respected by the Chr. of the district. Its language 
affected other Chr. writers ^ ; and it was imitated in the Pentapolis. 
One of these imitations, no. 656, was composed by Alexander, son of 
Antonius, in A.D. 216. The epitaph of Avircius was therefore composed 
earlier than that year and already respected in the city, Further 

' Euseb. H. E.IV 26. dogma ; and quotes from Augustine Ep, 

^ sun-ectura cum dominus advenerit^ LV § 15 stantes oramus quod est signum 

9utTectutnis in XPO, inspe resun'ectionis resun-ectmiis. 

misericoi'diae^ and many others. * Le Blant II p. 198 Crist i morte re- 

* Le Blant explains the representa- demtus. 

tions of Daniel and of the deceased "^ The Chr. author of Lib, Sihyll. V 

standing in the attitude of prayer as (see comm. on no. 657 \ Acta Pionii (see 

a symbolic insistence on the same p. 714). 


when we compare the two inacr., the change in the lettering is so 
great that a considerable interval mii(8t be placed between them : we 
can hardly date Avircius's epitaph much later than 192, and it might 
well be earlier. But the boldness with which it was placed in a 
public position suggests that it was composed after peace for the 
Church had lasted some time^: hence 192 seems a probable date, 
implying that Avircius was bom in 121 a.d. 

§ 2. The Legend of St. Abercius. About two centuries after 
the epitaph of Avircius was composed, another glimpse of the state of 
the Pentapolis is opened up by the Acta 8. Ahercii, in which the 
name is used only in its later form, no. 672. . The Acta exist in 
several MSS., and in some variations. The best and earliest form 
is still unpublished ; but some extracts which Rev. H. Thurston has 
sent mo show how much more valuable it is than the published 
forms *. The date of composition is shown by the fact that it calls 
the province 0pvyia MiKpd : now it has been shown above that this 
name was in use during the fourth century (the examples range from 
325 onwards), and began to be supplanted towards the end of the 
century by the name Salutaris, which soon became universal ^. The 
Ada therefore can hardly be dated much later than 400, while they 
are profosscdly later than 364 *. 

In the Acta the historical Avircius Marcellus is transformed into 
the legendary St. Abercius. He is the hero of the evangelization of 
Phrygia, and a worker of miracles ; he goes to Rome on the summons 
of Marcus Aurelius to cast a devil out of his daughter Lucilla; he 
orders the devil to caiTy an altar from the Circus in Rome to Hiero- 
polis; and he uses this altar as his tombstone. He ha^s become 
a centre round which has collected a religious myth, embodying both 
the popular conception of the early history of Christianity in Phrygia, 
and several local legends connected with natural features of the 
distinct. The production of the hot springs S. of Hieropolis and of 
the spring at the Place of the Rnee-bending on the mountain that 
overlooks Lysias, which were doubtless formerly attributed to some 
pagan deity, were by the Chr. attributed to St. Abercius ; and the 
story how he sat on the stone by the village Aulon, and the villagers 

^ See p. 501. criticism is called aiegreich by Zahn 

'^ Quotations from it pp. 342, 710. p. 62 n. (see above p. 344). Duchesne 

' See p 82. My first short statement prefers a date under Justinian. 

to this effect (JHS 1882 p. 344) was * The reference to Julian suits better 

disputed by M. Duchesne Ber. Quest, a date within the century following 

Hist. 1883 p. 21 ; and the reply to his him. 


ridiculed him, is evidently modelled on the tale of Demeter sitting on 
the aycXaoToy nirpa (which makes it probable that a tale similar 
to the Eleusinian was current in the Pentapolis). Along with these, 
more vulgar pieces of rustic wit were connected with the Saint : his 
detection of the dishonesty of his travelling companion, and his 
affliction of the villagers - of Aulon with insatiable appetite, are 

The legend grew in the valley, and, except in some details, was not 
th^ free invention of any writer. It was caught from the popular 
mouth by the author, who copied the epitaph from the stone and 
incorporated it in his work, about A. D. 4C0. The plan of composi- 
tion is similar to that of the Vita Polycarpi composed by Pseudo- 
Pionius, which in an almost valueless biography incorporated genuine 
ancient documents ^. The author was certainly well acquainted with 
the Pentapolis and the neighbouring country. The local features are 
caught with accuracy. The journey of the Imperial couriers (vuzgis- 
triani) from Rome to Byzantium is described badly, but from Byzan- 
tium to Hieropolis well. The change from the Imperial post-road at 
Sjrnnada to the difficult track across the mountains leading to Hiero- 
polis is marked : as far as Synnada the road was unmistakable, but 
after Synnada the couriers required to employ guides, and arrived in 
Hieropolis the same day at the ninth hour. The Saint himself knew 
the easiest and best way of travelling to Rome. Leaving the magis- 
triani to return by their toilsome land journey, he took the road 
S. to Attaleia (which he could easily reach in five days), and there 
took one of the many ships coasting along from Syria or Egypt ^ 
towards Rome. 

The local legend may have contained some historical facts. The 
benefaction to the poor of Hieropolis, which was abrogated by Julian, 
may probably be real, though it cannot have been instituted so early 
as the time of Avircius: nothing of the kind could have survived 
Diocletian, even if it had been possible before. The ' Place of Knee- 
bending* was probably a secluded place in the mountains, where 
secret conventicles had been held in the times of persecution \ Any 
communication with M. Aurelius seems wholly improbable*; and 
the incident of the Princess Lucilla is a threadbare tale that has done 
duty time after time, and was worked up by the author. This part 
of the Acta is probably to a considerable extent a free invention of the 

* See Lightfoot Ignai. and Pohjc. II ' Church in R. E. p. 436 n : see also 

p. 1007. below pp. 754 ff. 

' See my St. Paxil the Trar, p. 319. * See comm. on no. 657 1. 7. 


author \ who has taken some trouble to fit his invention into the his- 
torical facts, though not always successfully. There was a strong 
inclination, shown in some other tales, to make the good Emperor 
Aurelius into a semi-Chr. 

§ 3. Diffusion of Christianity in Central Phrygia. That the 
Pentapolis was Christianized very early is plain from the facts above 
stated. The evidence of inscr. is to the same effect. We have here 
seven Chr. inscr. before Constantine ^, and only two later. In the 
country of the Moxeanoi, which lies between the Pentapolis and 
the district discussed in Ch. XII, we have two Chr. inscr. before 
Constantine and one later. It is therefore clear, both from formulae 
and from the relative numbers, that these districts must be classed 
along with the country of Eumeneia and Apameia in the early history 
of Christianity. At the same time, along with the similarities, there is 
a distinct difference of style in some respects between the Pentapoli- 
tan and the Eumenian epitaphs. The Pentapolis had an independent 
development, parallel to that of the Eumenian valley ; and doubtless 
it too experienced the destroying effect of Diocletian's action. 

The origin of Christianity in this district goes back to the Pauline 
circle 3. Avircius Marcellus, probably, bears witness to the Pauline 
authorization of their Church, when he speaks of Paul and Paul 
alone as his companion on his journeys, no. 657. Now Paul would 
pass through the skirts of the Pentapolis on his journey from Fisidian 
Antioch to Ephesos through the higher lying country * ; and on no 
other occasion could he have touched the Pentapolis or Eumeneia. 
In the obscurity that envelopes the history of the time, we can make 
no assertion; but the little evidence which exists points to Paul's 
journey across the higher lying parts of Phrygia as the first beginning 
of the movement in it ^. It is true that he seems not to have pro- 
duced any effect in the districts of Metropolis or Motella^, which he 
also crossed ; but it is characteristic of all his journeys, that he was 
influential only at certain central points, and apparently made no 
impression on many others. 

^ JHS 1882 p. 348, *it is not probable ' See above § i. 

that there is any historical element * Acts XIX i. See Church in R. E, 

underlying the tale * of Lucilla. This p. 94 (ed. II or later) ; and below 

has been demonstrated by Mr. Cony- App, II. 

beare in Academy 1896 I pp. 468 f. ^ duXdcoy Acta XIX i imphes e?an- 

^ Also inscr. 635, which shows a mix- gelization, as has been shown in Ex' 

ture of Chr. and pagan expression, and positor 1894. 

therefore attests the influence of Chris- • See above p. 510. 
tianity in the district. 


But the range of thiB impulse evidently did not cross the mountains 
E. or N. of the Pentapolis. In the Synnada district we find no Chr. 
inscr. before Constantine, and 8 after: in the valley of Aristion and 
Kidyessos none before, and 2 after ; in Prymnessos none before, and 
8 after; in Dokimion none before^ and 13 after. Many of these 
3 1 inscr. belong certainly to the fourth century ; and it is clear that 
the revulsion from the persecution of Diocletian, and the impres- 
sion produced by the endurance of the martyrs, resulted in a rapid 
diffusion of religion in Central Phrygia generally ^. That does not, of 
course, imply that the diffusion only began in the fourth century; 
but that the new religion had previously not been strong in those 
regions until then. At the same time intolerance on the one side 
produced intolerance on the other, and the development of the whole 
country was permanently injured by the sweeping massacre : Ch. XII 

§ 9. 

We notice, in passing, how irreconcilable are the facts of Chr. 

development in Phrygia with the theory that St. Paul founded 
a series of important churches in North Galatia, about Pessinus, and 
that he travelled from them across Phrygia to Ephesos, preaching 
by the way. The nearer we approach the Galatian frontier, the later 
are the traces of Christianity. Only near his routes in Lycaonia, 
Galatic Phrygia, and along the higher lying road from Pisidian 
Antioch to Ephesos, do we find proof of Chr. influence at an eai'ly 

Few martyrs are known from this part of Phrygia. Ariadne of 
Prymnessos, May 27, is a mere name, unknown to the oldest Mar- 
tyrologies. The Acta of Trophimos, Sabbatios, and Dorymedon, 
martyred at Synnada, is an interesting document. It is however 
a later composition, probably springing from the same literary move- 
ment which produced the Acta S. Ahercii. In both documents 
Phrygia is conceived as divided into two provinces ; but the gover- 
nor of Little Phrygia (Salutaris) is not of the higher rank (cGnsularis)^ 
which he attained at some time between a.d. 412 {Not» Dign. Or.) 
and 530 (Hierocles). 

* In the districts where the 'Eume- bers in the country immediately W. 

nian formula' was used in the third and N.W. of those districts are i and 9, 

century, there are known at least 57 in the country immediately E. and N.E. 

Chr. inscr. older than a.d. 300 and only o and 31. 
15 later. On the contrary the num- 



1. The Country of the Moxeanot. 

651. (R. 1883). Hodjalar. Ramsay in JHS 1883 p. 428, Cumoilt 
157. Ai/)?}A.iot I Fatoy Koi M'qv6<f>i\os iird o-a-TpaTet&i^ \ iraTd^s Avp. 'Ao-xXfi 
4>ai;<rrov koI Avp. | Adixvris ^lpr}va[Co]v, rdv pcoixdv Koi ttjv ( kqt airov (rophv 
avv r(|> iT(pi.p6\<^ K0i\p<a9 KarfcraK^vaaav ^avroh Koi \ rats yvvai^v avfQv 
Mecra-aXfCinj \ ITaTra koI Ba(riA(|> Ei^ivov' m ixqb€vl \ iripta i^clvai^ ^7rt(r€- 
V€VK€iv fj 0€lva(, I (4vov v€Kpdv ^ (Topov, fxovois yvrjaiois \ ^ix<av riKVOis' ci hi 
us vTi^vavriov 7roi^|[(rct • • *]oi;[*]<{) ^, ^orai avro) upbs rov OiEdv, \ [koI $(U(r€i] 
T^ TafjL^Cio [(brjv. — . tovt]ov iv[TCyp]a[<f>ov aircTidr} eis ra ap\€ia]. 

The age of this epitaph is uncertain ; but, judging from its whole 
character, we may place it towards the middle of the third century. The 
name Menophilos recalls no. 371 at Eumeneia> Gains Chr. no. 354, 654 
(perhaps 231). 

The use of Aurelius (generally Aur. simply) as a praenomen is treated 
on no. 235. [Such a case as Aurelia Pontiana CIG 3509 does not come 
under the principle there stated, for Aurelia is in this case the nomen 
(which was regularly used for Roman women's names) : hence there is no 
objection as regards name to the date c, 115, assigned by Waddington, 
Mommsen, &c., to the inscr.^ but disputed by Maass de SibylL Indicibus 
p. 41 on account of the name (as I learn from Schiirer Prophetin Isabel 
p. 49). Aiu'elia Pontiana must be understood to be a Roman woman, if 
her dat« is tf. 115 a. d.] 

The question of military service among the early Christians is touched 
on by M. Le Blant I p. 85* He points out the much smaller proportion 
of soldiers mentioned in Christian epitaphs as compared with pagan ^ 
He compares this with the small number of Christians designated on 

* The engraver wrote i^hmi and then ' His figures are 5-42 p.c. pagan sol- 
inserted a small c diers, and •57 p.c. Christian. See no. 

* Apparently NPc;> or N<t>c;>-. 209. 


their epitaphs as slaves ^ ; and concludes that the Church, while accepting 
both military service * and slavery as part of the established social order, 
inculcated on its adherents that their position as soldiers and slaves of 
Christ absorbed and replaced any other kind of service in which they had 
been engaged. Hence many authorities, such as Tertullian and Clement 
of Alexandria, absolutely forbade that Christians should be soldiers or 
bear arms ; but the Church as a whole never sanctioned this prohibition, 
or called on its converts to abandon the ranks or on its adherents to 
refuse to enter them. 

652. (R. 1883). Kilter, three miles N. E. from Yannik Euren, whence 
the stones in it are said to be brought. JHS 1883 p. 405, Cumont 156. 
frovs Tix€ f firj(vbi) y\ \ kip, 'A(rfcAf|7rio5|(£/)a Karecfcei^ao-ei; rb fjptfov \ [i]avTfj 
Kol T<^ yXv\KVTdT<^ fiov &\vbpl Avp, Tal<^ \ Evr[i;]xov ical Tta \ yXvKxrriTi^ | fiov 
riKV(^ I kip, Kov(iprcp | ft. x* I ^^ ^' Ircpdv tis iTr\i(r€v4vK€i ciy rji fiirqixclov, 
i(rT€ T^ I Ttpbs [rbv O^Sv], A. D. 260. 

T^ for avro), as in no. 367. 

653. (R. 1883). Kilter. JHS 1883 p. 405. [iir^p rfx^y? ' Amoracr ?> 
Cov kk TTJs avvprjov airov Ki [t]ov [tYkvov airov + iKVfxCOi & bovkos rov 
[Ofov kt\. 

The formulae mark this inscr. as of fourth (or fifth) century. 

It would be important to determine the exact age of this inscr., as the 
formulae in it are so frequent. The opening formula (if correctly 
restored ^) occurs in no. 458 f ., 668 f., and many others. The simple 
cross begins to be used in epitaphs at Rome about 450 and in Gaul about 
500 : but there can be hardly any doubt that it is decidedly earlier in 
Asia Minor. CIG 3857 t (quoted Ch. XII § 2) is not later than the 
fourth century, and may belong to the third ; and at Seleuceia Isaur. the 
simple cross perhaps occurs probably soon after 350 (see no. 673 nole). 
But the spelling and lettering are here late ; and a date after 400 is 
probable. fioOAoy rod ^cov, fanudus deiy dates in Gaul about a. d. 449- 
552, but is earlier in the East (no. 428) : iKot,p.r\Ori 6 5. is a developed 
and therefore later formula. 

' ThenumberofcaseswhereChristians 
indicate themselves as of servile rank 
is very much smaller than the military 
epitaphs. There were of course a con- 
siderable number of cases in which the 
Christian felt proud of honourable 
military service, but hardly any in 
which he felt proud of being the slave 
of an earthly master. Thus S. Julius 
says, suh anna militam et ordine meo 

egre^sus sum veteranus semper; famen 
Deum virum qui fecit caelum et ierram 
colui ; and S. Gordianus, num militaris 
ordo desperatam salutem Iwhet ? (Ruinart 
quoted by Le Blant I p. 86.) 

^ One or two soldiers at Seleuceia 
Isaur., no. 67^ footnote. 

^ [^vrina dia<f>€pov * A.vaaTa(ri]ov is quite 



2. The Phrygian Pentapolis. 

. 654. (R. 1883). Maghajil. JHS 1884 p. 4*9, Cumont 181. kip. 
AiovoC<rioi 7rp€(r)3[i;]r(po9 (c^v KaTecK^vaa-^v t6 KoifxriTripiov, clprjvri m(n 
rots &b€X<f>ois, 






ore I p^^f RACi 


The Chr. term KOip.jyrfipiov was in use as early as a.b. 251^ no. 445. 
The lettering of this inscr. might be of the later third or the fourth 
century. The term irp€<rpvT€pos was not overtly Chr. The interesting 
salutation ' to all the Brethren ^ is a mark of early date ; and De Rossi 
would class an inscr. containing it as pre-Constantinian. I formerly 


attributed this to the fourth century ; but am now disposed to assign it to 
the later third century. No. 654 and 655 probably belong to Stektorion. 
On the symbols see p. 490. 

^^S' (K" 1883.) Maghajil. JllS i8iB4 p. 429, Cumont 18a. Av/)i]- 
A40S I *A<rKX7j7r4a6ry[s] | €7roiTj<rcv To[{5]|ro rh icoi/xTy[TT}]|/)40j;. cip^2/[ry] | -n-do-jy 
r^ a6cA|[<^on;r]4. koi 8[s ir | Aro/>vfr/, Scao-ci ? icrA. or perhaps loTa4 
air^ ktA.] 

The stone is strikingly similar to no. 654^ and must be attributed to 
the same period. The penalty favours a third century date. It is note- 
worthy that the collective dSeAc^oTTjy had already been formed. The 
salutation which was given to every one in earlier inscr. (656, 658) is now 
confined to the Brotherhood. 

656. (R. 1881, 1883). Kelendres. Ramsay BCH i88a p. 518, with 
wrong restoration of first two lines, but correct epigraphic text : frequently 
republished, especially by De Rossi Imcr, Christ. Rom, II p. xviii, 
Cumont 178. ■ A good photograph from a paper impression is published 
by M. Duchesne in Mel. d^Arch, et d'Hist. 1895 Plate I. 

'EicjAcKT^y 7ro[Ac]ft)9 6 TsoK^Sj-qs t\ovt kiiol^aa 

C&v, I] J/' l\oi) (f>av([p<is] (rdjiaTos ivOa Oicriv. 

ovvo\ia *AXi^avbpos 'Avrcoi/fov, jxaOrjTris iroifxivos hyvov, 

ei 8' ovv, *P(t)ixa((av ra/x€f<j> Orja-^i bia\€iXia xpva-a 
Kol XPV*^ TtaTpCbi 'UpoTToKei x€tAta yjpvaa, 

ilp-fivy] Ttapayovaiv Koi nvr](r KOjxir ois tepl ffix<av. 

The date of this remarkable inscription, early in a. d. 316, is of the 
highest importance. At this period we see that the Chr. character in 
inscr. was carefully concealed ; and nothing except the phrases /xa^Tjr^y 
TT. a. and tlprjvrj tt. (both of which are only (fxavavra fu/crourtr) here 
reveals the religion. The religion is made still deafer by comparison of 
no. 657, which is here imitated. The imitation of metrical models in 
unskilful fashion was widespread in Phrygia. As yet we have seen few 
or no examples of it, for it was commonest in the society where Greek 
was beginning to spread : the Maeander valley was early hellenized, and 
that class of epitaphs is not exemplified there ^ In N. Phrygia, where 
Greek spread later, this class of metrical epitaphs, sometimes barely 
metrical, is exceedingly common ; also in Central and E. Phrygia. The 

^ Except the Tchal district (Dionyso- of the kind occurs, which I have not 
polis &c.) ; and there a good example published, as it is incomplete. 



influence of lost models is often apparent, unsuitable names being 
substituted unmetrically for the original names. Id the present ease 

the model is preserved, and we see that 'AA^^wfipos 'Avriovlov has been 






e Aw&poc/> 



substituted for 'Aou/picioE. M. Le Blant II pp. 1 79 f. gives many examples 
of similar errors, and also of verbatim reproduction of a formula in 
a rather unsuitable way. See eomm. on no. 6~,J. 

In the Chr. inscr. given in Ch. XII and XYII the amount of the fines 
mentioned is never extremely lai^, varying from 500 to 3000. Much 

VOL. I. PT. II. B b 


larger numbers are named in inscr. about a. d. 300 or later : 3000000 
and loooooo Alh, MUtL 1881 p. 259 (Mordtmann), 500000 and 
250000 ihi(L p. 260, 200000 Renan Mission en Phenicie 255. Such 
numbers of denarii denote, as Mordtmann remarks ^, not the silver denarius 
of earlier time, but the small copper of late imperial time (6000 in the 
solidvs). Even numbers like loooo CIG 2832, 2834, Wood Ephesns^ 
inscr. fr. iomhs 18, LW 1639, 20000 Kaibel 1904, hardly occur in early 
inscr. The numbers became larger as the date became later ; and this 
consideration agrees with the view we have taken as to the date of the 
class of Chr. inscr. concerned. 

Fines were commonly made payable in gold in the fifth century 
inscriptions found at Concordia (Kaibel 2324 ff) ; but such a provision 
is exceedingly rare in the second or third century. Prof. G. Hirschfeld 
in his useful study, Grabschriften welche Geldsirafen anordnen [Konigsberger 
Stndien I p. 144) finds only four examples besides this one, at Adramyttion 
(fine 25 xpv<rouy, Smynu Mous, no. fa'), at Smyrna (fine 22 yjpvaovs BCH 
1879 p. 328, Smyrn, Mous, no. 166), and at Philippi and in Thrace '"*. 
The amount here named, 3000 gold coins, is apparently enormous, 
especially in comparison with the 22 and 25 of the parallel cases. Prof. 
G. Hirschfeld * quotes from Hultsch Metrologie p. 324 n, 4 (ed. II) the 
rule in force from the time of Elagabalus that payment to public bureaux 
must be made in gold, and regards this as decisive of the date of CIG 
2040, where payment in gold is required. But here and in no. 657 gold 
payment is required in a. d. 216 and (probably) 192. 

657. (R. 1883, confirmed 1888). In the bath-house at the hot springs 
three miles S. of Hieropolis (now in the Lateran Museum). Ramsay in 
JHS 1883 p. 424, Cumont 177. Many other copies taken from the 
stone have been published since the stone was brought to Rome : all 
agree with R.*s published copy, except in places where the stone has 
sufEered in transit. 

In the following text those letters or words, which occur neither on 
the actual stones (656, 657) nor in any published MS. of Acta Aberciiy 
are enclosed in square brackets. 

ckXckt^s ttoXcws 6 iroK^Crrfs tovt iTTolrjaa 

fd)i;, iv €\<») (f>av€p<io[9] (T<i\iaTos (v6a Oicriv, 
ovvoyi ^AovCpKLOS [cUr, 6] jxaOrjTris Tloifxivos ayvoVj 
4 OS fiocTKCi TT/oojSiro)!; AyeAa? 6pe(n[v] TT^bCots re, 
6cl>6aKixovs os €\€i fxeydkovs [koI ttolvO'] opooivras' 

^ Aih. Mitth. 1881 p. 259: cp. S. Rei- * He omits the inscr. of Concordia, 

nach Epigr. Gr, p. 430. ' Grahschtiften p. 89 n. 3. 


ovTOs yip fi ibCba(€ [ ] ypdfXfJLaTa iriari, 

cis 'Pdfxrjv OS iTt€fi\lf€V ifxkv fiaaiXriav iLOprja-ai 
8 Kol PaalKiaaav Ih^lv xpva-SaroXov xpva-oiribikov' 
Xaov y flbov iK€i Xafntpav (r<f>pay€Tbav tyovra' 
KoX ^vpCrjs Ttihov ^Iba koX iorea irivra, N^trt/Sir, 
FjV<f>paTr}v bia^as' itavrr) 5' ia^xov (T\:vopJi[Q€is\ 
12 WavKov ixoiv ^iT^fxrjv], ITiarts Trdi/rry bi irporjye 
Kol TTapi6r]K€ Tpo(f>i]v 'ndtrrq, ^IxOvv iird Trriyrjs, 
TtavpieyiOr}, KaOapov, 8v ibp&^aro UapOivos ayvrj, 

Kol TOVTOV ilTib(»iK€ <f)C\oiS loSeLV blCL TTaVTOSt 

16 olvov yjiri(TTbv (\ov(raj Kipaapxi bibovaa fX€T iprov, 
Tavra TrapfOTtos elirov *AovCpKios «55c ypa<f>?jvaL' 
kpboixrjKoa-Tbv Itos icat bivrepov fjyov &krj6<as. 
ravO^ 6 vow ev^aiO* xm'kp [avrov] ttSs 6 avvi^bd^, 
20 ov ylvToi TVfifitj^ Tis ifXi^ Ir^pov Tiva dijaec 

el S* ovvy ^PuipLaCuiv Tafxeita Orfcrei, bia^eCKia ypva-a, 
Kol xPl^^ji f^CLTpibi 'UpdiroXli] x^^^^a xpva-a. 
Many errors have crept into the MSS, text, partly perhaps from false 
copying of faint letters, but much more from corruption in the trans- 
mission of the MSS. : thus we have i ro6', 2 Kaip^, ivOabe, 3 6 &v, 
4 ovpea-i, 5 ''Tcij/Ta KaOopocavTa^, and so on in 
most of the lines. Too much stress therefore ,-,-,>_^^. 

must not be laid on the reading of the MSS. .-..^.-..r* * ^ * .. 
x^v XI. X X -CI n ^ I. X u EMENBAZ AH 

in setthng the text. Excellent photographs i^ aidatiait 

of the text are published by Marucchi in TnAowYP 

Nuovo Bulltttino di Archeolonia Crisiiana 1895 ^ A^...v^.i^... 

^, _„ _„- , . ., < 4J xu ^ AA0NA€IA0N- 

Pl. III-VII: but as the edges of the stone ^jlw^.^^,\ ^ ..^ 

, J, J 1. • x • • 1 ZcbPATElAANE 

have suffered much m transmission and a ^AiTVPiuTnc 

number of letters have thus been lost, I add ^ aiaytcatt a 
the copy taken by Prof . Sterrett and myself ^.. i^._.. v 
in 188^ E¥(t>PATHN>^'A 

mu i- ttx.' ' x. n \. iv THAeZXONZYNC 
The discussions of this mscr. by Zahn iror- ^ .. v^ . ^ ^ 

schungen zur Gesch, a, N, T. Kanons V pp. 57 ff), 

Lightfoot Ign. and Foltjc. I pp. 476 ff, Duchesne L /", J a p ca w 1^ c 

iRev, Quesf. Hist. 1883 i ff, and MSL d'Archdol. „^ .. ^" ^ 

1895 PP- 155 ff). De Rossi {Inscr. CAr, Urb. Horn. j^^j^pEQ^.^ A0 

II pp. XII ff), Hamack {Texfe und Unters. .... / — *1^- 

VTT vx T?- 1 iT) I Ai 1 cv Q^ . E A P A 2 ATOn APOT 

XII 4 b), Ficker {BerL Akad. Sttz, 1894 pp. ^ AiTni^Tnuin: 

87 ff), Marucchi {N. Bull. Arch. Crist . 1895 ^ J^^^ 
pp. 1 7 ff) and many others, will be consulted 
by the student. I may also mention my own 

in JHS 1 88a pp. 339 ff, 1883 pp. 424 ff. Expositor 1889 IX pp. 253 ff. 

B b 2 


The circumstances in which this epitaph was composed bear intimately 
on its meanings see above § i. Some notes on the text are added. 

L. I. The iKktKTT] iroXty is exoterically Hieropolis \pr\<TTq; but esoteri- 
cally it is the heavenly city. Ignatius calls the Church in Tralleis 
^kAcktt}; but Prof. Hamack is certainly right against M. Duchesne in 
urging that Avircius could not have intended to call Hieropolis lK\€KTfi, 
The thought in the mind of the writer of this epitaph is obviously 
the same as that in the mind of Hermas, when he wrote ^ ^ yap irrfXiy 
v/icSj; [laKpiv iariv aitb rrjs iroAecoy ravTTys. As Philo (see p. 6^2 note %) 
called Jerusalem the Jews' metropolis, and their native city their irarpk, 
so Avircius distinguishes the 'Select City' from his irarpls ^Upiirokis 1. 22. 

2. 4>av€p is certain in no» 656 (the fifth letter can only be P or T). 
The MSS. read Kat/o^. The person who copied the epitaph when com- 
posing the biography found the letters worn and diflBcult to distinguish : 
6 xpovos v<f>€i\€ KOT d\Cyov TTJs iKpipiCas Kot riikapTriiiivoiS Ix^iv ttjv ypa(f>r\v 
Trapfo-Mvaaev. The last words seem to imply that the writing had faults 
due to time, which the copyist was obliged to correct. One of these 
was, I think, in this line: the (t)A had become faint, and he did not 
observe it, and N€Pn he read as K€Pn, i.e. K(at)/)<^. But the stone of 
Alexander, combined with the sense (see above, §1), proves that <f>av€p(a9 
is the true text. 

3. MSS. 6 0)1/ /uta^TjnJs, which is condemned by the metre. The text 
&v, 6 naOrjTTJs involves a bad use of the article ; but it may be defended 
by a similar case, 6 TroAe^rrys, 1. i. It is safer to keep near the MSS. 
than to read dfxC {hut cp. no. 241). 

4. MSS. oCpco-i. The metre demands some change. Other editors are 
agreed in Sp^cnv, and I have therefore printed it. But I retain my 
previous view that a probable cause of corruption was transposition : the 
stone began ovpca-iv oy (order as in line 5, 7), and this order was altered 
to bring ovpccn ir^bCois re side by side, though the poetic form was 
retained unmetrically. Mr. Bywater pointed out to me that, if 6p€<riv 
TTcSfots T€ had been the original text, it would be most unlikely to be 
altered into the unmetrical reading of the MSS. Moreover in Orac, SibyU, 
V 434 ff, which is obviously influenced by the language of Avircius, the 
line occurs ovp^aiv iv xpvaiois koL vifxaoLv Ei</)p7]rao. 

5. MSS. TrdvTa KaOopooivras. Some change is necessary. The editors 
are agreed in reading irivrr] KaOopQvTas, Here again, as Prof. Bywater 
pointed out, the poetic form -opoiavras is not likely to have been intro- 
duced, and Ttiivra to have been substituted against metre. The text 
probably was kox irivra opooDvras. The scribe omitted KaC and added it 

^ See note on no. 364. 



in margin or above the line; thus it came into the wrong place after 
irivra, and produced KaOopSoivras. 

6, The word (or words) after ibCba^e is uncertain. I inserted hihia-KOiv, 
on the advice of an Oxford scholar, Pitra, De Rossi have rh Cco^s, Zahn 
and Schulze \6yovs kqC (so A. Souter independently). I have not been 
able, as yet, to gather any aid from the Armenian translation published by 
Mr. Conybeare in the Classical Review 1896. The line which he suggests 
a<f>OdpTovs' ovTo^ fi ibCba^c Kal ypdixfjLaTi irioro) is unworthy of this epitaph. 

7. BAZ AH was on the stone distinct and certain in 1883 and 1888. 
In the course of transport by cart and train and steamer, and train again 
and cart or other conveyance, from the Pentapolis to Rome, the sharp 
edge of the stone has suffered ^, and the H on the extreme edge has been 
obliterated. The H was read by Sterrett and myself in 1883. We knew 
the importance of the inscr., and verified every letter repeatedly with the 
most scrupulous care ^ ; and the letter H is beyond question except on the 
view that we are unfit to copy an inscr. In 1888 I returned, in order to 
report to M. De Rossi (at his request) about the possibility of moving the 
stone. I took the opportunity of revising the text ; and again read H 
without hesitation. The copy made by Sterrett and myself is published 
in JHS 1883 p. 424 (compare p. 370), and accepted by most editors. 
Yet M. Duchesne prints )3a<rtA[€taj;], and in discussing the text does not 
even allude to our reading from the stone. The reading BAZ I AH is 
undoubtedly inconvenient for his interpretation ; but it is not a justifiable 
proceeding to pass in silence over adverse evidence ^. Apart from these 
difficulties his reading would give a satisfactory sense. He takes fiaa-fXfCav 
as 'kingly dignity,' tout ce qui jiour un provincial canstitnait le prestige de 
la cite reine '. 

Paa-iKi] avaOpTJa-at, is read by Zahn, Schulze, and others ; but I have 
every sympathy with M, Duchesne in rejecting it: it is a monstrum 
informs ISaaikrjap iOprjaai must be accepted. The addition of p to the 

^ I notice that the letters on the edge 
have suffered in other places also, 

* I made an impression in 1883, 
which I sent for inspection by some 
person, whom I have forgotten and 
cannot trace after enquiring of many 
scholars with whom I have been in 

' The most charitable supposition is 
that M. Duchesne wished to save him- 
self the disagreeable duty of saying 
that our copy was not worthy of con- 


* M. Duchesne quotes Clemens Rom* 
(lequel 8*e8t expHm^ sur Vempire^ sa hUr- 
archie^ son ann^e, en termes enthousiastes, 
attendris mime § 37, 60, 61), and recalls 
the enthusiasm of the monk Fulgentius 
in 500 A. D. (but that was a Chr. Rome). 
It would be easier to get that sense l^ 
reading /Sao-tXctai^ 'the Queen Rome/ 
cp. f] iiaaCKXs 'Pcb/Aijin inscr., Kaibel 1819, 
CIG 2801, 5910, 5853, BCH 1885 p. 128, 
CIG 2595, Just. Mart. Apoh I 26, 56. 


accusative of III Decl. nouns is a well-known phenomenon of later Greek, 
which has been treated elaborately by the grammarians, who discuss the 
relation of ancient to modem Greek. Examples occur among our inscr , 
Kavav no. 445, ik-nlhav no. 383, iiih in this epitaph 1. 7 (CIG 3440) ^ 
Lightfoot has very ingeniously observed that, in the biography, the Saint 
is represented as having seen in Rome only the Empress and the Princess, 
while the Emperor was absent. We see, therefore, that the author of the 
biography either read incorrectly paaCK^iav, or interpreted paatKr\av as an 
equivalent spelling to ^aalX^iav. The latter is a possible interpretation. 
The spelling -q for €t is a well-known epigraphic phenomenon (com- 
monest in the time of Augustus ^), 

Further, perhaps it is not wholly impossible that Avircius intended 
a double sense of Paaikrjav esoterically as equivalent to fiaaiK^lav ^, and 
exoterically equivalent to /3a<rtA€a ; but this seems improbable. I would 
take fiaa-ikrjav in the natural sense, accus. of /Sao-tAev;. There seems 
no insuperable difficulty in understanding that fiaaiX^vs may have had 
a mystical sense in early Chr. usage as well as fiaaCX^La or PaaCkKra-a. 
But it seems quite possible that Avircius meant fiairikrjav as the 
Emperor, the centre and embodiment of the royal dignity and the great- 
ness of Rome. The Christian Church was not disloyal in principle to the 
Empire. On the contrary it claimed to be entirely loyal to the Emperor 
and to all constituted authorities. The most simple and at the same time 
the most satisfactory interpretation seems to be that Avircius represented 
himself as going to Rome to see the ^ King/ as the supreme head of the 
JState, and the 'Queen,^ exoterically the Empress, but esoterically the 
Church of Christ. 

Again, in a poem of an allegorical and mystical character like this, 
with an esoteric sense carefully hidden under words that must be capable 
of a plain sense, it is absurd to expect that every word should have the 
fullest mystic sense. Some words suit only the exoteric interpretation : 
e.g. in 1. 10, Nio-ijSiv is mentioned without esoteric intention. 

8. Basilissa was certainly intended in a double sense, exoterically the 
Empress, esoterically the Church of Christ. On xp^o-ottcSiAos cp. Passlo 
S, Perpeiiiae, where the deacon appears vestUus discinciam candidam^ 
fiabens vmUipIices GalUciiIas {^Ix^v h\ TTOLKika v-nobrffxaTa) : afterwards 

^ Misconception of this added -v final u was retained in such accusatives 

has caused some errors : Kaibel Ep. e (like m in Latin) ; but Prof. Bywater 

Lapp, rejects it. Leemans mistakes the proved to me that it is true of later 

phrase tiXaaafiew (i. 0. -fi'ot) fxijrqiav Greek everywhere. See no. 395. 
*Avd€iTiu in his Grielsche Opsclir, uit ^ S. Rcinach itpigr. Grecque p. 263. 

Klein- Azie in Leiden p. 10. I had at ^ Accepting M. Duchesne's interpreta- 

firist explained -v as due to the influence tion. 
of the Phrygian language, in which 



Perpetua saw a man of wondrous size discinctatns purptiram inter duos 
clavoB per medivm pectus^ habens Galliciilas mult) formes ex auto et argenio 
facias^. Compare Orac, Sihyll. V 434 Ba^vkiav \pv(r6(rTo\€ yjivcro- 

10. N[(ripLVy taken at the beginning of the hexameter, by the older 
editors, Halloix, Pitra, &e., must be the last word of the hexameter, and 
is so given for the first time in my publication JHS 1883 p. 425 ; this 
arrangement of the lines was taken up, and the length of the second 
syllable of NtVtjSti; justified, by Lightfoot Ign, aiid Polyc, I p. 481 ; and 
is universally accepted now. 

1 1. Euphrates and ovpeaiv occur together in Orac. Sifjyll. V 437 (quoted 
on 4). At this point the stone has been injured. Formerly I thought 
it had been intentionally cut, from dislike of the name HAY AON, which 
has been nearly obliterated ; but in 1888 I found that at this point began 
a fracture which had detached the lower comer of the stone with all the 
following lines. This fragment was then quite separate, whereas in 1883 
the two fragments were held together by surrounding masonry so tightly 
that I thought there was no fracture ^. The injury to the text would 
therefore be easily explicable by the fracture, which occurred, doubtless, 
when the stone was transported to be utilized in the building. But the 
fact that the text of MSS. is imusually bad here, EnO[MHN] being 
omitted and EZc;> being read for EXc;>, shows that the surface was 
already injured when the author copied the inscr. ; still he was able to 
read TTAYAON and several other words, which have been injured by the 
fracture. Accidental injury to the surface (as in 1. a), therefore, was all 
that had occurred before a. d. 400. 

The stone still has ZYNO at end of 11, and the author copied some- 
thing which appears in MSS. as the unmetrical and non-existent word 
(rvvo\xr\yvpovs. Before it the MSS. have nivras 8' i<T\ov, which is either 
a corruption or a false reading by the author from the stone, which had 
TrdrTH. Probably the author read Z¥NOMH on the stone, and adapted 
the conclusion to suit ^arra9, 'all gathered together.' We need then 
a final word adapted to -navrr) ; and the only two are (rvvoixrjp^is (conjuncto^) 

' Compare Hermas Sim. VIII i, where 
a glorious angel of the Lord, exceedingly 
tall, gives rods to various persons (in 
Perpetua's vision the man held a green 
rod with golden appl